CHAPTER 1.

A TESTIMONIAL from some in the university of Cambridge concerning Cartwright’s readings. His letters to sir William Cecil concerning himself. But is discharged the college and university.

Richard Greenham. Dr. George Downham: the odd tempers of several of Cartwright’s followers; and their affected separation.

Anthony Gilby’s letter to Coverdale, &c. Exiles. Dangers from papists. The archbishop of Cassil’s discovery. Steukley comes to the king of Spain. The dangerous condition of Ireland from the Spaniard and French. Caution for the Low Countries.

CHAPTER 2.

A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, for obedience to the new king. Queen Elizabeth in perplexity about restoring of the Scots queen. Match for the queen with the French king’s brother. The queen how affected towards it. Astrological inquiry into her nativity about it. The pope’s bull against the queen set up at Paris A secret popish design against England.

Wrecks upon the coast of Sussex claimed by the bishop of Chichester. A suit with the lord admiral about it. Proclamations about pirates. The governor of the Isle of Wight sends out ships after them.

CHAPTER 3.

Orders and injunctions for preventing frays and rightings in London. Constables to carry staves. The queen’s daily learned studies. Secretary Cecilcreatedlord Burghley. His troubles. Sir Tho. Smith becomes secretary in his place. Walsingham ambassador in France, his complaint. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton; his death; disease and character. Earl of Sussex. Mr. Thomas Cecil’s letter to him: who had recommended him to the queen. Sir Francis Englefield’s presumptuous letter. Bishop Sandys nominated for London: his excuse; and acceptance: his first visitation. The Italian church in London. Fox’s second edition of his Martyrology. Lambard’s Perambulation of Kent. Dr. Wylson’s translation of Demosthenes.

CHAPTER 4.

Motions and letters concerning the queen’s marrying with duke D’Anjou. The matter of religion the great article. The queen will not allow him the exercise of the mass. Ambassadors from France move for that article. The queen’s resolution. The treaty put off.

Renewed again: but to no purpose. Fears and apprehensions hereupon. Amity however endeavoured with France. Motion of the match revived. Discourse about it between the French ambassador and the queen. She hath no inclination that way. Practice of Spain.

Sir Tho. Smith sent into France for cultivating amity. Promotes the marriage between the prince of Navar and the French king’s sister

CHAPTER 5.

Scottish affairs. Dangers by means of the queen of Scots.

Walsingham’s intelligence thereof; and advertisement. Money brought over from the pope for her service. The French king moves for her liberty. What passed between him and the English ambassadors. The Scottish queen practiseth with Spain. Monies sent into Scotland for her use from France; intercepted. Letters of hers intercepted, of her depending upon Spain; and taking that king for her and her son’s and kingdom’s protector. The Spanish ambassador dismissed by the council: and why. Lord Burghley to the earl of Shrewsbury, keeper of the Scottish queen. Bishop of Rosse’s book concerning her title to this crown. Answered by Glover, Somerset herald. Rosse in the Tower. His letter thence to the lord treasurer.

CHAPTER 6.

Amity judged, more advisable with France than Spain. Treaty with France. Aid required in case of invasion for religion. The Low Countries, in conference between count Lodowic and Walsingham at Paris, move for the queen’s assistance. Spain plays the tyrant.

Arguments used to move the queen on their behalf. Archbishop of Cassils, a pensioner of Spain, comes to Walsingham at Paris.

False. A rebellion in Ireland, hatching in France. The French king and queen-mother privy to it. Deny it to the English ambassadors.

CHAPTER 7.

A parliament. The succession; and matters of religion, transacted there. The bill for reformation. The queen displeased at it, as encroaching on her prerogative. Debates about it. Divers bills for religion brought in. Motion for a new confession of faith.

Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum produced in parliament. Bills about religion and the state of the church that passed. Acts against papists. Act for subscribing and reading the Thirty-nine Articles.

Many are deprived upon this act.

CHAPTER 8.

A convocation. Matters done there. An act made, very beneficial for employing of multitudes of poor. The queen’s con-cel nments with Scotland. Endeavours a reconcilement of the two parties there. Her resolution against the restoring of the Scottish queen: and why. Articles of pacification propounded by the queen to the two parties in Scotland. The queen’s agent’s notable letter to Graunge and Lidding-ton. Sends a challenge to the French ambassador. His letters to the lord regent of Scotland, duke of Lenox, and to earl Morton, intercepted. A book writ in favour of the queen of Scots.

CHAPTER 9.

The duke of Norfolk unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen.

The discovery thereof; by French money intercepted, sent to the duke, for her use in Scotland. A letter in cipher to him from that queen. The duke’s confession; and of his servants. The duke’s words at his condemnation: the execution put off by the queen: and why. One Rolph, a concealer, executed: and why. Mather and Verney hired to kill the lord Burghley; executed. Dr. Story executed. Some particular accounts of his death; and of his cruelty. His last will. Darbishire the Jesuit; his discourse about the English affairs.

CHAPTER 10.

Thc present concerns of the nation for the queen’s safety. Her marriage thought necessary. She falleth sick. Her verses upon the Scottish queen and her favourites. She requires liberty of religion for her merchants in France. Orders and exercises of religion in Northampton; with their confession of faith. The ecclesiastical commissioners sit at Lambeth. Christopher Goodman cited before them: his protestation of allegiance.

CHAPTER 11.

Zanchy writes to the queen concerning the habits. And to bishop Jewel. His advice. Blackal, a pretended minister, does penance.

Popish priests officiate in the church. Bishop Jewel’s death. His answer to Harding. His Apology. Friendship between him and bishop Parkhurst. William Kethe. Loans. Walsingham’s diligence.

Earl of Rutland. Sir Tho. Smith, ambassador. Victory over the Turks.

CHAPTER 12.

Campion, the Jesuit, persuades the bishop of Gloucester to renounce his religion. Many now leave off coming to church. Of this sort were some gentlemen in Norwich diocese. The bishop’s letters thereupon, moved by orders from the privy council. The said bishop’s sermon for satisfaction of puritans. Their exceptions to it in divers articles. A case of matrimony. The earl of Sussex to the bishop of Norwich, about buying and selling an advowson. The Dutch church in Norwich

CHAPTER 13.

The queen’s progress this year. Treaty with France about the match renewed. Sylva, an Italian physician, in London. The lord Burghley’s troubles, by means of the Spanish ambassador. Who charges him before the council. Falls sick. Marries his daughter to the earl of Oxford. Whose beha-viour creates great trouble to the lord Burghley. An adulterer brought before the commission ecclesiastical in York. Does penance at Bury in Suffolk.

CHAPTER 14.

A new parliament. The lord keeper’s directions to them from the queen; particularly relating to the doctrine ami discipline of the church. Bills for rites and ceremonies brought in; which gives the queen offence. Her message thereupon. Severely reflected upon by one of the members, viz. Peter Wentworth: for which he is sequestered. The parliament earnest upon a bill against the Scottish queen. Dashed by the queen. Duke of Norfolk: his virtues: his fall. The practices of the Scottish queen. The parliament’s proceedings against her.The queen’s directions to them in that matter.

CHAPTER 15.

The thoughts of the wisest men concerning the state, by reason of the Scottish queen. Her crimes under five articles. The queen’s instructions to her ambassador going to France, concerning that queen. Waisingham’s fears of a Bartholomew breakfast. Talk of putting the Scottish queen to death. Account given of her by the earl of Shrewsbury, her keeper. Linen sent to her, with secret writing on it.

CHAPTER 16.

A league offensive and defensive with France. Deliberation about the assistance of the prince of Orange. Duke Mont-morancy comes over ambassador. His reception. Sir Philip Sydney goes into France with the English ambassador. A motion made by the French ambassador for duke d’Alencon’s matching with the queen. His qualities. Lord Burghley’s. thoughts and advice concerning it. The queen irresolute. Sir Philip Sydney’s letter to her against the match with France. Cases of conscience in respect of marrying with a papist; and suffering mass to be said. Answered favour-ably.

CHAPTER 17.

The massacre at Paris. Many nobles and others of the English nation preserved in Walsingham’s house there. Among the rest, sir Philip Sydney. Walsingham about departing home. The king relates to him the reason he took this course. Walsingham writes of these matters into England. The French ambassador comes to the queen. Her excellent speech to him of the admiral’s murder; and her advice to the king. Some account of the massacre. Nothing but extremity towards those of the religion. England now upon its guard. Roulard, a catholic, murdered.

CHAPTER 18.

The motion renewed for the marriage. Walsingham declares his scruples to that court. An interview desired between the queenmother and queen Elizabeth. The jealousy conceived thereof.

Declined. The French’s dissimulation. Walsing-ham’s letter thereupon. The resentments of the English court. Still more bloodshed. The king hurt. Two put to death as conspirators: unjustly. The French king sends to the queen to christen his daughter. Her excellent answer. England a harbour for the persecuted French protestants. The queen protects them.

CHAPTER 19.

The carl of Worcester goes into France to assist at the christening of the French king’s daughter. The earl a Roman catholic; but loyal. The protestants fly to Rochel; and hold it against the French army. The new star in Cassiopeia. Divers of the murderers slain before Rochel. Rochel still holds out. Some others of the murderers slain. Some English offer to raise an army to go to Rochel. Books set forth to palliate the massacre. How the Scots resent the massacre. Now more inclinable to an amity with England. France false to England in Scottish affairs; and to the religion. That king and Spain privately conspire. A plot hatching to invade England. The pope’s legate in France practising.

CHAPTER 20.

A libel printed in France against the state of England. Thc queen would see duke d’Alencon: who still courted her. Her resolutions.

The Scots move for a league with queen Elizabeth. The papists hope for a golden day. Massmongers practise conjuring. Several of them taken, anti sent up. The disciplinarians busy. Admonition to the parliament. Divers deprived upon the act 13. Eliz. Divers disaffected to the government of the church. Chark, of Peterhouse, expelled for a clerum at St. Mary’s. His appeal to the chancellor of the university. Dering, reader of St. Paul’s, writes a reflecting letter to the lord Burghley. His answer to it. And Dering’s vindication of what he had writ.

CHAPTER 21.

A sermon preached by Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, at Paul’s Cross, in vindication of the church of England and its liturgy. An answer thereto sent to him by some disaffected person. Observations therein made, of bishops maintaining an ignorant ministry. Of the Service-book. Of the titles anti ho-hour of the bishops. Of the government of the church. And the applying of some places of scripture.

CHAPTER 22.

Serious deliberation about a reformation of divers things in church and state. Memorials. Lent enjoined. Commissions for concealed lands abused: revoked: but granted again. An act against concealers. Grants for penal statutes checked and regulated. Massmongers at the Portugal ambassador’s house. The queen’s progress. Earl of Northumberland executed. The queen hath the small-pox. Her letter thereof, and of her recovery, to the earl of Shrewsbury. She hath fainting fits.

CHAPTER 23.

The Great English Bible, called, The Bishops’ Bible, printed.

Some account of this edition; and other older editions.

Prophesying set up at Bury by the bishop. The said bishop’s admonition to a contentious clergyman. Stays admitting a clerk into a living: and why. His advice to his chancellor, upon a disturbance of divine service. His trouble with a fraudulent receiver of his clergy’s tenths. Occasions a statute.

CHAPTER 24.

Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France, impoverished in his embassy, comes home. Dr. Wylson sets forth a learned book against usury. Bishop Jewel’s letter in commendation thereof.

Epigrams formerly made by bishop Parkhurst, printed. Divers historical matters, both of himself and others, gathered from them.

CHAPTER 25.

Remarks upon particular men. Sparks, a suffragan bishop. John Fox. John Cottrel. John Rugg. Justinian Lancaster. Bartholomew Clark: his testimonial. John Hales: his epitaph. Cardinal Chastillion: poisoned in England. The villain that poisoned him confesseth it two years after. Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, founds a free-school in Lancashire. His letter to the lord Burghley about it.

One Blosse reports king Edward to be alive, and that the queen was married to Leicester. Mines of silver in Cumberland: a corporation for the managery thereof.

CHAPTER 26.

Dr. Valentine Dale goes ambassador to France: the condition of Rochel. The ambassador’s letter concerning the successes there against the besiegers. Pacification with the protestants. The queen instrumental therein. Occurrences of matters in France, sent hither by Dale. Monsieur elected king of Poland. A safe conduct desired for him from the queen: and also for duke d’Alencon. Liberty granted for the Scottish queen to go to Buxton well. Orders to the earl of Shrewsbury. The queen suspicious of the lord Burghley’s favouring the Scottish queen. His caution in that respect. Earl of Leicester esteemed by that queen to be her enemy. How far he was so, as he declared. Queen Elizabeth’s real concern for that queen.

A plot to deliver her from the custody of the earl of Shrewsbury.

His chaplain and another of the clergy accuse him falsely: examined.

CHAPTER 27.

Foreign popish princes conspire to invade England. A French gentleman at the Spaw gives information thereof. Papists fled abroad, called home. Edward lord Windsor one of these: his plea.

Theses propounded in Louvain, against the jurisdiction of temporal princes. Bishop of Durham’s judgment of them. A commission in every county, to punish the breakers of the orders of the church service: the bishop of Norwich gives order to his chancellor for information of such. Several ministers suspended hereupon in the diocese of Norwich: but get licence to catechise and preach. A letter upon this to that bishop. He restrains them.

The lady Huddle-ston, a great papist in Ely diocese, searched for.

CHAPTER 28.

Chief puritans. Sampson and Dering checked. Their letters and apologies: for a reformation of the church’s government: and against the civil power and lordship of bishops. Their solicitations of the lord treasurer to further their discipline. Sampson’s intercession for his hospital: and for Mr. Heton. Dering brought into the Star-chamber for words. His letter to the lord treasurer thereupon. Articles required of him to subscribe. Other articles of inquiry, for him to answer. Moor, of Norwich, confutes Dr. Pern’s sermon. Mr. Cartwright. An order from the commission ecclesiastical for seizing him.

CHAPTER 29.

The privy council warns those of the Dutch church against receiving any puritans. That church’s answer. Letters between Rod. Gualter, an Helvetian divine, and the bishops of Ely and Norwich, concerning the puritans. The papists grow confident.

Fears and jealousies of them. The high esteem had for the city of Zurick, and the divines of that city. A commission for executing of Bircher by martial law. The earl of Sussex to the lord treasurer to prevent it. The queen’s order for his examination. A husbandman comes to the bishop of Norwich for orders: refused. A gentleman hath words with, the bishop about it: reconciled. A puritan stands to be schoolmaster at Aylsham: refused by the bishop: and why.

CHAPTER 30.

Pilkington, bishop of Durham, desires the queen’s leave to come up this winter. Lands of the bishopric detained. His letter thereof to the secretary Cecill. A contest between the bishop of Norwich, doctor Gardiner, and others, about the archdeaconry of Norwich.

The case. Gardiner gets the deanery of Norwich. The bishop and he reconciled. Gardiner’s good service to the church of Norwich.

The bishop of Ely visits St. John’s college. Bingham, a great soldier, recommended to the lord treasurer. Rare Lane’s characters of Leicester, Burghley, Sussex, Hatton, and other courtiers. A controversy in Bene’t college, Cambridge. Books now set forth. The queen’s progress into Sussex and Kent. The bishop of Norwich’s letter to the bailiff of Yarmouth, concerning the punishing of wickedness there the unseasonable weather this year.

CHAPTER 31.

Bullinger and Gualter, their judgments of the new discipline. The exercises: in what order and manner performed in Hertfordshire; by the direction of the bishop of Lincoln. The exercises forbidden in the diocese of Norwich. Some privy counsellors write to the bishop of Norwich in favour of them: which occasions his letter to the bishop of London for direction; and to the bishop of Rochester.

Notice given to the archbishop of the suppression of them. Not suppressed in other dioceses. The book of the Troubles at Frankford printed. Reprinted, 1642. Some pretend to cast out devils. Account of two persons afflicted with Satan, in a letter of the bishop of Norwich to Bullinger. An innovation in the cathedral church of Norwich. The bishop’s letters thereupon. Arianism and the family of love in Cambridgeshire.

CHAPTER 32.

Many papists set at liberty upon sureties. Dr. Yong moves the lord treasurer to go out of the Marshalsea for his health. Sampson writes a smart letter to the treasurer on this occasion. Pensioners of the king of Spain, the queen’s subjects; and their particular pensions. Practice to poison the lord treasurer. Mass said in London in divers places. A token sent from the Scottish queen to queen Elizabeth. Her majesty melancholy. Her progress. The queen checks the young earl of Oxford: resented by him. The bishop of Ely’s revenues aimed at. Slandered. He refuseth to lend his house at Holborn. Story, bishop of Hereford, sues to the lord treasurer in behalf of some of his clergy; vexed by pretence of the statute of suppression of colleges. The trouble the town of Wells gave the bishop thereof. The death of Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich. His character.

CHAPTER 33.

Bishop Parkhurst’s regulation of abuses in his registers. About wills and testaments. Dr. Toby Matthew hath a prebend in Wells: some account of him. The ill condition of Manchester college.

Rafe Lane offers to go against the Turk, in the king of Spain’s service. A corporation for turning iron into copper. Dee’s offer to discover treasure hid. Proclamation against excess in apparel. Sir William Pickering, an accomplished gentleman, dies. Wolf, the printer, dies: his cosmo-graphy. Message of the protestant princes of Germany to the queen.

CHAPTER 34.

A parliament: and convocation. The troubles of the bishop of Ely, for the preserving of the revenues of his see. His excellent letter to the queen thereupon; and to Dr. Masters; and to the lord treasurer, upon articles of accusation preferred against him to the queen and council. The malice and slanders of them. His satisfactory answers. Comes up to answer before the council. The lord treasurer his friend. Reconciles him to the queen. The case of Downham park; claimed by the lord North, from the bishop, upon account of an old lease.

CHAPTER 35.

St. John’s college in Cambridge in disorder. The bishop of Ely visitor thereof: concerned therein. His advice for new statutes for that house. His letters to the lord treasurer in that behalf. A case between Westminster school and Christ’s Church, Oxon. A sect called the family of love. Their apology set forth. Their confession.

A principle or two of theirs. The family of the Mount. The family of the Essentialists. Etchard one of this sect: his letter. Anabaptists: some recant. Two burnt: and why. Cartwright’s second Reply.

Sampson to the lord treasurer, in behalf of his hospital at Leicester. Bishop Pilkington refuseth to grant a lease of Norham waters. Peter Baro is made lady Margaret professor in Cambridge.

CHAPTER 36.

The lord treasurer suspected by the queen to favour the queen of Scots. His thoughts thereof in a private letter to the earl of Shrewsbury. News at court. The prince of Orange offers the queen the Low Countries. Addresses to her from France and Spain.

Divers fly hither from the Low Countries. New privy counsellors. A project for translating of bishops. The state of Ireland. The good service of the earl of Essex there. Nic. Morton, the pope’s great factor: his family. Their treasons and conspiracies. A deappropriation. Knights’ fees, and relief, due from the earl of Salop. The queen’s progress.

CHAPTER 1.

A testimonial from some in the university of Cambridge concerning Cartwright’s readings. His letters to sir William Cecil concerning himself. But is discharged the college and university.

Richard Greenham. Dr. Geo. Downham: the odd tempers of several of Cartwright’s followers; and their affected separation.

Anthony Gilbie’s letter to Coverdale, &c. Exiles. Dangers from papists. The archbishop of Cassils discovery. Steukley comes to the king of Spain. The dangerous condition of Ireland from the Spaniard and French. Caution for the Low Countries.

As in the conclusion of the former volume somewhat was related concerning Cartwright, one of the public readers of divinity in the university of Cambridge, and of his deprivation for certain positions delivered in his lectures; so I shall begin this book with several other notices concerning him; being the head and most learned of that sect of dissenters then called puritans.

In this year, 1570, the heads of that university contended with the said Cartwright, B. D. and late lady Margaret pro-lessor, for his readings, wherein he vented his dislike of the established discipline of the church of England, (as deviating from the primitive institution and practice,) and the habits enjoined to be worn by the ministers of it; and in effect, the whole constitution ecclesiastical. What his opinions and assertions were, have been specified in the first volume of the Annals of the Reformation of religion. He had indeed a great party in the university, and some of them men of learning, who stuck close to him, exceedingly admiring him; though some of them, better informed, fell off afterwards. Great differences and animosities by these means were bred among the scholars; which being past the power of the heads to allay, they complained thereof to sir William Cecil, secretary of state, their high chancellor, desiring him to interpose his authority; but chiefly informing him of the unsoundness of Cartwright’s late lectures.

Nor were the favourers and hearers of Cartwright less forward to write their letters to the same; testifying in his behalf how sparing and tender he was in treating of those subjects, for avoiding offence; whose testimonial ran in this tenor: Percrebuit tuae prcaestantiae mag. Cartwrightum hoc esse suspectum nomine, quod in theologae professionis munere quosdam discordiae igniculos, qui post in incendium creve-runt, sparserit, et in controversiis de ministerio et re ves-tiaria omnino se immodice jactaverit. Nos veto, quorum nomina subscripta sunt, et qui illis lectionibus interfeuimus, ex quibus iste rumor fluxit, testamur nullas quas unquam audire potuimus, unde simultates aut discordias emersisse; de vestibus controversiam ne attigisse quidem: de mini-sterio proposuisse quaedam, quorum ad amussim nostrum hoc formari cupiebat, sed ea et cautione et moderatione, quoe illum debebant, merito tueri, et ab ista quoe circumfertur calumnia vindicare.

Robertus Tower, Robertus Willan, Chrlstoph. Kirkland, Rob.

Soome, Johan. Swone, Thomas Barbar, Simon Bucke, Richard Chambers, Richard Howland, Lau-rentius Washington, Thomas Aldrich, Alan Par, Jo-hah. Still, Wilhelm. Tabor, Johan. More.

So that, if this testimony be to be relied upon, Cartwright’s reading touched not the contest about the garments, but only about the ministry; taking occasion from some part of scripture which he read upon, to wish it reformed according to certain rules he then spake of.

Besides this testimonial, Cartwright himself pleaded his own innocency in an elegant Latin letter to Cecil, (accompanying the testimonial,) written in the month of July; complaining, “How he was slandered; troubled especially that these his slanders should reach as far as the court and him. Then he declared and freely professed to him, that none was so averse to sedition and the study of contention: and that he had taught nothing which flowed not naturally from the text which he treated of. And that when an occasion offered itself of speaking concerning the habits, he waved it. He denied not but that he taught, that our ministry declined from the ministry of the ancient and apostolical church, which he wished might be framed and modelled according to the purity of our reformation. But that he did this sedately, that none could find fault with it, but some ignorant or malign hearers, or such as catched at something to calumniate him. That of these things he heard he was accused before him, their chancellor. But how false and unjust the reports of his reading were, he offered the testimonial of a great many sincere persons that were present: asserting further, that he had well nigh gotten the whole university for the witness of his innocency; and had not the vice-chancellor denied him a congregation, he doubted not he had obtained it. That he had not room in his letter to relate every little particular of that lecture that raised the rumour; but promised the chancellor, that he would deny nothing to him of those things he then proposed, if he would require it. And as he refused not to suffer, if any real guilt were discovered in him, so, as far as his cause was just, he implored his patronage: praying him, that he would not suffer him nor the truth to be over. thrown by some men’s hatred; who, while they privately hated him, had a mind to set themselves against the honourable and glorious name of peace and the church.” But it will give better satisfaction to read the whole letter, as he penned it himself in his own behalf, which I have therefore put into the Appendix. To which I have added two letters more, written by several men of the university to the same, in his behalf.

Cartwright wrote also another letter to Cecil, in the month following, having been lately suspended from his reading; which was in answer to the said Cecil, who had humanely, in the midst of his weighty affairs, spared some time to give some advice to him by his own hand. He seemed to have signified to Cartwright., how his adversaries had charged him with a factious innovating, and that he brought into suspicion of novelty that most ancient cause that sprung up with Christ and his apostles. But he answered, “that he was no neoteropoiostirrer of new things; and yet that he would not be affrighted, by the envy of novelty, from the truth. That he hoped, that Cecil was not of that number, that charged that proverb, ta< ajki>nhta kinei~n , [i.e. to move things that ought not to be moved,] upon whosoever innovated in any thing whatsoever. And that he knew whose words those were; palaioumouv lie>an aJplou~v kai< barbarikounovelty, since the cause, being almost 1570 years old, was venerable enough for its antiquity.”

And whereas the heads had denied him the liberty of his public reading, he complained of them to Cecil, and accused them of injustice, since upon some conditions, which he, the chancellor, had propounded to them, he allowed him to read, (which conditions, notwithstanding he was willing to comply with,) yet they would not suffer him to read again. This was dated Aug. 18. In this letter he was very earnest with Cecil, to hear and judge of his cause, being very willing to leave it to him. But lest that statesman might say, that his abilities were not equal to judge in such a cause, nor yet his leisure did permit, he urged him with this reply; “That if the cause were just, if it were necessary for the church, if without it the commonwealth were dissolved, and the parts in danger to fly asunder from one another, (which without discipline must needs be,) the cause was worthy for him to undertake; and wherein he might bring forth that rare light of his own understanding, and those divine endowments of his own mind. And the cause would again, in recompence, embrace him, and render him a person, however eminent before, still more honourable, and however oppressed with infinite business, he dared to promise, would revive and refresh him, and, though ready to sink, would uphold him with strong and mighty supports.” These were the overweening conceits he had of his discipline.

I do not find any thing more done with Cartwright in the university, being discharged of his lecture, outed the college, stopped of his degree of doctor, and silenced from preaching in or near the university. But we shall hear of him hereafter in his writings and attempts of setting up the discipline in certain places in the land, which brought him into further trouble, and restraint of his liberty, from the ecclesiastical commission; which could not but take notice of him, making himself the chief preacher and head of the new form of church government. Only I must give a hint concerning some of his zealous and well meaning followers in Cambridge, who upon more mature deliberation afterwards fell off from him. Two whereof I will mention among others.

One was Rich. Greenham, of Christ’s college, Cambridge, a pious and good man; whose name we see subscribed to the earnest letters that were sent to Cecil in his commendation and the high character given him. The young men in the university were diverted by Cartwright’s readings from the more necessary study of the grounds and principles of divinity, and the substantial doctrines of Christianity, as rescued from popery, to controversies of the right way and manner of governing the church. This was afterwards justly disliked by the said Greenham, who thought fit to reprove it in the pulpit; blaming the young divines, who, before they had studied the grounds of theology, would overbusy themselves in matters of discipline: “and (as he said) before they had laid the foundation of their studies, would be setting up, as it were, the roof.” This passage Dr. George Downham, of the same college, tells us, he heard himself, when he was a young student in Cambridge: who himself consorted among the youth there of that faction that disliked the habits, and other established ceremonies of the church, and was a hearer of Cartwright’s lectures, in his consideration about this church of England and the differences in it. Who tells us of himself what course he took; “That at first, seeing things grew so hot, he thought it the best course for himself and the rest to be no meddlers on either side. But afterwards I considered with myself, said he, that this church of England, wherein I was called to be a minister, did hold and profess all substantial points of divinity, as sound as any church in the world, none excepted, neither in this age, nor in the primitive times of the church. And, secondly, that it had the testimony of all other true churches. And, thirdly, that in it the means of salvation are ordinarily and plentifully to be had. And therefore to make a separation from it, I took to be schismatical, and damnable presumption.”

This Greenham was alive many years after, a godly preacher, living in London. For I find a letter of his dated anno 1591, from Warwick-lane, London. And when in the year 1599 his works were published by H.

Holland, in his epistle he gives this character of the pious and peaceable spirit that was in him, (shewing, that though his judgment in some points differed from the church established, yet he was no separatist.) “That in his ministry he was ever careful to avoid all occasion of offence; desiring in all things to approve himself as the minister of Christ. He much rejoiced and praised God for the happy government of our most gracious queen Elizabeth, and for this blessed calm and peace of God’s church and people under it. And spake often of it, both publicly and privately, as he was occasioned; and stirred up the hearts of all men, what he could, to pray and praise God with him for it continually: yea, this matter so affected him, that the day before his departure out of this life, his thoughts were much troubled, for that men were so unthankful for that strange and most happy deliverance of our most gracious queen from the dangerous conspiracies and practices of that time.”

The writer saith further of him, “that he was the special instrument and hand of God in bringing many, both godly and learned, to the holy service of Christ in the ministry; and to restrain and reduce not a few from schism and error; striving always to retain such in obedience of laws: and thereby to esteem and regard the peace of the church and people of God.”

To which I may add, that this party of men that thus divided and distinguished themselves by this schism, were observed also to divide from the rest in their behaviour, in their tempers and qualities, and in their strangeness and aversion from their Christian brethren who adhered to the established church. For this is their character, that Dr. Whitgift gave of them about this time; comparing them unto the pharisees: “That when they walked in the streets, they hung down their heads, looked austerely; and in company sighed much, and seldom or never laughed: their temper was, that they sought the commendation of the people: they thought it an heinous offence to wear a cap or surplice; but they slandered and backbit their brethren, railed on them by libels, contemned superiors, discredited such as were in authority; in short, disquieted the church and state.

And as for their religion, they separated themselves from the congregation, and would not communicate with those that went to church, neither in prayer, hearing the word, nor sacraments: they despised all those that were not of their own sect, as polluted, and not worthy to be saluted, nor kept company with. And therefore some of them meeting their old acquaintance, being godly preachers, had not only refused to salute them, but spit in their faces; wishing the plague of God to light upon them; and saying, they were damned, and that God had taken his Spirit from them.”

And all this, because they did wear a cap; which strange unchristian speech and behaviour, T. C. in his reply did not deny, but that they neither defended nor allowed of any such beha-viour: and that the fault of one should not be imputed to so many. No; but it was brought to shew what ill effects and prejudices Cartwright’s doctrines against the present constitution of this church had occasioned in many.

This year (if it were not before) did a brother of this party, Mr. A. G. [Anthony Gilby, I suppose,] write a very hot and bitter letter to several reverend divines, that had been exiles for the gospel, and returned upon queen Eliza-. beth’s access to the crown; exciting them with all their might against the bishops, for imposing the habits to be worn by ministers in their ministration; and rather to lay down their ministry than comply. It was directed, To his reverend fathers and brethren in Christ, Mr.

Coverdale, Mr. Turner, Mr. Whittingham, Mr. Sampson, Mr. D. Humfrey, Mr. Leaver, Mr. Crowly, and others, that labour to root out the weeds of popery; grace and peace. Where in one place he thus expresseth himself: “I wot not by what devilish cup they [the bishops] do make such a diversity between Christ’s word and his sacraments; that they cannot think the word of God to be safely enough preached and honourably enough handled, without cap, cope, or surplice; but that the sacraments, the marrying, the burying, thc churching of women, and other church service, as they call it, must needs be declared with crossing, with coping, with surplicing, with kneeling, with pretty wafer-cakes, and other knacks of popery. — — Well, by God’s power, we have fought with the wolves, for these and such like popish chaff, and God hath given [us] the victory: we have now to do with the foxes, [i. e. the bishops.] Let us not fear.”

As for the papists, the other adverse party to the legally established church, and to the queen, the supreme governor thererof on earth, the great apprehensions of them were not yet blown over; though the rebellion in the north was now quieted. Cox, bishop of Ely, was an old experienced courtdivine, and that by long observation knew what a dangerous sort of men they were, and what a mortal hatred they bore to the gospel, and all those about the queen that sincerely professed it. He was therefore, in this juncture, very solicitous for secretary Cecil, the queen’s faithful and able counsellor, who, for his wisdom and stability to religion, was hated by them: and in this dangerous and rebellious time, I find him in one of his letters making this prayer for him: “I heartily wish you from our heavenly Father and his dear son Christ, the full strength of his holy Spirit, to the confusion of the enemies of God and of the queen’s majesty, and of us all, God’s true servants, and her grace’s true subjects.” But let me open some light into the practices of papists at this time.

And in order to that, I shall begin with an embassy the queen despatched into France to the king in the month off August, by Francis Walsingham, esq. sir Henry Norris, knt. then her resident there. The chief and main of his business was for the sake of the reformed religion, and for an accord between that king and the protestant princes, viz. the prince of Navarre, the prince of Conde, and the admiral, with the rest being the king’s subjects. That it might be made as favourable, for the reasonable contentation and surety of the said princes and their party, as might possibly be: to the maintenance and continuance of them in the liberty of their consciences: there being no small labour made by some directly to impeach this accord, and by others (though not openly) to withstand it, yet by double dealing in the granting of their requests to ruin the said princes and their party in the end. “Therefore,” as it ran in the queen’s instructions to the said ambassadors,” she found it the more necessary to use all good means to countervail such contrary labours, and to procure not only a good accord, but therewith a continuance thereof; as in a matter which in her conscience and honour she thought good both for the king and his whole estate.”

The petitions and demands those protestant princes made, were, first, that they might be restored to his grace and favour as humble and faithful subjects; and consequently, to serve him with their lives, lands, and goods.

Next, that they might be permitted to serve Almighty God by the exercise of Christian religion, according to their profession and to the quietness of their consciences. And lastly, that they might have assurance thereof in some better sort than by former experience they had: which petitions the queen had herself considered. And the first she esteemed a thing most meet for a king to grant both readily and bountifully. The second was, she said, to a king most profitable to embrace and accept. And the third, a thing in the sight of God most commendable and needful of all Christian subjects.

And the last, a matter of the most moment to be regarded, for a full perfection of all the rest. But this peace and accord between the king and his said subjects was finished before Walsingham came. So that when he came, he congratulated the king on the said good accord; and offered on the queen’s part all her endeavours to further the good continuance thereof. Arid he gave the admiral and his party to understand the queen’s good intentions in sending of him at that time; and to make it appear how careful she was of their well doings.

The archbishop of Cassils in Ireland, a papist, was an exile in Spain; and (whether it were to reconcile himself to the queen, or upon some personal pique) comes in January this year 1570 into France; where, at Pards, resided Wal-singham, the queen’s ambassador: to whom in March following he made a visit. When Walsingham in discourse asked him concerning the report that went abroad of the king of Spain’s intent of invading Ireland, the archbishop then brake, and said, that about September last, the last year, viz. 1569, one Steukley arrived in Spain with a design to address to that king for an army to reduce Ireland to his obedience: who (as Camden writes) took upon him with 8000 Italians or Spaniards to reduce all Ireland under the subjection of the Spaniard; and with one or two pinnaces to fire the English fleet. This bravo, soon after his coming to Madrid, before he went to the king, came to the said archbishop, (as he related it himself to Walsingham,) telling him he came to see him there, whom he knew to be catholicly bent. And that his intent in coming into that country was to deal with the king of Spain about the reducing of the kingdom of Ireland to his government, whereby heresy might be expelled, and true catholic religion planted. And that therefore he, by his interest with the president of the council, would procure him access to the king.

But upon some pretences, as the archbishop proceeded in his relation to the ambassador, of loyalty to the queen and love to his country, not to see it under any government than that of the queen and her successors, he declined Steukley’s motion. Whereupon he applied himself to duke Feria, who brought him to the king: and the king had conference with him; used him honourably; and appointed him a very fair house, and gave him ducats, and a daily allowance for the maintenance of his table: so that he spent thirty ducats a day at least.

The archbishop, continuing his speech, added, that within a day or two after, the king sent for him, and asked him concerning Steukley. He said, he never saw him but there in Spain: but that he had heard of him, that he had been a pirate upon the sea, of life dissolute, in expenses prodigal, of no substance, neither a man of any great account in his country; notwithstanding he heard he was a gentleman born, and descended from a good house. Then the king told him of the offer he had made touching the business of Ireland; and that he had assured him, that he had dealt so before his coming with the Irish nobility, as the king would find them ready to receive such forces as he should send. The archbishop wished the king not to be so light of belief: for that Steukley was not a man of that credit with the Irish nobility, to be able to bring any such matter to pass; whom they knew to be but a shifter, and one who, for the maintenance of his prodigality, sought to abuse all men. The king said, that beside his own report, he was recommended unto him by his ambassador, who wished the king to credit whatsoever he reported.

Duke Feria afterwards meeting the archbishop, asked his opinion of Steukley. To whom he said, he feared he would abuse the king. Then said Feria, the likelihoods that Steukley shewed the king of the enterprise were such, as they gave great cause why the king should embrace the same. For beside the Irish nobility, added he, he had won a great number of the garrison to be at his devotion, as well soldiers as captains. Well, said the duke further, I perceive you are not willing the enterprise should go forward: and therefore you seek to deface the gentleman whom we honour here with the name of duke of Ireland. To which the archbishop replied, that that title and calling was more than ever Ireland was acquainted with.

The effect of this was, that Steukley came afterwards and challenged the archbishop, and told him, if he were not a man of the church, he would be revenged of him for the report he made of him. And when Walsingham had asked the archbishop, when Steukley was likely to embark, he answered, about the end of April: and now it was March.

All this was the matter of discourse this archbishop had with Walsingham; as he gave the queen’s secretary Cecill intelligence in his letter: though he had a suspicion even of this archbishop, notwithstanding all this that he had said. He pretended by all this discovery to shew himself loyal to the queen; and by this means to obtain a pardon from her majesty, in leaving his own country without her leave; and to have liberty to return back again: and that archbishopric being now void, and his successor dead, that he might be restored to it again. This man being put out of his bishopric about two years past, (viz. 1568,) and another substituted in his room, made a great disturbance and outrage: which he confessed to Walsingham: whereby he had justly incurred the lord deputy’s displeasure. But in excuse of his departure without the queen’s leave, added, that it was of necessity to seek maintenance otherwhere. That the king of Spain relieved him, and honourably entertained him, and gave him yearly 2000 ducats pension. But before he came to Spain he was at Nantes in France.

Certain it is, that what this archbishop of Cassils or Cashel had communicated to Walsingham gave great offence in Spain, and begat great jars between Steukley and him. Which the earl of Leicester observed to Walsingham in a letter he wrote him April 1571, acquainting him, that his brother, sir Henry Sidney, deputy of Ireland, who was then arrived in England, had shewed him the same; and that it had caused such a great dislike of the archbishop in Spain, that it might possibly recover him, and get him into England. This archbishop’s name was Maurice Gibbon, alias Reagh: and having the pope’s bull for the said archbishopric of Cassil or Cashel, by virtue of that demanded possession of the same: which being refused, the other barbarously stabbed him with his skean. But the archbishop escaped with his life, and the other fled abroad.

But to return to Steuktey. He came into such favour with the king of Spain, that he knighted him: and he was commonly called there duke of Ireland. This Walsingham took notice of to Olivarez, the king of Spain’s ambassador at Paris. To which he answered, the king was willing to entertain a gentleman of countenance that offered him service, and to honour such with the honour of knighthood. Then Walsingham acquainted him with the course of Steukley’s life: and also how little he had to take to.

And therefore willed him to consider how unworthy he was of any honour or entertainment in respect of himself. But being, said Walsingham, a rebel unto the queen’s majesty, with whom the house of Burgundy had had so long amity, this gave her occasion to think that kind of amity not to answer best to such good-will as ordinarily was professed.

Our historian tells us moreover, what honours the pope also conferred upon this dissolute man, viz. the title of marquis of Leinster, earl of Wexford, and viscount and baron of other places in Ireland: and that in a vapour he proraised to make the pope’s base son king of Ireland. The same historian, under the year 1578, gives an account of his death; being slain in a battle in Africa with the king of Fez, going thither with Sebastian king of Portugal. For after the king of Spain had bestowed much upon him, he found him at length not worthy of any more. And his practices were abated in Spain, by discovery at last of his looseness and insufficiency: as secretary Cecill wrote to Walsingham about him.

But upon the said English ambassador at Paris, his intelligence in France, and other intelligences from Spain, concerning the invading of Ireland, the queen sent a gentleman out of hand to that king, to understand the Spaniard’s intention; and who should deal plainly and roundly with him in that matter. And in the mean time she gave order, against all events, for the withstanding of any enterprises; as well by sending of ships to the seacoasts of Ireland, as by other land forces to be sent thither. And ordered her ambassador there in France (if he should have any occasion) to deal with the Spanish ambassador, and to shew him these reports. And that if he should hear of the queen’s preparations by sea and land, he should tell him, that it was for her defence: and that in case she should be offended, she would use them not only for defence, but to offend for her own revenge: as she wrote in her letter to Walsingham her ambassador. Of these affairs now happening concerning Ireland, our historians are silent: and therefore I relate them the more particularly, and proceed therein.

And it appears that that realm was but in an ill condition, consuming the English treasure. Letters, August the 30th, from the council in Dublin the last year, made all things almost desperate; viz. “That the Butlers, brothers to the earl of Ormond, increased their rebellion, and would not cease upon their said brother’s motions made to them. And that the rebels in the north were coming to invade the English pale. That the power of the pale was not able to withstand both the north and the Butlers. This secretary Cecill wrote in his private letters to his friend Nicolas White, seneschal of Wexford. And that they, the queen’s council, would attend to the north, and leave the Butlers.”

And many such advertisements came daily. But that other news from Ireland came, that the Butlers now had stooped to the earl their brother; and that the lord deputy had had good success. Yet the wars and hostilities went on this year, and peace went rather backward than forward: insomuch that the secretary called it, a loathsome charge to the crown: adding, Paene mihi nauseam movet ista profusio, et inutilis inanitas fisci regii: praying God to send some stay.

Some Frenchmen the latter end of this year, underhand, had invaded unhappy Ireland by De la Roche; who discovered to a kinsman, that the enterprise in Ireland was to have executed a plot of conquest devised by Peter Strozza in king Henry’s time: and which, if the match then in hand between Monsieur and the queen went not forward, he was promised he should go in hand withal. This was the queen’s secretary’s intelligence to Walsingham, ambassador in France. For notwithstanding the correspondence between the French king and queen Elizabeth at this time, one De la Roche, of that king’s chamber, was the captain that led a party of French that had lately made an invasion in Ireland: but, it seems, without success. And of this the queen was informed from her viceroy in Ireland.

The faction of Guise were the great doers in this enterprise. This when Walsingham had complained of to the French king, he denied his knowledge of it: though it was thought he was privy to it.

It was discovered to be the pope’s nuncio that laboured to draw Monsieur, the king’s brother, into this practice: promising for the maintenance thereof, to be paid in Paris 100,000 [crowns] for his encouragement; and made no difficulty to bring the same to pass, in respect of the great intelligence that they had both in England and Ireland. And that the same being won, it would be an easy step to a step of more consequence; meaning England. But that if Monsieur would not accept this promise, yet notwithstanding it was resolved to go forward: and that the bill of credit for the said sum of an hundred thousand crowns was already at Paris. All this an intelligencer employed by sir Henry Norris, ambassador before Walsingham, came and informed Walsingham of, Norris being gone home.

And about this time Steukley in Spain presented an instrument unto the king there, not only subscribed with the names of the most part of the Irish nobility, but of divers of England of good quality, ready to be at his devotion. But further concerning De la Roche, Walsingham told the French king, that he had been in Ireland, and had left certain soldiers there; for whose safety he, the said De la Roche, had brought to France two sons of one Fitz-Morice to be in place of hostages: who then remained at Brest in Brittany, at a kinsman of La Roche’s.

By the means of duke d’Alva’s seizing the effects of the English merchants in the Netherlands the last year, and the queen in reprisal seizing of the Netherlanders’ goods and merchandises in her dominions, all the ancient traffic between England and the Low Countries was at a stay: and great damage was done by the English to the Low Country merchants at sea, by taking their ships, and by the trade removed to Hamburgh and other parts.

But after some time, about this year, or near it, a motion was made for the renewing of trade and intercourse between the two nations. Concerning this it was now seriously debated, and thought convenient to proceed more cautiously with Spain; both because of the popish league against the state of religion reformed, and of the Spanish malice against the queen and her realms: also withal lest any commodities might be carried from hence to Flanders, that might turn to the disadvantage or inconvenience of the prince of Orange and the reformed in those countries; that were now struggling for their liberty and religion, against that tyranny and oppression then exercised in those countries.

And for the better understanding of these things, and how matters stood between England and Spain at this juncture, one Aldersey, an understanding merchant, thus wrote to Cecill wisely, and to the reputation of his memory. “Whereas it hath pleased the queen’s majesty to agree unto the opening of traffic between this realm and the dominion of the king of Spain, I doubt not to her majesty’s honour and the benefit of the common weal; so do I assuredly think the duke of Alva, &c. hath sought and doth embrace the same, in hope thereby the sooner to supplant and overthrow the prince of Orange, with the states of Holland and Zealand. And considering the determination of the papistical league, and the particular malice of the Spaniard, and namely, the duke of Alva, it is greatly to be feared, that if God should permit the said prince and countries to be overthrown, there would small faith be kept towards her majesty, her highness’ realms and subjects. Wherefore there is great cause to proceed in good po]icy: how by the use of this traffic the said prince, &c. may take the least hurt that may be. Wherein hoping of your lordship’s goodness to take my meaning in good part, I am bold to shew my simple opinion. “I hope there is no need by this agreement to permit any more liberal trade of her majesty’s subjects into the Low Countries, but by the merchant adventurers, and of the staple, who have privileges in the said Low Countries; whereby of right, and by long use, other her majesty’s subjects might not occupy into the said countries with any commodities of this realm more than to buy those country commodities. “If the same and none other may be permitted by her majesty, there may so good order be taken, that by, &c. only those commodities of the realm, &c. to be vented, may be shipped into the Low Countries; which can no way so much hurt the prince [of Orange,] Holland, and Zealand, as may the carrying of corn, wood, hay, coal, beef, butter, and other victuals into Flanders and other places under the duke of Alva. “And herein is to be considered, that as most of these things be stolen out in creeks, and in the night time, and by pretence of going from port to port within the realm without paying any custom; so may greedy desire of gain (which is like to be great) cause so much to be transported, as this realm may thereby find lack. And as the doers thereof be for the most part fishermen, and of other occupations, who leave their faculties to follow these things, and much more will do if they may be suffered; even so the restraining of them will enforce them to use their several sciences, to the benefit of the realm. Where it may be said, the Flemings will send these things, and serve the said parties very amply; it is to be answered, that those of Zealand will by no means suffer them; but so to keep the coast of Flanders and other places, that the Flemings shall not stir: and yet none of them restrained by her majesty, &c. “And if they of Zealand may without offence restrain such Englishmen as shall carry things into those places which shall not be free by the said privileges, nor allowed by such order as may be taken with them of Zealand, they will cause much better order to be kept in that behalf than any provision of her majesty will do. “And these things well provided for, in my judgment the prince and the said countries shall receive small hurt by this opening of traffic, they having liberty to use this realm as other subjects of the king.

And so craving pardon for my boldness, I pray God long to preserve your honour in health.

Your lordship’s at command, Tho. Aldersey.”

CHAPTER 2.

A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, for obedience to the new king. Queen Elizabeth in perplexity about restoring of the Scots queen. Match for the queen with the French king’s brother. The queen how affected towards it. Astrological inquiry into her nativity about it. The pope’s bull against the queen set up at Paris. A secret popish design against England.

Wrecks upon the coast of Sussex claimed by the bishop of Chichester. A suit with the lord admiral about it. Proclamations about pirates. The governor of the Isle of Wight sends out ships after them.

THE affairs of Scotland and the Scots queen affected England also at this time. And the fear of popery from that quarter disturbed this kingdom: insomuch, that those of the court, and the rest of the land that favoured the reformed religion, were secretly well-disposed to the action in that realm, of deposing that queen, and to the succession of her son. Which was done by the states of parliament there. And a solemn decree was also made by the Scotch clergy in their general assembly in the month of July, 1570, and obedience accordingly enjoined to be given by all the clergy to the king, and to pray for him. Which I have seen among the papers of Randolph, the queen’s ambassador to that kingdom: which also was printed, and ran in this tenor. “A determination of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, halden in Edinburgh, the 7th day of July, 1570, anent the obedience to be given to the king’s majesty his authority, and for praying for his grace’s prosperous reign, &c. “It was concluded by the whole assembly convened, as wel superintendents, commissioners to plain churches, commissioners of towns, universities, provinces, churches, baronies, and gentlemen, with uthers of Christes congregation: that as it hath pleased God of his mercy to erect the authority of the king’s majesty over us by publicte consent of the estates in parlament, even so the same ought and should be universally obeyed throughout this realm, without acknowledging any other authority, whatsoever title be pretended. “Moreover, al ministers are commanded, in their pub-licte sermons, to pray publictly for the preservation of his majesties person and authority: assuring them, that al such as shal be found negligent or inobedient heirinto, shal be punished as the church shal think expedient. “And further pronounceth, that if any subject or subjects of this realm (of what estate they) shal presumptuously take upon them to inhibit any minister to obey this ordinance of the general church, what cloik or colour soever he or they shall pretend, or by manasing make impediment unto them, so that without fear ministers may not serve God in their vocation; that in that case such troublers shall be summarlie, upon the notoriety of the fault, excommunicate; and shal be halden as rotten members, unworthy of the society of Christ’s body, &c. “And last, commandes al superintendents of commissioners of provinces to cause this determination to be published in al parish churches, that none hereafter pretend ignorance, &c. Geven in the general assembly of the church of Scotland, and third session therof. Sub-scrived by the clerk of the same: day, year, and place aforesaid. M. J. Gray.

Queen Elizabeth, apprehensive of her danger from the popish party in Scotland, and queen Mary’s friends there, yet remained unresolved what to do; and whether to consent to what was done in Scotland towards their queen. However, her own security inclined her on the other hand; that is, to favour what the protestants had done: of whom she was better assured that they were on her side. And therefore, when commissioners were sent out of Scotland to the queen in March to adjust the Scots queen’s affairs, (viz. the bishops of Galway and Ross, and lord Leviston, on that queen’s part; and earl Morton, and two more, on the king’s,) and both parties were very stiff; one, for the queen to be restored to her government; the other, for the king her son to reign: the English court stood variously affected: which the earl of Leicester, in the said month of March, gave this account of to Walsingham, then the queen’s ambassador in France: “That the queen was scrupulous about it. The unworthiness of their queen to rule she granted but the instances of their cause, to depose her from her dignity, she could hardly be persuaded in. And so she remained much perplexed. That on the one side she was loath to set her up, or to restore her to her estate again: and on the other side, as loath to defend that which she was not yet well persuaded to have justice with it. Between these, her council sought for these two things, viz. that herself might be preserved in surety, and the true religion maintained assuredly. For that as the state of the world stood, and upon true examination of this cause, it appeared, that both the ways were dangerous touching the queen of Scots. For as there was danger in delivering her to her government, so there was danger in retaining her in prison: her friends abroad beginning to speak proudly for her.”

Thus the earl of Leicester. But it was known, that all that was done in this conference was sent by special messengers from the Scotch queen’s party to the French king, the king of Spain, and the pope; and succours conveyed at this very time from them; as appears by a paper of secretary Cecill, which may be read in the Annals of the Reformation.

Religion was also very much concerned this year, in the motions that were made about queen Elizabeth’s marriage. For though her subjects earnestly desired her marriage, to secure a protestant succession, yet they dreaded her matching with a popish foreign prince. But even they that were in the true English interest, out of a fear of the Scots queen’s succession, could have been glad to see her married with whomsoever it were, equal in dignity with herself. This appeared, and also how the queen herself pretended, for the good of her people, to be affected that way, by expressions in secretary Cecill’s correspondence (in a letter dated March the 3d) with Walsingham, ambassador in France; instructing him from the queen, “That if any should deal with him to understand his mind, in the case of her marriage, he might say, that at his coming from England, upon some common bruit of such a matter concerning her majesty and monsieur d’Anjou, the French king’s brother, he [Walsingham] was assured, that her majesty, upon consideration of the benefit of her realm, anti to content her subjects, resolved to marry, if she could find a person in estate and condition fit for her to match withal. And that she meant not to marry but with a person of the family of a prince.”

And that Walsingham should say, that he could not by any means perceive, that her majesty was altered from that disposition. So as that he might conclude, that if any such matter should be moved to him by any meet person to deal therein, he would advertise her majesty thereof. And that her majesty would have him so to do. And then that wise counsellor added his own judgment; “That if God should permit this marriage, or any other, to take place, he [Walsingham] might well judge, that no time was to be wasted, otherwise than honour might require. That he was not able to discern what was best: but that he saw no continuance of her quietness without a marriage. And that therefore he remitted the success to Almighty God.”

But this, he said, he writ privately to him, as he trusted it should remain to himself. How matters proceeded in duke d’Anjou’s courtship of the queen will be shewn under the next year.

And because the welfare of the nation did so much depend upon the queen’s marriage, it seems some were employed secretly, by calculating her nativity, to inquire into her marriage. For which art even secretary Cecill himself had some opinion. I have met among his papers with such a judgment made, written all with his own hand. Which iudgment I am apt to believe (if not done secretly by himself) he had either from one Bomelius, a Dutchman, and famous for physic and this art, and resiant in England about this time; or perhaps from sir Thomas Smith: who studied astrology much; and by this scheme he found that the queen had not much inclination to marriage: yet that her wedlock would be very happy to her: that she should be somewhat elder when she entered into matrimony: and that then she would have a young man that was never before married: that she then should be in the 31st year of her age: that she should have but one husband. Then for the quality of the man, that he should be a foreigner.

That (especially towards the middle of her age) she should not much delight in wedlock: that she should obey and reverence her husband, and have him in great respect. That she should arrive at a prosperous married estate; but slowly, and after much counsel taken, and the common ru-mour of it everywhere, and after very great disputes and arguings concerning it for many years, by divers persons, before it should be effected. And then she should become a bride without any impediment. That her husband should die first: and yet she should live long with her husband; and should possess much of his estate. For children, but few, yet very great hope of one son, that should be strong, famous, and happy in his mature age: and one daughter. The calculation of all this, by judgment and aspects of the planets, is set down in the Appendix. It was drawn up, no doubt, privately, for Cecill’s own instruction, to judge the better of so weighty an affair, by what might be gathered from astrology; the good estate of the whole realm so much depending on the queen’s marriage.

The bull of pope Pius V. against queen Elizabeth was set up in Paris at Pont St. Estienne, containing the selfsame matter, and on the same day (March the 2d) that Felton set it up at St. Paul’s, London: putting her under a curse, and all that adhered to her; and absolving her subjects from their oath of allegiance: and those that should obey her to be involved under the said curse. This insolent bull may be read at length in our histories; and particularly in Camden’s Elizabeth. The people of Paris flocked mightily together about it. The queen’s ambassadors then in France were the lord Buckhurst and Mr. Walsingham. Whose servant went boldly and tore it down, and brought it to his master. Who with the lord Buckhurst, after some conference, repaired to the king; and immediately broke with him in that behalf. He calling Walsing-ham unto him, asked him the contents of the said bull. Whereof being advertised, and Walsingham presenting to him so much of the said bull as was given him by his servant, the king shewed himself very much moved thereat, in such sort as that both might very well see he was unfeigned. And forthwith he called Lansac unto him, to take order with the judge criminal, for the searching out of the setter up of the same. And assured the ambassadors, if by any means he could be found, he should receive such punishment as such a presumption required; considering the good amity between him and his good sister.

Walsingham then shewed the king, that if he did not take order in this, the like measure might be measured to himself. To which he answered, that he did perceive that very well; and that whosoever he were, that should seem to touch in honour any of his confederates, he would make account of him accordingly. After Walsingham departed from the king, Lansac told him in his ear, that he had great cause to guess, that this was done by some Spanish practice.

It may open a door to the dangerous practices that followed the next year, by reason of the Scots queen and the duke of Norfolk, what was told to Walsingham the latter end of this. Which was, that one who desired his name to be in cipher, gave him to understand, that a friend of his, in talk with an Italian bishop, (who came lately to Paris from the pope to congratulate the marriage of the French king,) had learned of him, that he had a practice in hand for England; which would not be long before it brake forth: and further shewed, that one merchant in that town had 14,000 crowns to be employed in that behalf.

Dr. Curteis was this year consecrated bishop of Chichester, in the room of Barlow, deceased. This bishop had some controversy with the lord admiral for sea-wrecks; which he claimed, as bishop of Chichester: not only such as were within his lands and manors, but also some miles out at sea, on the coast of Chichester. Whereupon a suit was commenced. Several writings whereof remain in the Paper-office. There it appears, that information was brought against the bishop, that a hull of a ship was brought by one Walkaden, and seized by the lord admiral’s deputy, in the haven’s mouth of Chichester: which was sold by the bishop of Chichester, or his officers, to a servant of his: and was afterwards broken up by one John Bulke, his servant. For the which there was process served upon the said John Bulke, out of the court of admiralty. There it was pleaded, that the said bishop had nine or ten slyages of iron, pieces of cables, sails, and divers other things, fetched from a ship sunk at the shoals, twelve miles from the land, about a year and half past. And that there was no process against the said fetchers of the same, because they were poor men; and that it was thought his lordship would take order for it without suit. That although the said bishop had by charter wrakea maris, within his lordship’s manors, lands, tenements, fees, and possessions; yet he might not meddle with the hull of the said ship, considering it was a pirate’s, and possessed and seized by the lord admiral before it came near the place where the bishop did claim that privilege. The other goods were let from the sea, twelve miles from the land. That the charter which the bishop shewed for the jurisdiction of admiralty, made in Harry the Sixth’s time, was resumed by the statute of resumption in the twenty-eighth year of his reign. And besides, that the queen’s majesty had now the lands where he did now so challenge the admiral’s jurisdiction, so that unless he had reserved the said jurisdiction when he departed with his lands to the queen, his said jurisdiction did pass away with the lands. This was the plea on the side of the lord admiral: what that on the bishop’s was, I find not. But the charter of Henry VI. before mentioned, granting the privilege of wrecks to this see, may be read in the Appendix.

This, it seems, had been a cause tried before, in king Henry the Eighth’s time, between a bishop of Chichester that then was, and sir Arthur Lisle, lord admiral: who was laying hands upon a wreck in the coast of Sussex.

Whereupon the bishop of Chichester claimed it as his right: and withal, to satisfy him therein, produced to him a copy of the foresaid patent from the said king Henry, granting to Adam the bishop all such privileges: who was bishop of Chichester anno 1445, 24 Hen. VI. Whereupon the said lord Lisle sent this letter to the said bishop. “My lord, “In my hertiest wise, I commend me unto you, plesyth yt you t’understond, that I have perused your graunt of your libertyes; which is sure and good, as I am informed by lerned men. Wherfore I am very wel contented that you sell this late wrack, as yours; for I wyll not, in no wyse, be against you nor your church, to break any such your liberties or franchises, which by your graunt I perceive you have: and also of old tyme, accordingly to the tenour hereof, have occupyed and used. And thus fare your good lordship hartily well. From London, this vii of March.

Your own Arthur Lysley .

The wreck, about which the suit above mentioned was commenced, was, it seems, of a pirate’s ship: which the admiral made his plea for claiming it from the bishop. I find, indeed, the pirates were now very stirring upon our seas. Which gave occasion of the queen’s issuing out a proclamation, dated in June this year from Hampton-court, against them; who made good spoils of the goods of the king of Spain’s subjects, as well as of others. These seemed to be chiefly Flemings. She therefore minding to give as little offence as possible to that great and proud king, and that he might have no real cause of quarrelling with her, (as he sought occasion,) as she had therefore restrained sea-rovers by a strict proclamation the last year, so now by another she forbade any of her subjects on the coast of the sea to receive the commodities such pirates should bring to sell. It set forth, “how that by a special proclamation last year given at Oteland, she had directed sundry good orders to her ports, for the removing and expelling of all pirates out of the narrow seas upon the coast of her realms. And that thereupon several evil persons were apprehended in her ports; and were, as it was notorious, executed of late times as pirates. But that though no manifest pirates were then known to resort to any her majesty’s ports; yet it was supposed, that, by the fraud and greediness of some negligent officers in some small ports or creeks of the realm, certain goods and merchandises were secretly brought into those ports, as was said, from some ships of war of other countries; being upon the high seas, and out of the danger of her majesty’s castles or bulwarks to be stayed; and were thought to be by her majesty. “For remedy, she eftsoons commanded all manner of persons to have a more earnest regard to the observation of all things contained in the foresaid proclamation, upon several pains therein contained, and the same proclamation now publish and observe.”

And her majesty preently addeth, “that if any officer in any port or creek should have any knowledge or information given of any person that should buy, or any ways attain to any manner goods or merchandises, brought in otherwise than ordinarily and publicly by merchants’ ships, as lawfully trading merchandise; the said officers, for not apprehending the offender, and for not withstanding such frauds, to be deprived of their offices, and committed to prison without bail, if their offices be of her majesty’s gift: and if by grant of any corporation, the whole liberty of the corporation, for such misuses, shall he secured into her majesty’s hands, and be extinguished, &c. Given at Hampton-court, the 6 of June, 1570, the 12 of her reign.”

Notwithstanding, complaint was made, about the latter end of the year, by the Spanish ambassador in Paris, to the English ambassador there, of pirates, haunting the narrow seas, (especially about the Isle of Wight,) that robbed the king’s ships. It was true; but the crimes were committed by some belonging to the prince of Orange: as Cecil wrote to Walsingham: a thing the English could not help. But Mr. Horsey, governor of the Isle of Wight, was despatched with authority to set forth certain ships, either to take them, or to drive them from the coasts. For he confessed to Walsingham privately, that they were too much favoured lucri causa. But, however, he might avow truly, as he added, that the queen did not favour them.

CHAPTER 3.

Orders and injunctions for preventing frays and fightings in London. Constables to carry staves. The queen’s daily learned studies. Secretary Cecil created lord Burghley. His troubles. Sir Tho. Smith becomes secretary in his place. Walsingham ambassador in France, his complaint. Sir Nicolas Throgmorton; his death; disease and character. Earl of Sussex. Mr. Thomas Cecil’s letter to him: who had recommended him to the queen. Sir Francis Englefield’s presumptuous letter. Bishop Sandys nominated for London: his excuse; and acceptance: his.first visitation. The Italian church in London. Fox’s second edition of his Martyrology.

NOW for more domestic affairs, and observations of divers persons of character or quality. This year, or near it, a notable proclamation was set forth by the lord mayor of London, for the regulation and good order of that great metropolitical city, not only upon the queen’s charge to him to preserve peace in that her chief city, but also because lately there had been great frays and rightings, and murders too, committed in and about the said city, by cudgels, called bastinadoes, and other weapons. The latter forbidden to be drawn, and the former to be carried, by a very strict and well-penned proclamation published in print. Which all constables, for their better direction and remembrance, were to have in their houses: and they enjoined to carry a white staff. It was entitled, For the suppressing of frays, and fray-makers, and disturbers of the queen’s peace. “It began with the mention of a law of king Edward I. in the third of his reign; wherein he did enact, that the peace of the holy church and of the land should be well guarded, kept, and maintained in all points; and that egal justice should be done, as well to the rich as to the poor, without respect of persons. And that king Richard II. in his parliament the first of his reign, did in like manner well and straitly command, that peace in his realm should be surely observed and kept: so that all his lawful subjects might from thenceforth safely and peaceably go, come, and dwell, according to the law and usage of the realm; and that justice and right should be indifferently ministered. It set forth likewise, that the queen’s most excellent majesty, as well by her own mouth, as by her honourable council, had sundry times given strait charge and commandment to the lord mayor and his brethren the aldermen, and to their predecessors, that they should well and diligently conserve and keep the peace of our sovereign lady within the city and suburbs. “And forsomuch as a far greater confluence, as well of the lords, great men, prelates, knights, and gentlemen of this land, and other the common people, was made to this honourable city of London than to any other part of the realm, as well for their suits in the queen’s highness’ courts, as for other their negociations; and for these causes there was required a far greater and more diligent care, within the city especially, for the conservation of her majesty’s peace; and chiefly for that thin city is the principal city and spectacle of the whole realm; by the government whereof all other cities and places do take.example: and also, whereas the lord mayor is the queen’s highness’ lieutenant in the same city; and by the charters, liberties, franchises, and customs thereof, hath the full execution of the queen’s prerogative royal for the conservation of the peace and defence of bearing armour within all parts of this city and the suburbs thereof: “And forasmuch as of late times, within this honourable city, and the liberties and suburbs, upon quarrels begun, as well in other parts of the realm, as within this city, and in other places near adjacent, great and desperate affrays have been foughten within the said city: whereupon hath ensued horrible murder and desperate manslaughters; to the great displeasure of Almighty God, and to the manifest contempt of the queen’s most excellent majesty, her crown and dignity: “For reformation whereof the lord mayor, by the good and grave advice of his brethren the aldermen, did in the queen’s name most straitly charge, will, and command, that as well all her majesty’s subjects, as all other persons, resorting, dwelling, or abiding within the said city, or the liberties and suburbs of the same, shall from henceforth firmly keep, guard, and maintain in all points the peace of our said sovereign lady. And that no person presume to draw or use any weapon to fight, upon pain of forfeiture of the same, and to have prisonment of his body during her majesty’s pleasure, and to make fine and ransom for the same offence. “And for the better repressing of such as be common disturbers and breakers of her majesty’s peace, he commanded all her majesty’s good subjects diligently to assist the constables, and other her majesty’s officers, in pacifying of affrays, and apprehending of such as were breakers and disturbers of her majesty’s peace, as often as they shall be called upon by the said constables, upon pain of imprisonment, and further punishment. And that the constables within the said city and liberties may at the time of such affrays be the better known, the lord mayor did hereby charge and command, that every constable should have a white staff, or rod, of the length of one ell and an half, and of the bigness of a standard shaft. Which staff, or rod, he or his deputy shall bear in his hand at all such times as he shall go to the appeasing of such affrays. And that no persons but constables only, or their deputies, do use the like staves, upon pain of imprisonment. “Herewithal charging all the constables, as often as need shall require, to raise the inhabitants of their several precincts, and to take and apprehend all such as shall draw or use any weapon to fight, or make an affray, or otherwise break her highness’ peace.

And all such affray-makers and peacebreakers to carry forthwith to one of the counters, there to remain, until such further order be taken with him or them, as may be to the terror and example of others. “And further, he did straitly command and charge, that no person presume to bear or carry in their hands, or otherwise, within the city of London, and liberties thereof, any manner of ragged or smooth cudgel, commonly called a bastinado, either with a pike of iron or without. And such as now offended therein, to be attached by the constables, or their deputies, and brought before the lord mayor or the recorder, or before some other justice of peace of the same city; there to receive such punishment for the same as shall be thought expedient. And to the intent that the constables may not excuse themselves by ignorance, the lord mayor commanded every constable of the same city to have one of these proclamations fixed upon a wall within his dwelling-house, in a place meet and convenient for the same. “Imprinted at London, by John Day.”

If we turn our eyes from the city to the court: the queen was now at Windsor; where, besides the public and weighty affairs of the state, she customarily set apart some hours every day in her privy chamber in learned studies; as in reading Greek, in conversing with ancient authors of philosophy and divinity, and in fair writing, and indicting letters and discourses in divers languages. Wherein she used the conduct of the learned and ingenious Roger Ascham: which he looked upon as one of the greatest felicities of his life. And reproached the young gentry of the nation, nay, and many of the elderly divines, by her example. And with what words he addressed himself to them upon occasion of the queen’s studies, to excite them to learning, is set down elsewhere.

One of this learned queen’s wise counsellors was sir William Cecil, her secretary of state, learned himself, and also a chief patron of learning and religion: whom this year she worthily advanced to the honour of a baron of this kingdom, by the title of baron of Burghley, the name of his noble house in Northamptonshire; and still giving title to his eldest son’s issue, the earls of Exeter: not advanced for his wealth, but for his worth. But he remained secretary for some time after: though it was thought then, (as the earl of Leicester wrote to Walsingham,) that ere long he should have the office of privy seal. If we will take his title from his own pen, thus he wrote to Nicolas White, his friend in Ireland; “My style is lord of Burghley, if you mean to know it for your writing, and if you list to write, truly the poorest lord in England. Yours, not changed in friendship though in name, William Burgh ley.” And about this time he wrote to Walsingham in France, March the 1st, 1570, subscribing, his letter, By your assured, as I was wont, Wil.

Cecil; and as I am now ordered to write, William Burghley. And in his own Journal he wrote, “that he was created baron the 25th of February, being Shrove Sunday; yet called lord Burghley some time before.”

The bishop of Ross, the Scottish queen’s ambassador, (but for his pragmatical and seditious spirit committed to the Tower,) thought fit, in a letter to this lord, to give him this compliment upon his new honour: “When I was going to wreit your lordship’s accustomed style of honour upon my letter, I was warned of your late honourable promotion. Wherof I am most heartily glad. For your vertue, wisdom, and experience hath mereit that, and much more. And happy is that commonwealth whair the magistrates are so elected: et quum aut sapientes gubernant, aut gubernantes philosophantur.

If this wise and good man took any delight in titles of honour, it was some recompence to him for the severe troubles and dangers he was oppressed with, for his public and faithful services. For the last year he had certainly sunk under the malicious combinations of the great men at the court against him, had not the queen seasonably interposed; knowing well the worth of the man, and, on that account, the zeal she had, and must have, for such a man, obliged her on his side. And this present year, 1570, also, he had his share of trouble; and the court itself was full of changes. And how it stood with him now, take his own words, in a letter to his dear friend in Ireland. “I cannot well resolve what to write, such are the varieties and changes of time, that may alter my advertisements between my writing and your receipt. Therefore I will write of things not subject to change by me while I live. I do continue, nor will desist, to love heartily the honest virtues which I am persuaded are settled and rooted in you. For which I love you, and so will, [however mutable he found the love of others to him,] except you make the change. I am, as you have known me, (if not more,) tormented with the blasts of the world: willing to live in calm places; but it pleaseth God otherwise to exercise me, in sort as I cannot shun the rages thereof; though his goodness preserveth me, as it were with the target of his providence, from the dangers that are gaping upon me. Vita hominis est militia super terram. I use no armour of proof against the dart and pellet, but confidence in God by a clear conscience.”

He was a man that affected meditation and retirement, but could not be spared from the public. For to repeat one expression more, dropped in the same letter: “God send me some intermission from business, to meditate privately upon his marvellous works, and to exercise my thankfulness for his mercies and benefits.” This was writ in May. But, instead of a recess from business, the queen laid more weighty employment upon him not long afterwards. For upon the death of the lord marquis of Winchester, lord treasurer, in the year 1572, she advanced him to that place. But yet the drawing up of most of the state writings, as instructions to ambassadors, and declarations, and letters, lay upon him even then, and long after.

He was succeeded in the office of secretary of state by sir Tho. Smith, knt. another very faithful, wise, and learned counsellor of the queen’s: but not before June 24, 1571; who had late been the queen’s ambassador with the French king. He was first called to assist the said new baron in the office of secretary; and was, in order to that, admitted to the council, March the 4th, as the earl of Leicester; but the day before wrote to Walsingham, that the said sir Thomas should be admitted to the council to-morrow; and shortly after to be secretary.

Happy was the queen in her secretaries; who were both faithful, able, and diligent. Such was Mr. Walsingham, afterwards secretary, viz. in January 1575, being then admitted joint-secretary with sir Thomas Smith. Which Wal-singham, by serving her majesty faithfully in his embassy, to his great cost, in housekeeping and intelligence, ran himself deep in debt: insomuch that, in a letter he wrote this year from France to the earl of Leicester, he shewed him, that his charges grew to be so great, through the excessive dearness of the place, (the like to which was never known,) that necessity forced him at that present to make his moan unto his lordship, and to desire his aid, that he might not be, as he was, overburdened: whereby his care how to live might not hinder the only care he ought to have, how to serve.

And that though his service could not deserve so much as he was allowed, yet his place and his state required, he said, consideration to be had of the present time; otherwise he should not be able to do that which should be for her majesty’s honour and service: adding, that always change of time brought change of allowance.

This year, February 12, died sir Nicolas Throgmorton, knt. who had been the queen’s ambassador jointly with sir Thomas Smith; and employed in other embassies and matters of state: and a great creature of the earl of Leicester’s. He died ex pleurisi et peripneumonia, as Cecil, in a diary of his, expressed it. The loss of whom Leicester signified in a letter two days after (viz. February 14) to Walsing-ham, in these words: “We have lost, on Monday, our good friend, sir Nic. Throgmorton: who died at my house, being there taken suddenly in great extremity on the Tuesday before. His lungs were perished. But a sadden cold he had taken was the cause of his speedy death. God hath his soul: and we his friends great loss of his body.”

Some apprehended his sudden death came by poison: but whether by Leicester’s means, being in his house when he died, it is uncertain. He was a busy, intriguing man. Cecil also wrote the same news of his death to the same correspondent, viz. “That he had been sick, and past six or seven days, of a pleurisy, joined with a disease called peripneumonia: ” adding piously, “he doth but lead the way to us.” Walsingham, in his letter back to Leicester, taking notice of the said sir Nicolas’s death, (whom he called a dear friend to him,) gave this judgment of him; “That by the lack of him, if it were private to his friends, the loss were great: but if weighed generally in respect to her majesty and the country, the want of him would appear greater. For be it spoken, said he, without offence to any, for counsel in peace, and for conduct in war, he hath not left of like sufficiency his successor, that I know: concluding, that he would no more insist upon that matter, unpleasant for his lordship to read, as for him to write.”

He was buried in the church of St. Katharine, Creechurch, London; where he hath a fair monument, with his figure in stone.

In the month of October the earl of Sussex was admitted into the privy council: who had merited, well. He was lord president of the council in the north: and the last year, being the queen’s lord lieutenant in the north, he had great success against the rebels in the north: and was accompanied with a great many English gentlemen, volunteers. And, among the rest, by Mr. Thomas Cecill, secretary Cecilrs eldest son: who, for his signal service, and some promise, expected some reward with others. And having been particularly recommended unto the queen by the said earl, he wrote this handsome letter in acknowledgment to him; expressive also of his modesty and virtue, agreeable to the spirit of his worthy father. “That it might please his good lordship: Understanding that such as served under his lordship in the late rebellion of the north did generally look at this time, by his recommendation, for some recompence of their service; among whom, accounting himself one, and his suit already being most favourably recommended unto the queen’s majesty by his lordship’s special favour unto him, more than any desert of his part; he was the bolder to remember himself unto his lordship by these his letters: not as one, in respect of his particular gain, meaning to be importunate with him; but as he, who neither meant to attempt other men’s credits in this behalf, neither to be bound or thankful unto any, but unto his lordship only. And should think himself happy, if at any time it might be in him, by any service, to acknowledge that duty and good-will which he remained indebted unto his lordship. In the mean time he remained as his most bounden; and wishing his lordship his heart’s desire.” It was dated from Burghleigh, the 26th of December, 1570; subscribing, Your lordship’s at commaunment, Tho. Cecill .”

November the 18th, sir Francis Englefield wrote a presumptuous letter to the earl of Leicester, against the queen’s majesty’s authority. It is only so briefly set down by Cecill in his diary: grounding it, as it seems, upon the pope’s late excommunication of her, and discharging her subjects from their allegiance, and giving her kingdoms to the king of Spain. He was a great popish zealot; and had been a privy counsellor to the late queen Mary, and master of her wards and liveries: but now living abroad upon pretence of his religion, and a pensioner to the king of Spain, held a correspondence with the queen’s enemies. Though the queen deserved better at his hands, as hath been related at large elsewhere. For she allowed him the revenues of his estate here in England; and retained only a small part of it for the necessary maintenance of his wife; who was an heiress, and brought a considerable fortune to him. And whereas he pretended his conscience for refusing, at the queen’s command, to return to his own country, because he might not enjoy his religion here; she ordered her ambassador, then in Spain, to inform that king, (who had by his ambassador interceded for him,) that none of her subjects were disturbed for their religion, if they were quiet in the state; nor should sir Francis. But his seditious spirit and animosity against the queen and her authority still remained, as appears by writing after this manner to one of her chief statesmen.

Grindal being the beginning of this year translated from the see of London to that of York, Sandys, bishop of Worcester, was concluded upon by the queen to be the fittest person to be removed into that room; a man dear to the citizens, and earnestly desired by them to be their pastor. Secretary Cecil, who was the great instrument of this intended remove, despatched a message to him, to acquaint him with the queen’s resolution: and therefore prayed him to hasten to London for that end. But the good bishop, conscious to himself of his own inability for so great a charge, and not caring, perhaps, to be placed so much in view of the court and the whole realm, pleading withal his want of health, and bodily infirmity, laboured to decline it as much as he could. And thereupon sent up his chancellor to lay before the secretary his unwillingness on those accounts to remove from that see, where he hoped he did God service. But the chancellor did his message after that manner, as though the bishop were not in earnest, and as though it were but a faint excuse, and that he required only some further solicitation to accept it. Which caused a gentle reprimand of him from Cecil; shewing him, how the queen was not disposed to think of any one else for that place; and likewise, that the citizens began to be much displeased with him for his denial. This troubled him; and concluding this a call from God to this bishopric, he sent up a pious and modest letter to the secretary, importing his no longer standing out; and that upon the queen’s and council’s summons he would obey and come up. Which letter, deserving to be inserted, as affording some character of this godly prelate, was as followeth: viz. “Sir, “I shall humbly pray you not to be offended, that thus often with my letters I molest your honour. My former and whole suit was simple, my meaning plain; saying of myself as I thought of myself: [i.e. declining to be translated, because of his mean opinion of himself and his abilities.] If my chancellor hath otherwise insinuated, he did it without commission or knowledge of me. The wants in mind, and the infirmities in body, were the chief causes of my refusal. Yet hearing by my chancellor that you were offended with me, and understanding that the queen’s majesty misliked to alter her highness’ determination; and being sundry ways advertised of the clamour of London against me for my refusal, and how that with universal joyfulness the people desired me; this touched my conscience very near, and made me write to your honour in such sort as I did. “Sir, your answer unto my man was such as hath wonderfully troubled me. I looked for comfort and good advice, but I fear to reap grief and displeasure. I have given no just cause of offence: my conscience standeth clear. I have ever honoured and loved you, before all other men. I have been and will be very ready at your commaunment in what I can. Whcrein I cannot otherwise pleasure you, I daily in my prayers commend you unto Him, who can in all things benefit you. This to be simple and true, I call the true God to record. My deserving being not to the contrary, I hope to find your old wonted favour. You will not in honour and good nature cast away your poor friend without all cause. If you glome upon me, I shall serve Christ’s church with less comforth, and to less profit.

The world understandeth that you are my good friend, and that I may do somewhat with you. If the papists may-learn misliking, they will easily over-crow me; and it will much weaken my work in God’s church. I have, as it were, already lost the earl of Leicester, because I wrote privately to you, and not to him. He told my chancellor, that therewith he was much offended. If you shall mislike of me also, evil is my hap. “Sir, if the queen’s majesty and the privy council be not otherwise resolved, if you bid me come up, I will, and take that office upon me, whatsoever become of me; and stand to your favour and courtesy. For in that matter you shall wholly dispose of me. The full consent and calling of the people of London doth not a little touch me. If a meeter be already chosen, I shall be most glad of it: so that I may live here, and wheresoever, with your favour and wonted friendship. Which I humbly crave at your hands; more esteeming the same, than the best bishopric in the realm. Good master secretary, stand my good friend. Commaund me, and I will obey.

Bid me, and I will do. Your advice will I follow fully. The calling of the prince and of the privy council, the calling and consent of the whole people, and my private friends earnestly requiting the same, hath narrowly touched my conscience; and moveth me to think that this calling is of God. I pray you write me three lines, that I may certainly know what to do, and whether I be fully discharged, or no. Thus commending me wholly unto your friendship, I commend you to the grace of God. In haste, at Hartilbury, this 26th of April, 1570.

Your honour’s in Christ, Ed. Wigorn .

Thus the good bishop, partly to recover himself from the displeasure taken at him, and especially being now touched in conscience, that this universal appointment of him to the charge of London was a calling from God, was fain, with much submission, to comply, and revoke his former refusal.

He visited his diocese this first year of his translation. And January the 10th he held his visitation in London. Some Articles and Injunctions of the bishop then given the clergy, I learn from a journal of one of these London ministers. “We are straitly charged, I. To keep strictly the Book of Common Prayer.

II. No man to preach without a licence.

III. To observe the appointed apparel: that is, to wear the square cap, the scholar’s gown, &c. And in all divine service to wear the surplice.

IV. None to receive strangers; that is, any of other parishes, to their communion.

V. All clerks’ tolerations to be called in.”

This will be better understood, when we are informed, that there had been divers ministers, who had private meetings in houses: where they preached, baptized, administered the communion after a new way, different from the public liturgy, and also condemned it, and the established government of the church. For which, some of them were imprisoned. But such was the clemency of the government, that the former bishop, by permission and order of the privy council, granted them, after about a year’s restraint, their liberty; and upon promise of their peaceable beha-viour, and a certain subscription, allowed them some toleration. But they misbehaved themselves; among whom the chief were Crane and Bonham. Which was the cause of this article of calling in all tolerations. “VI. That parish clerks intrude not into the priests’ duty, as before they had sometimes done.”

That is, they had taken upon them, on some occasions, to say common prayer, and use some of the offices. This was presumption not to be suffered; and thought fit therefore to be taken notice of by the bishop in.his visitation, and to be made one of his articles to the clergy, no longer to suffer it.

The Italian church in London, which first began in the time of king Edward VI. was continued under queen Elizabeth, and had the favour of the state, for the liberty of religious worship for such Italians as embraced the reformed religion. Whereof there were many residing in that city, both merchants and others, that had fled thither from some parts of Italy, where the gospel had been preached, but now persecuted. Which church was thought profitable also for the use of such English gentlemen as had travelled abroad in Italy. That by their resorting thither, they might both serve God, and keep their knowledge of the Italian language: which by disuse they might otherwise have soon forgotten. But it was an observation now made, of the evil consequence of young men’s travelling from hence into those parts, viz. that they lost all the good and sober principles they carried out of England with them, and became negligent of religion, and little better than atheists. Which caused Mr. Ascham about this time to say, “These men thus Italianated abroad, cannot abide our godly Italian church at home. They be not of that parish, (they say,) they be not of that fellowship. They like not the preacher: they hear not his sermons; except sometime for company, they come thither to hear the Italian tongue naturally spoken; not to hear God’s doctrine truly preached.”

This year John Fox set forth the second time his laborious book of confessors and martyrs. Which bore this title; The Ecclesiastical History, containing the Acts and Monuments of things passed in every king’s time in this realm; especially in the church of England, principally to be noted.

With a full discourse of such persecutions, horrible troubles, and sufferings of martyrs; and other things incident, touching’ as well the said church of England, as also Scotland, and all other foreign nations, from the primitive times, till the reign of king Henry VIII. Newly recog-nised and enlarged by the author John Fox. This was the first volume.

The prolegomena before the work consisted of divers tracts, viz. these that follow. The first is, “To the true and faithful congregation of Christ’s universal church, with all and singular the members thereof, wheresoever congregated or dispersed through the realm of England, a protestation or petition of the author, wishing to the same abundance of all peace and tranquillity, with speedy coming of Christ the spouse, to make an end of all mot-tal misery.” The running title is, A protestation to the whole church of England. The second is the epistle dedicatory, entitled, “To the right virtuous, most excellent, and noble princess, queen Elizabeth, our dread lady, by the grace of God, queen of England and Ireland, defender of Christ’s faith and gospel, and principal governor both of the realm, as also over the said church of England and Ireland, under Christ the supreme head of the same, John Fox, her humble subject, wisheth daily increase of God’s holy Spirit and grace, with long reign, perfect health, and joyful peace, to govern his flock committed to her charge; to the example of all good princes, the comfort of his church, and glory of his blessed name.”

In which epistle, near the beginning, are these words, expressing what high displeasure the papalins conceived against him, only for exposing, by way of historical relation, the barbarous usages expressed by them towards such as professed the gospel. “That when he first presented those Acts and Monuments unto her majesty, &c. which her rare clemency received in such gentle part, he well hoped that those his travels in that kind of writing had been well at an end: whereby he might have returned to his studies again, to other purposes, after his own desire more fit, than to write histories, especially in the English tongue. But that certain evil disposed persons, of intern-perate tongues, adversaries to good proceedings, would not suffer him to rest; fuming and fretting, and raising up such miserable exclamations against the first appearance of the book, as was wonderful to hear. A man (as he expressed himself) would have thought Christ to have been new born again, and that Herod and all the city of Jerusalem had been in an uproar; such blustering and stirring was there against that poor book, through all quarters of England, to the gates of Lovain. So that no English papist almost in all the realm thought himself a perfect catholic, unless he had cast out some word or other, to give that book a blow They clamoured against it, to be full of lies, &c. As though there were no histories else in all the world corrupt, but only this story of Acts and Monuments. That with tragical voices they exclaimed and wondered upon it: sparing no cost (said he) of hyperbolical phrases, to make it appear as full of lies as lines.....

And this only for three or four escapes in that book committed.

And yet some of them were in the same book amended: they neither reading the whole, nor rightly understanding that they read, inveighed and maligned so perversely the setting out thereof, as though neither any word in all that story were true, nor any other story false in all the world.” But then concerning such matters related by him that were errors indeed, he added, (for the satisfaction of all sober, unprejudiced readers, if not for the silencing of those calumniators,) “That nevertheless, in accusing these his accusers, he did not so excuse himself, nor defend his book, as though nothing in it were to be spunged or amended, therefore he had taken pains to reiterate his labours, in travelling out the story again: doing herein as Penelope did with her web, untwisting that she had done before: or as builders do sometimes; take down again their buildings, either to transpose the fashion, or to make the foundation larger: so he in recognising this history had employed a little more labour, partly to enlarge the argument he took in hand, partly also to assay, whether by any pains-taking he might pacify the stomachs or satisfy the judgments of these importune quarrellers.”

A third prefatory tract to this book is addressed to the true Christian reader, on this subject, What utility is to be taken by reading of these histories. A fourth is written, To all the professed friends and followers of the pope’s proceedings; four questions propounded to them. Then follow the names of the authors alleged in this book: and of the martyrs that suffered. Then are set down corrections of sundry faults, defects, and oversights in both volumes of this history: and next, certain cautions of the author to the reader, of things to be considered in reading this story, What these cautions are, I refer the reader to the Appendix, to inform him in.

Where we may observe the dispositions of many to find fault with Mr.

Fox’s pains, by the frivolous exceptions that were taken at several things, and at very minute mistakes or omissions.

This year did William Lambard of Lincoln’s Inn send in writing the antiquities of Kent to Tho. Wotton, esq. a worthy and learned gentleman of the same county: a book abounding with variety of ancient and curious historical collections of places and matters of that county; entitled, A perambulation of Kent, containing the description, history, and customs of that shire. Which Mr. Wotton five or six years after published, with his own recommendatory epistle before it, to the gentlemen of the county. Mr.

Lambard’s genius led him to gather, out of all ancient as well as modern histories of this island, sundry notes of such quality, as might serve for the description and story of the most famous places throughout this whole realm; which he called, A topographical dictionary, because it was digested into rifles by order of alphabet, and concerned the description of places. Out of which he meant in time (if God granted him life, ability, and leisure) to draw, as from a certain storehouse, fit matter for each particular shire and county. And resolved first to begin with Kent; as he wrote in his epistle to Mr. Wotton, when he sent him the said MS.

This year Dr. Thomas Wylson, a learned civilian, master of St. Katharine’s, near the Tower of London, set forth certain orations of Demosthenes, the famous orator of Athens, translated by him into elegant English, being a man of polite learning in Latin and Greek; which I took some notice of in the former volume. He set about this translation with the greatest care and exactness, that it might be looked upon in that age as a perfect piece of eloquent English language; and that it might answer the tongue and oratory of the first and chiefest orator of Athens; as he writes in his preface. And in this his translation he made use of the Latin translation made by that singular learned man sir John Cheeke, sometime the king’s Greek professor in Cambridge; who had read some of these orations formerly to this Wylson and other English scholars in Padua; whither they were retired for their safety in the persecuting times of queen Mary. The interpretation whereof Wylson had from his own mouth, who kindly took care over all the Englishmen there. And the very argument of those causes that orator handled, so agreeing to those times of queen Elizabeth, made him the rather to enter upon this work of translating into our own tongue; for the people of this nation to read these orations against king Philip of Macedon: that king Philip, and Philip king of Spain, equally ambitious to overrun other countries more than their own. And that England might stand upon her guard against one Philip, as Athens was counselled to do against another.

Thus we have that orator addressing himself to his Athenian auditors with respect to king Philip: “Counselling them to take heed of him, as a justly suspected enemy; and no ways to trust his forged peace: under shadow whereof he doth, saith he, all the mischief he can. And therefore willed them to look well to their business, and to trust to themselves, making ready against all assays; because that Philip did nothing else but lie in wait for them, and all Greece besides, to conquer them, and to become a tyrant over them, &c. making it plain, that king Philip did hate them deadly; and warning them for that cause not to trust his fair promises: for that he had most cruelly abused other cities and countries with like craft and subtilty. The orator then inveighed against those traitors that were king Philip’s hirelings: and shewed, that their promises and king Philip’s doings agreed not together, and declared him to be their mortal enemy. And therefore advised them to take up arms, and proclaim open war, for the better safeguard and defence of their whole estate and country.”

It is easy to see how parallel the case of England now was with that of Athens then, in divers particulars: which the publisher of these orations, no doubt, had his eye upon.

It partly also gave him occasion, (as he tells us,) to set about this work, whilst once, being solitary among his books, he recollected his former felicity under the teaching and instruction of that foresaid learned man, while they conversed at that university in Italy. Of whom he could not refrain to speak with much honour and respect. And of him, and such other incomparable men for piety, learning, and usefulness in that age, I take all opportunities to retrieve the precious memory. Take then Dr. Wylson’s words of him; “That he deeply thought, and often, of that learned man and singular ornament of this land. And as the remembrance of him was dear unto him, for his manifold great gifts and wonderful virtues, so he thought of his most gentle nature and godly disposed mind, to help all those with his knowledge and understanding, that any way made means unto him, and sought his favour. And to say for myself, as he proceeded, among others, I found him such a friend to me, in communicating his skill, and the gifts of his mind, as I cannot, but during my life, speak reverendly of so worthy a man, and honour in my heart the heavenly remembrance of him.”

He mentioned a saying of this Cheek concerning Demosthenes; viz. “That none ever was more fit to make an Englishman tell his tale praiseworthily in any open hearing, either in parliament, pulpit, or otherwise, than this orator alone was?

But his main motive for his translating and printing these orations may be worth our hearing more at large; namely, “That he could not suffer so noble an orator, and so necessary a writer for all those that loved their country’s liberty and welfare, to lie hid and unknown, especially in such a dangerous world as this was.” Other reasons moving him lie in these words of his: “He that loveth his country, and desireth to procure the welfare of it, let him read Demosthenes, and he shall not want matter to do himself good. For he that seeketh common quietness, Demosthenes can teach him his lesson. He that would gladly prevent evil to come, Demosthenes is for his purpose. He that desireth to serve his country abroad, let him read Demosthenes day and night: for this is he that is able to make him fit to do any service for his country’s welfare. For never did glass so truly represent a man’s face as Demosthenes doth shew the world to us. And as it was then, so it is now; and will be so still, till the consummation and end of all things.

The Devil never ceaseth from the beginning of the world to make division, and contrive to stir civil wars; to embolden the commons against their superiors; to put evil thoughts into counsellors’ head; to make people ambitious and covetous, and corrupt the hearts even of the messengers and preachers of God’s word: continuing his practice still in all places, with all men. And therefore, seeing Demosthenes is so good a schoolmaster for men, to decipher the Devil and his ministers, for the advancement of uprightness in all things, I would wish that all men would become his scholars.”

To the title of this book, The Orations of Demosthenes, chief orator among the Grecians, &c. was added, Most needful to be redde in these daungerous dayes, of al them that love their countryes libertie, and desire to take warning for their better avayle, by example of others. He dedicated this his translation in a large epistle to sir William Cecil, knight, to whom he had sent the copy for his judgment before he would publish it; and a private letter in Latin accompanying it: which I have transcribed from his own pen, and put into the Appendix; as a remembrance of one who was, besides his great learning, sometime the queen’s ambassador, and afterwards one of her principal secretaries.

CHAPTER 4.

Motions and letters concerning’ the queen’s marrying with duke d’Anjou. The matter of religion the great article. The queen will not allow him the exercise of the mass. Ambassadors from France move for that article. The queen’s resolution. The treaty put off.

Renewed again: but to no purpose. Fears and apprehensions hereupon. Amity however endeavoured with France. Motion of the match revived. Discourse about it between the French ambassador and the queen. She hath no inclination that way. Practice of Spain.

Sir Thomas Smith sent into France for cultivating amity. Promotes the marriage between the prince of Navar and the French king’s sister.

THE queen’s matching with Henry duke d’Anjou, the French king’s brother, as it was moved the last year, so it was earnestly pursued this. A matter that had its conve-niencies, it being the best means of securing queen Elizabeth against the Scotch queen’s pretences; and its dangers to the state of religion established. I shall therefore collect what I find in letters of ambassadors, and papers of state, concerning this important affair; avoiding what our historians have already written of it. The embassy of Mr. Wal-singham was chiefly for this end. And the great aim was, to bring about the changing of duke d’Anjou’s religion. And then it was in all fair probability to take effect. As for monsieur, he declared a mighty affection for the queen to Walsingham: and that though he was but young, yet that any time these five years there had been overtures of marriage made to him; and that he found in himself no inclination unto this present time to yield to any. But that he must confess, that through the great commendations that was made of the queen his mistress, for her rare gifts as well of mind as of body; being, as even her enemies said, the rarest creature that had been in Europe these five hundred years; his affections, grounded upon so good respects, had now made him yield to be wholly hers. This was the noble lover’s protestation to the English ambassador.

And of the amendment of his religion, the said ambassador had hope.

Which when Cecil the secretary (now newly created lord of Burghley) understood by the lord Buck-hurst, late ambassador also in France, he thus expressed himself in a letter to Walsingham, “That if monsieur were not rooted in opinion of evil religion, as by reason of his young years it was likely such a change might by argument be brought about; then by his marrying within England, and becoming a professor of the gospel, (considering his towardness to be a martial prince,) he might prove a noble conqueror of all popery in Christendom, with such aids as might join with him in the empire and otherwhere. And of such a design the secretary wished he might be capable.” But this, which he wrote from the court at Greenwich, he enjoined him to keep secret within his own breast; saying, “The more he writ, the more open he was; considering the trust he had in his secrecy, and trusting notwithstanding, that nothing thereof should have light, to do him any hurt.”

Therefore it was privily resolved in the English court, that monsieur, if he married the queen, must not use any religion different from that of the queen. For so it ran in the instructions given to sir Thomas Smith, (who was ambassador in France immediately before Walsingham,) in these terms; “That although it may be sufferable to have an outward exercise of Christian religion in divers sorts among the subjects of one realm; yet to have a diversity, or rather a contrariety in outward exercise of religion between us, (being queen of the realm, and so the head of the people,) and him that should be her husband, seemeth not only dangerous, but also absurd, yea, almost impossible. This must be for a principal argument.

And when it was required on the French part, that monsieur might have only the private exercise of the popish religion, the counsellors would not admit of it; “Forasmuch as the granting unto him the exercise of his religion, being contrary unto the laws of the land, might, by an example, breed such an offence as was likely to breed much trouble.” Walsingham discoursed with the queen-mother on this argument. When she insisted much upon it, and used the argument of her son’s honour, to obtain this liberty, he beseeched her to consider as well the queen his mistress’s danger as her son’s honour; shewing her, that of this permission great danger would ensue: as, I. The violating of her laws. II. The offence of her good and faithful subjects. And lastly, The encouragement of the evilaffected.

Which three mischiefs, if she would but weigh with her son’s honour, she would find them to be of great moment. This discourse Walsingham had with this French queen, upon command from queen Elizabeth’s letters brought by Cavalcant, the French ambassador, lately returned to Paris. Who acquainted Walsingham that it was the queenmother’s pleasure, that he should come to her at St. Cloud’s about four miles from Paris. Then he desired to know of her, how she was satisfied with an answer the queen had sent her by Cavalcant, unto certain articles propounded by the king and her, to the end that he might advertise her majesty. She then told him, among other things, that the second article, which was concerning religion, was very hard, and narrowly touched the honour of her son. Insomuch that should he yield thereto, the queen herself would receive also some part of the blemish, by accepting for an husband such an one, as by sudden change of religion might be thought drawn by worldly respects, and void of all conscience and religion. To which Walsingham replied, that he was willed to say to her, that monsieur, she doubted not, but that by her good persuasions, would accept in good part the said answer. And that she meant not such change of a sudden, as that he and his household should be compelled to use the rites of the English church, contrary to his or their consciences. And so the ambassador proceeded in his discourse as is above mentioned. This I have extracted from Walsingham’s original letter to the lord Burghley, in the Paper-office, endorsed thus by that lord’s own hand: April 23, 1571, Mr. Wal-singham to me, after the return of Cavalcant into France: and by another hand, Upon the permission or toleration of popery, what mischief will ensue?

The whole letter containing this more fully, with other matters, I have transcribed into the Appendix.

De Foix, employed by the French in this business, made answer to this; viz.

That to live without exercise of religion, was as much as to be of no religion. And he knew, the queen’s majesty in honour would not have him touched with so great a spot, as to be thought an atheist. To this it was replied, that if it were true, that he, the ambassador, had heard, monsieur was not so far from our religion, having had some introduction therein by Carnvallet, his governor, lately deceased. And therefore, if it pleased him to water those seeds which he had already received, by some conference, he should be able easily to discern, that the change of his religion would breed unto him no dishonour.

The queen stood well affected to proceed in the marriage, in case reason might take place in the conditions, as the earl of Leicester told Walsingham in his letter. And how likely this article of religion was to succeed, the ambassador informed the said earl: “That he conceived great hopes thereof, by certain speeches lately passed between the French king, monsieur’s brother, and Teligny; viz. that religion should not be the let, which was the chiefest thing respected in this match.” For that the king entering into discourse with that French gentleman, who had said, that it seemed strange to the world, that monsieur grew every day more suspicious than other, appearing much bent to his religion; the king replied, that his brother, if there fell out no other lets but religion, would be ruled by him. “And because,” said the king, “that I may bring the matter the better to pass, I will have my brother with me out of this town, and deliver him from certain superstitious friars, that seem to nourish this new holiness in him. And that he doubted not, within a few days, so to work upon his brother, as he would yield to any thing he should require.”

And two days after, the king called Teligny again unto him, and asked him, whether he had lately any talk with his brother. Teligny then shewed the king, that the same day at dinner monsieur called him unto him; and that his whole course of talk was only in commendation of the queen’s majesty, and of the great desire he had to have so happy and so honourable a match.

Whereby, said he, I see him so far, as I hope he will not make any difficulty at religion; which will be the chief matter the queen will stick at. To which the king said, No; observe my brother well; and you shall see him every day less superstitious than other. By this speech it appeared what great hope Walsingham conceived of the king’s revolt also from papistry: using these words to Leicester; Surely I am of opinion, that if this match go forward, it will set the triple crown quite aside. But our good ambassador was not yet sufficiently acquainted with that king’s dissimulation.

In the mean time, that monsieur might the more oblige the queen, the queen-mother told the English ambassador, that her son would send over marshal Montmorancy, [a person very acceptable unto this court,] because the queen her sister desired it. And that he desired again, that she would send thither, into France, the earl of Leicester, [her favourite.] Whom he desired to see and honour, for the good affection that he bore to the amity between the two realms, and to requite him for the presents which he had at divers times sent unto him. And then she doubted not all things should be done as her majesty desired.

This business therefore, about the article of religion, was earnestly transacted here at the English court: whereof the queen made a relation to her ambassador in France. The French ambassador and Cavalcant, an Italian gentleman, there, (but one that had long lived in England, and was well affected towards it,) were come hither from the French king about this affair. And the earl of Leicester and the lord Burghley were appointed by the queen to be her commissioners to treat with them. The ambassador began with the article concerning the celebration of the matrimony by the English book. And here he said, he doubted that the usage of matrimony by the order of this church might contain matter repugnant to the duke’s conscience. And namely, that he should be urged at that time to receive the sacrament according to the institution of this church. The queen, as to this point, directed Walsingham to tell monsieur de Foix, that that was the very order of the book, viz. that “it was convenient the married couple should receive the communion.” But however, that being not of necessity, he might give them some hope, that it might, for reasonable respects, be forborne. But for the other and main article, that the duke d’Anjou, should have no liberty for himself and his domestics, to use his own religion, the French ambassador urged to have it permitted, with these cautions and conditions; “That he should use his religion ill secret place and manner, and with such circumspection, as thereby no manner of public offence should grow to the queen’s subjects.”

But to this the queen would not yield: being answered, that she doubted not, but that monsieur al’Anjou would, by the advice of the queen-mother, be contented with the queen’s answer, being well weighed; in that she will be contented, that by no means neither he nor his domestics should be compelled to use the rites of our religion, otherwise than should be agreeable with his conscience. But as for the exercise of his own religion, being especially forbidden by our laws, she could not, without manifest offence and peril to her state, accord thereto. And having acquainted Walsingham with all this, she told him, that he should use all good persuasions to induce them to be content with her answer in that behalf.

And that for the better maintaining thereof, he should require that it might be considered, what peril it might be to the quietness of her state, to have one that should be her husband, (by his example in her house,) to give comfort to her subjects to break her laws, that presently were devoted to obey them. Which might so fall out in process of time, as it might repent her that ever she had been so illy advised, &c. And in any wise, she bade her ambassador give them no other comfort in this behalf. And she thought meet, that before any other things were treated of, this matter concerning the point of religion were first on both parties determined. And this being accorded, there would be no great difficulty in the rest. And that considering this matter for religion seemed of such substance, as none of the rest were, she thought it best to have this first treated of; and so enter to proceed or forbear.

Other articles relating to religion were, that the duke should accompany the queen at the usual times to her chapel and oratory; and there remain in some convenient place, until the queen returned back. And that the duke neither by himself nor any other should procure that a change or alteration be made or attempted of the evangelical laws of religion set forth in the realm of England; nor afford favour to any subject of the queen’s; whereby in any part to violate these ecclesiastical laws; but should rather endeavour that such a violator of them be brought to punishment.

When Walsingham had treated at large, according to these instructions, with the queen-mother about this great article, she said, it was generally feared by the catholics, that this match would breed a change of religion throughout all Europe. And then concluded, that neither monsieur her son, nor the king, nor herself could ever yield to any such sudden change for any respect whatsoever. Adding, that her son would soon be overcome by the queen’s persuasions, he being more zealous than able to defend his religion.

This put some stop to proceedings. Afterwards De Foix writ letters, that this matter might be continued; as though there would be other offers made by them. But the queen handled the matter exceeding well with the ambassador, and gave him no hope, without yielding on their part. And this the earl of Leicester signified to Walsingham; and that, as far as he could perceive, they would rather yield than break off. Walsingham observed, how the French protestants did earnestly desire this match; and the papists, on the other side, did seem earnestly to impeach the same: which made him the more diligent and eager to further it. And that upon wise considerations, observing how her majesty’s estate, both at home and abroad, stood, as he in his poor eyesight, as he said, could discern; and how she was beset with foreign perils; the execution whereof stayed only upon the event of this match; he saw not how she could stand, if this matter brake off. These were that statesman’s apprehensions; and this was the reason he laboured to promote this affair, and wrote so earnestly for it, upon no other particular respect, as God, he said, was his witness, but only the regard he had to God’s glory and her majesty’s safety.

It was now the month of May, when the queen wrote herself a letter to him, treating of this matter at large; bidding him tell the queen-mother, or the king, that she found more great and urgent causes to move her to persist in her former answer in that article of religion, both for her conscience, safety, honour, and quietness, than could be alleged or imagined for the conscience and honour of monsieur d’Anjou. She spake here about our public prayers; that duke d’Anjou might very well be present at them: for that in them there was no part that had not been, yea, that was not at that day used in the church of Rome; and that if any thing more were in ours, the same was part of the holy scripture. That if it were said ours was in English, we had them translated in other languages, as in Latin or French: either of which his own ministers might use in places convenient. That whereas it might be objected, that hereby he would make a change of his faith in matters of religion, the queen meant not to prescribe this to him, or any person, that they would at her motion, or in respect of her, change their religion in matters of faith. Neither did the usage of the divine service of England properly compel any to alter his religion, in controversies in the church, only the usage thereof did direct men daily to read and hear the scripture, to pray to Almighty God by the daily use of the psalter of David: and the ancient prayers, anthems, and collects of the church were even the same which the universal church had used, and yet did use.

This favourable representation of our reformed service, or liturgy, to monsieur and these Romanists, the French king and queen-mother, was used also by the lord Burghley. For when the French ambassador had asserted to the earl of Leicester and him, that monsieur would never sustain that dishonour, to come hither with that account to be made of him, that he had no religion, if he should not be allowed to have mass; then Burghley answered, as it was contained before in the queen’s letters, setting out the nearness of our divine service to such things as were good and sound in the Roman: adding, that we in our book wanted nothing but such things as were either impious, or doubtful to be against the scriptures.

And that this that had been said of our liturgy might be the better known and read in France, Walsingham desired, that by the next, a Common Prayer translated into French might be sent unto him, to present it unto monsieur, saying, that he had seen of them printed at Guernsey, [for the use of the churches there.] And accordingly, in June, a French Common Prayer Book was sent over. But all these endeavours succeeded not.

For it was about July the queen put off the match, on the account of religion, she refusing absolutely to permit the use of the mass, which was so stiffly insisted on in that article, viz. that the duke of Anjou should not be molested, propter usurpationem aliquorum divinorum rituum et ceremoniarum, Whereupon great were the fears and disturbances of the minds of the best men. “I have done my utmost,” said the lord Burghley, “and so have other counsellors. The lord keeper hath earnestly endeavoured it. the earls of Sussex and Leicester have joined vigorously in it.” And he knew none directly against it. From Spain likewise came no good answer; and therefore that great and good statesman concluded that amity to be needful for them. “But God,” said he, “hath determined to plague us. The hour is at hand. His will be done with mercy.” Such dreadful apprehensions had the wisest on this emergence.

If we would know what the earl of Leicester’s thoughts were of this matter, who knew best the queen’s mind, he signified it in July, to this purpose, in his letter to Walsing-ham: “That for his opinion in this great matter, he would deal plainly with him, even as he found her majesty’s disposition. What as for her desire of marriage, he perceived it continued still as it was; which was very cold. What nevertheless she saw it so necessary, as he believed she yielded rather to think it fit to have all husband, than willing indeed to have any found for her. And he feared so it would appear in this matter of monsieur. And so it might be perceived by the articles passed already, that there was among them all, but one that made that difficulty; namely, this demand to have the private exercise of his religion: which as they all [of the privy council] liked of, that is, her majesty’s denial to allow of the papistical religion, so it did appear, that if he would omit that demand, and put it in silence, yet would her majesty straitly capitulate with him, that he should in no wise demand it hereafter at her hand: which scruple, he believed, would utterly break off the matter.”

And then the earl brake his own apprehensions; praying God some other amity might be accepted, as concluding (as the lord Burghley did) a breach with France. Albeit, as he added, he distrusted not the goodness of God: but that, whatsoever shall fall out, it was God’s providence for the best, or at least for our just scourge for our deservings towards him. And no more could he say, but that Almighty God would strengthen her majesty’s true zeal for religion; and that, not favouring this match, she would ally herself with some princes abroad, as would earnestly join with her therein.

The people of England we now see at their prayers, having a dismal prospect of two powerful neighbouring nations, their enemies, Spain and France, besides no good understanding with other states and countries: for they looked upon this refusal of monsieur to be nothing but the opening a door to hostility with France. Leicester expressed this in his correspondence with the English ambassador there, after this manner: “In Spain we have no cause to look for any friendship. What terms we stand in to other places is easily known. Thus we are with our neighbours in all places without friendship. God protect and defend us; who is only able, and must do it, for any policy used.”

The strength and safety of England now depending wholly, in all human appearance, on the friendship of France, whereof there was now little hope.

But notwithstanding all these fears and jealousies in the wisest heads, by Walsingham’s means, and God’s good providence overruling and concurring, though the match with France went off, a league was concluded with the French king. For to this import the said ambassador’s next despatch to Leicester tended: “That he was put in hopes, that though the matter so much laboured succeeded not, yet that the king’s intention was to send some person of good quality, as well to thank her majesty for her honourable proceedings in this cause, as also to desire continuance of good amity.”

And he advised, that it behoved her majesty to look about her, being environed with so many practices, the execution whereof had stayed, as he said, upon the event of the match. And that he did what he could to procure continuance, or rather increase of amity. And that the king himself, as he learned, was very well inclined thereto, and the rather through a mislike he had to Spain.

And this must be looked upon in this extremity as a singular point of God’s gracious providence to this state and church at this dangerous juncture, in turning that king’s heart towards the queen. For he willed her ambassador to tell her majesty, “That whatsoever became of the cause, that in respect of her honourable and sincere dealing in the same, and the confidence she shewed to repose in him, she might assure herself as much of his friendship as of any others in the world; and that she had full power to dispose of him and of his realms, to the benefit of herself and of her subjects. And that his sword should be always ready to defend her against any that should attempt any thing against her. And he joined, as this letter added, his words and countenance so together, as great demonstration outwardly, of his inward good will: which could not but be seen thereby.”

Such were the king’s obliging terms, unless there were a mixture of deceit and fraud therein. For he was indeed the greatest and most artificial dissembler in the world.

Yet still the match was not in such despair, but the motion about it soon began to revive again; listened to on the part of the English, for the preserving France fast to England; and on the part of the French, on account of the greatness and honourableness of wedding with such a mighty princess, as well as for other ends of their own. The hinderers of the good proceedings therein in France appeared now to Walsingham; who were the pope’s nuncio, together with Spain and Portugal, who daily laboured in dissuading the match; and the clergy also, who had offered to monsieur a great pension to stay from further proceeding in it. And in conclusion, nothing was left undone that might be thought fit to put impediment to it; and there were some enemies of the queen within her dominions that had wrote into France, that the queen had nothing less than intention to marry, whatever she pretended. And hereof he who sent this news was well assured by those that were about her: and therefore willed them there to be of good comfort, and never to doubt of the matter. This person was the Scottish ambassador, then at London, as Walsingham afterwards understood; who pretended to know all secrcts of state.

Whence the ambassador judged there was bred in them there, in France, on this occasion, some doubt of late of her majesty’s disposition to marry, so as they knew not how to proceed. Which doubt was now made an advertisement from the said Scottish ambassador, who was the busy bishop of Rosse.

But the protestants in France hung all their peace and happiness upon either this match, or at least amity with France. So that if neither amity nor marriage might take place, (writeth Walsingham,) the poor protestants here do think then their case desperate. And so they told him with tears.

Monsieur de Foix was now sent over on purpose to compromise (if possible) the matter, to mollify the article of religion, so much controverted. There was a phrase added in this article, which was, that “the duke should not be molested for using any rite not repugnant unto the word of God.” Which words being delivered unto them in the month of August, they disliked the expression, viz. the word of God. So that by their importunity it was altered from verbo Dei to ecclesiae Dei; which in the queen’s judgment was all one. But with that, though they were better contented than with the other, yet they insisted upon changing that to catholicae ecclesiae. Whereunto she did not assent. But that there should be no mistake, the queen by speech declared to De Foix, “That as she would be well contented that her answer might satisfy monsieur d’Anjou for his honour, [which was the great pretence,] for that she had in sort yielded unto him, to use other ceremonies than those of her religion, so that they were not repugnant to the word of God; so her meaning was to be declared plainly to him, that she could not permit him at his eoming to have the use of any private mass. That so there might be no misconceiving gathered from her answer; whereby the duke might hope for any sufferance: for that she could not find it without peril of her estate and quietness to yield thereto.”

The ambassador had good entertainment in all external offices of respect, well used by her majesty, defrayed for his diet, while he was at court.

And it being now September, and the queen in her progress at Audley End, near Saffron Walden, he was attended very courteously and honourably by the lord Buckhurst, during his being there, in going and returning. And the lord Burghley, for the more honour, caused the earl of Oxford, his son-inlaw, to attend on him in divers places: and in the way from London to Walden the said lord entertained him at his house at Theobalds. And there De Foix and the other ambassador resident saw his hearty devotion to the marriage. And this he did to shew how confirmed his judgment was for it, (as he wrote to Walsingham,) and that he was not ashamed to utter himself, however it might be perilous to him, if it should not take place.

For he reckoned, (as he, now full of concern for the public, expressed his thoughts,) “that blessing or vengeance was now to be ex-petted at God’s hand. And in the mean time his beholding of this cloud, and the time to creep nearer, called upon him and all good Englishmen to implore God’s mercy, and to beseech him to direct her majesty’s heart to choose that which might be most for his glory.”

After seven or eight special conferences with her majesty and her council, (wherein several there were that secretly obstructed this great affair, and threw in on purpose hard terms, and answers given to the ambassador in words were altered in writing, as to the point of religion,) yet it was at last resolved; “and so the queen pronounced to her council, whom she saw earnestly bent by all means to further this marriage, for her own surety, and for avoiding the in evitable ruin of this monarchy, (I do but repeat the words of that great and honest counsellor,) that surely, so as monsieur will forbear the mass, she will assent to the marriage. And this she confirmed with all good speeches to give credit. But yet all her counsellors (whereof that lord was one) were not so persuaded; not as doubting her assertions, (which surely were agreeable to her mind, when she uttered them,) but for doubt that other misliking the same, might indirectly draw her from her determination.”

The three chief articles required on the French part, concerning monsieur, which were, that he should be crowned king of these realms, and that he should be joined with the queen in the administration and government of the kingdom, and for the toleration of the exercise of his religion, with the cautious answers thereunto, may be found in the Complete Ambassador.

De Foix was now gone home with the resolutions taken in England, and the queen and her statesmen were in expectation of the result thereof in France. The queen was persuaded, that they would yield in the matter of religion for monsieur. And if they did so, she seemed to her council that she would, according to her word, proceed. But the earl of Leicester, who knew her temper best, said, that to speak his conscience, he thought she had rather he [the ambassador] had increased some hard points than yielded to them. And therefore the hopes of the court were small, that ever the match should take place. And Leicester declared, in his correspondence with the English ambassador in France, “that he was persuaded her majesty’s heart was not inclined to marry at all, since the matter was ever brought to as many points as could be devised: and she was always bent to hold with the difficultest. And it grieved (as he said) his very heart to think of it, seeing no way he could think of might serve how she could remain quiet and safe, without such a strong alliance as marriage must be.

For the amities of others (as he added) might serve for a time; but no account was to be made of them longer than to serve the turn of each party. And her majesty’s years running away so fast, caused him to despair of long quietness.”

It fell out so indeed. It was now October; and the treaty about the match was laid aside. Walsingham’s great business now was to cultivate a good amity between the French and our queen Elizabeth; which that king seemed very much inclined to. And a new embassy from England was preparing for that purpose. Now towards the declining of the year sir Thomas Smith goes again to France, to make a firm treaty, offensive and defensive, between that nation and the queen; and withal to speak with that king secretly concerning the marriage. He was appointed to go in December, though he came not there till towards February following. Of whom the lord Burghley gives this character; that he was one, he thought, of such dexterity in his actions, and of such dutiful good-will towards England, that no advice or direction could be given to our prejudice.

But Spain all this while had a jealous eye upon these transactions between France and England, and endeavoured all she could to obstruct the friendship now laboured between the two crowns, and particularly to hinder the match in concert between the queen and monsieur; which was so much desired by the English, as tending to strengthen them against the attempts of Spain. In order to which perhaps it was, that in December this year comes a Spaniard, in quality of some secret messenger, as from queen Elizabeth, to the elector of Saxony, pretending himself to be one of her chamber, to signify to him, that the queen being now minded to marry, had sent him to treat thereof with him concerning the prince his son. It looked strange to the elector, especially since he had brought no letters of credence with him. But that was omitted, as he said, for the more privacy.

But to be better informed, the elector thought fit to inquire of Christopher Mount, the queen’s agent at Strasburgh, concerning this matter. The account of this whole matter take from the agent’s own pen, in a letter or two to this purport. “That a certain Spaniard, calling himself Jacomo, Antonio, Gromo, alias Pacheco, in the end of December last, came alone to Heidelberg, and requiring a secret audience, was admitted to the elector himself. There he expounded, that he was sent out of England by the queen, to note and see the person and form of the son of the elector, Christophero: for that the queen had altogether brought her mind to marry. And that he was sent with. out the knowledge of her counsellors, that so she might conceal and hide this her deliberation. That the elector asking, whether he had brought any letters to him from the queen, he answered, that to keep this matter in the deepest silence, and by reason of the various dangers of journeys, and especially through the Dutch quarters, he durst not bring letters;’ but he was in good hope that he should within a little while be present again before him with commands and letters. That to make the elector more apt to believe him, he said, that seven years before he studied in the university of Heidelberg, and had familiar conversation with certain noblemen, whom he named. And that they might give a testimony of his former life. “That the elector, having received his message courteously, graciously dismissed him. That the elector afterwards called for those noblemen whom he named, and asked them whether they knew this Spaniard: who affirmed, that a certain Italian some years ago did study at Heidelberg; but they knew not whether he were the same. Upon this, Mount adds, that the said elector, by a proper messenger, sent for him, in the middle of the cold winter, viz. on the 7th of January. Being come, he asked Mount, whether he knew a certain noble Spaniard, named Jacomo, Antonio, Gromo, alias Pacheco, servant to the queen, and one of the gentlemen of her majesty’s chamber. Mount answered, he knew none such.

Whereupon the elector told him the story. To which the other answered, that he thought it a fable; and that these things were invented by fraud, that he might allure the noble youth with hope, and bring him in a snare, if he could.”

All this the said agent wrote to the lord Burghley, March the 25th, by some English merchants at Frankford mart. The further event of this business was this. On the 26th of March a letter was brought to the agent, by the command of the elector’s chancellor, that the Spaniard with four names was returned to Heydelberg, without any letters of credit, sounding to the same song. And that prince’s counsellors, being offended with this impostor’s fraud, as presuming to abuse a very excellent prince, had taken him into custody, till he should discover the authors of this rashness, and open the causes of this dissimulation. That then he referred himself to one Baptist, whom he gave out to be the fourth man of the number of the queen’s chief chamberlains, and asserting that he had now written letters to him. Mount added, that the said chancellor then called upon him, that he would be instant with Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador, (to whom he wrote what is before related,)that he, with secretary Smith and Killigrew, (the queen’s joint ambassadors at Paris,) would take notice of this matter, and examine whether there were such a mandatarius in the queen’s court.

And since that Spaniard had dared to speak contumeliously of that most worthy and just lord Burghley, (which they looked upon as a great argument of his fraud,) that his excellency would do a deed worthy of his pains, to certify the elector of this device; inasmuch as it concerned the public, that evil deeds should not go unpunished. And that to deceive a prince was a great crime; as it is proved, they said, in the last law of the code, De his qui a non domino manumitt.

But whatsoever lay under the practice of this deceitful Spaniard, it is certain, Spain was now playing her private game with the French against the queen. In the latter end of the year, March the 23d, Standen, an English fugitive, lately come out of Spain, arrived secretly at Blois, where the English ambassadors were: who gave out some speech unto a Frenchman, whom he trusted, of some hope there should be in England, or ever summer ended. And after he had stayed one night, went to Paris, (whither the English ambassador writ, to have his doings observed.) Who coming there, repaired to the Scottish ambassador; where they had their conferences, together with Higgins, who was concerned about the duke of Norfolk’s business. Which Higgins had lately come to Paris from Rome.

And at his departure from Paris, protested secretly to a friend of his, that he would not return thither [i. e. to Paris] in one or two years; saying, he saw no way with his master [the duke, perhaps] but one. His sudden return shewed there was somewhat a brewing. There was then also at Paris Egremond Ratcliff, a busy man, (who came to an untimely end, by the sentence of duke d’Alva against him,) and Genny, who came out of Spain, and also one Chamberlain; who conferred there with the king of Spain’s secretary, and repaired thence to duke d’Alva. Steukley also, another of the queen’s traitorous subjects, (of whom mention was made the last year,) was there also; and now returned to Spain, in company of J. Doria. He had received great honour from that king, and was put in hopes shortly to be employed by him in some traitorous attempts against the queen. A great boaster he was, and promised great matters to that king. But after he had bestowed much money upon him, he found him at length not worthy of any more; the opinion of him being greatly abated in Spain, by discovery of his lewdness and insufficiency, as Burghley afterwards wrote to Wal-singham concerning him. The coming and going of these traitors of England, and creatures and pensioners of Spain, evidently bespeak the ill offices they were doing the queen in France.

It was also signified to secretary Smith from Walsing-ham, (that I may lay these Spanish matters together,) that a Spanish marquis, that was come to Paris to congratulate the French queen’s delivery, under colour of the same, as he learned, had commission secretly to treat of three points. First, for the French king to enter into a league, [called the holy league.] Secondly, for a marriage between monsieur and his master’s sister. Thirdly, to propound some way for the Scottish queen’s deliverance; being procured thereto by the house of Guise, in recompence of the execution done upon them of the religion. Whereby the king of Spain acknowledged to have saved the Low Countries. And it was observed by the said Walsingham, some time before the arrival of the said marquis, that upon a courier arrived at Paris, out of Spain, from the French ambassador there, that though there had been some unkindness grown before, between those two crowns, upon some complaint made, now it was thought there was never so great amity between them as at that present was like to be. And these were the doings and endeavours of Spain, all along this and the next, year.

Our ambassadors now in France (who were three, viz. Walsingham, Killigrew, and Smith) stirred as much as they could in a matter which they reckoned would tend much to the interest of the protestant religion, and the greater liberty and peace of the French protestants particularly; and that was, the marriage in hand with the prince of Navarr, a protestant, and the lady Margaret, the French king’s sister. That by this conjunction with a protestant prince, those of the religion in France might have the greater countenance: though it proved all wicked hypocrisy in the end. The great difficulty in accomplishing this marriage was in the form to be used in the solemnization of it: which the queen of Navarr would not be brought to condescend to be done after popish manner. Here Smith, Walsingham, and Killigrew took the liberty to interpose. And that neither the popish office, nor the marriage office used in the protestant churches in France, might be used, it was devised by them, that instead thereof, the office of the church of England might be admitted: the like case happening formerly in England, upon a treaty of marriage between king Edward VI. and the late queen of Spain, the present French king’s sister; wherein it was agreed that she should be married according to the form of our church. This treaty the English ambassadors sent a copy of to the queen of Navarr. This she liked well. And sending to speak with them, she told them, that it had stood her in good stead, and declared to them how the marriage stood between their majesties of France and her; and that there was no difference between them, but only in the manner of the solemnization. And that she had mentioned the said treaty to them, but that they had pretended it was no true copy. She therefore now desired to know of sir Thomas Smith, (he having been a dealer in the same,) whether he would justify it to be true.

He answered, that knowing the great good-will that queen Elizabeth did bear her, and how much she desired the good success of that marriage, as a thing that tended to the advancement of religion, and the repose of the French realm, he did avow it to be the same, and would further be ready to do any office that might advance the said marriage.

CHAPTER 5.

Scottish affairs. Dangers by means of the queen of Scots.

Walsingham’s intelligence thereof; and advertisement. Money brought over from the pope for her service. The French king moves for her liberty. What passed between him and the English ambassadors. The Scottish queen practiseth with Spain. Monies sent into Scotland for her use from France; intercepted. Letters of hers intercepted, of her depending, upon Spain; and taking that king for her and her son’s and kingdom’s protector. The Spanish ambassador dismissed by the council. And why. Lord Burghley to the earl of Shrewsbury, keeper of the Scottish queen. Bishop of Rosse’s book concerning her title to this crown. Answered by Glover, Somerset herald. Rosse in the Tower. His letter thence to the lord treasurer.

THE Scottish affairs, that touched the English state and religion, were interwoven with those of France. Mary the queen of Scots, a zealous papist, and related to the Guisian bigots, was now in custody in England, whither she had fled from her own subjects. And now all the foreign princes, obedient to the see of Rome, were mightily concerned for her deliverance, and the Enghsh nation at the same time as much afraid of her liberty. And what danger accrued by her appeared by a letter of Walsingham, writ in the beginning of March, being still ambassador in France, viz. that the English there were labouring by all means to stir up foreign states to set the Scottish queen free; and their next step, to dethrone queen Elizabeth, and set the crown upon Mary’s head. And that however some of their attempts had failed, yet more were in hand. And that there were great numbers, even in the English dominions, heretics as well as catholics, that had a sincere kindness and concern for her. And when in discourse between an English Jesuit in France, named Darbishire, and another that pretended himself a catholic, (but was a spy,) he told the Jesuit, that for his part he could never hope to see her at liberty, nor long to see her keep her head upon her shoulders: and therefore could receive no great comfort that way. “Well,” replied the Jesuit, “I tell you truly, that I dare assure you, that she shall have no harm: for she lacketh no friends in the English court. And as for her liberty,” added he, “it standeth all good catholics in hand so much to seek it, either by hook or by crook, as no doubt but there were some good men that would venture a joint to bring it to pass. And that if she were once possessed of the crown of England, it would be the only way and means to reform all Christendom, in reducing them to the catholic faith. And therefore you must think,” said he, “that there are more heads occupied in that matter than English heads; and that there are more ways to the wood than one, [meaning the heads of foreign princes.] And therefore he bade him be of good courage; and ere ever one year were at an end, he should hear more.”

The conclusion Walsingham made of this was, the great danger England was in by reason of that queen. That his conferring and weighing this with the former intended practices, made him think it worth his advertisement, that the queen should see how much they built upon the possibility of that dangerous woman’s coming to the crown of England: whose life was a step to her majesty’s death. For that they reputed her an undoubted heir, or rather (which was a greater danger) for a right inheritor. And though he knew, as he proceeded, her mischievous intentions were limited, that they could reach no further to her majesty’s harm or prejudice than should seem good to God’s providence, yet her majesty, he said, was bound, for her own safety, and that of her subjects, to add to the same, his good providence, her policy, so far as might stand with justice.

In March, the lord Seton, a great instrument for the said Scottish queen, came to Scotland, having escaped privately through this realm, with a rebel, one of the countess of Northumberland’s men; the ship that brought them over being forced into an haven in Essex. Which ship was forth coming, and some of the servants, and such secret writings and devices of his, and of the queen’s rebels, as were left in the ship, to have been conveyed after him by sea into Scotland; brining to light such things as contained dangerous practices against the queen and state of the realm; as the queen by letter informed Mr. Randolph, her agent now in Scotland, dated March the 19th. In this expedition, this lord Seton had received in Flanders from the pope 20,000 crowns, being now ready to repair into Scotland. This money, whether it was seized in the ship, or carried with him, it doth not appear: but no mention being made of it when ship and papers were seized, he seems to have got it safe with him into Scotland.

But the French made earnest interest for her. For a league being now in hand between the queen and that crown, and Walsingham there resident, and sir Tho. Smith late come over ambassador [viz. in February] for that purpose, the king told them,” That he must have his request put into the treaty for the queen of Scots, and said, she was his kinswoman and his sister-in-law, and was once his sovereign; and you know, said he, the league between that realm and my realm. I can do no less than have the same inserted into the league.” To which sir Tho. Smith said, that they had no commission or authority to treat of any such matter. And that as touching the late queen of Scots, that she was his sovereign once, thanks be to God, said Smith, she is not now, [since that queen’s husband was dead, and he advanced to be king.] Whereat the king laughed. “And that it was thought,” added Smith, “that when she was queen there in France, she deserved not very well of your realm nor of your house. And where the king had said, she was his kinswoman; so she is also, said Smith, to the queen my mistress. But if she were your daughter, or your son, if he or she would procure your death, or to have your crown from you, would you not see justice done on him or her that should attempt it, rather than to be still in danger?”

To which I add, that Smith had it in his instructions concerning that queen’s delivery, that before the time of her malicious attempts against the queen’s majesty were discovered, she did never refuse to yield to reasonable conditions, and an end to be made between both princesses, and between her and her subjects of Scotland; and that this intention took no effect, there was no default in the queen of England. But since she had dangerously concluded a bargain to the ruin of the queen’s majesty, there was just cause to detain her, until her majesty’s surety should be better provided.

Mr. Henry Killigrew, who was also the queen’s ambassador, and present at this conference with the French king, added to what Smith had said, “That fire and water could not be together. That one was contrary to the other. That the league was made for a perpetual and strait amity between him and the queen’s majesty; and that he would not treat for the queen’s most mortal and dangerous enemy. That this could not stand together. That he must take her now for dead; and that he [the king] could not tell whether she were dead or alive.

And why, said he, should you then require her to be put into the league? ” For indeed the parliament had intended to call that queen into question, upon the discovery of a plot against queen Elizabeth, wherein she was concerned, as we shall hear by and by.

We meet with the French’s tampering for the Scottish queen some months past, viz. in September, when the secretary of the French ambassador comes to the court (the queen now either at Audley End, or Mark Hall in Essex) for relief of the queen of Scots, considering that she had her number [of attendants] now lessened. Whereat the queen was offended, that he should meddle with that queen’s mat-rets; and bade the lord Burghley tell him, that she could not like his manner of intermeddling with the queen of Scots’ matters; considering her majesty found her doings [that is, by the discovery of the duke of Norfolk’s treason; of which by and by] not only dangerous to her quietness, but bent also to depend upon other than the French king, [meaning Spain, and other popish powers.] And therefore she required him to forbear, and give her leave to consider in her own realm what was meet for her surety. And when it should seem meet, it should well appear that she had done nothing towards the queen of Scots, but in reason and honour she might have done more. And so she deferred the French ambassador’s coming to her, [being now in her progress,] till she should be at Richmond.

About the latter end of this year the French king interceded again for the said queen, that she might be permitted to go over to France. And when, in March, Malvesire had insisted much, by the desire of the French queen, that queen Elizabeth would send her into France, Smith and Walsing-ham shewed him how by her letters, lately seized, she had practised with the duke of Alva, to convey the young king out of Scotland into Spain: and that the original letters thereof were shewn in England to the king’s ambassadors there. And hereupon they told him how she shewed what good favour she bore to Spain, to make a perpetual broil, if she could, between England, Scotland, and France: for she had practised by letters since the duke [of Norfolk’s] troubles. And then they asked that ambassador, what would she do there in France, and at liberty, when being straitly kept, and the matter so plainly known how busy she had been? And so they desired Malvesire to acquaint the king with what they had told him.

And when he came again, he brought word to Smith and Walsingham, that it was true which they told him; and that De la Motte had written the same from England to the king. And the king acknowledged to him, that it was true; and added, “Ah! poor fool, she will never cease till she lose her head. In faith, they will put her to death. I see it is her own fault and folly. I see no remedy for it. I meant to help; but if she will not be helped, I cannot help it.”

The French ambassador Viracque was this summer in Scotland, acting secretly for that queen. And a great sum of money was remitted privately from France to that ambassador, to be managed for her; but by intelligence it being understood, was seized by the English. The French ambassador laboureth to have his money again. The lord Burghley answereth the ambassador’s secretary, who came to him with that message, that it must be demanded of them to whom he delivered it. He came again, and desired he might have the French king’s money lately intercepted, sent to Viracque. The duke of Norfolk had a chief hand in the conveyance of this money; and some that he employed in it, out of fear, discovered it.

There was nothing as yet done towards that queen, notwithstanding the discoveries against her, but that she was restrained from having such free conference and intelligence as of late she had with the queen’s subjects; otherwise right honourably entertained and well used, and so the lord Burghley bade Walsingham inform the French king. I am the larger and more particular in this relation of matters concerning Mary queen of Scots, to shew what just apprehensions the English court and nation had of imminent dangers by means of her; especially Camden being sparing of shewing her faults, and representing her as fair as might be; publishing his history in the reign of her son.

As we have therefore seen what concern France had for this queen, so I shall proceed to relate the great jealousy queen Elizabeth had of Spain; being very zealous to deliver her, and (more than barely that came to) to invade the realm, and dethrone the queen herself. For letters of that queen to the king of Spain had been intercepted; and so much found out, viz. of her soliciting that formidable enemy of the queen’s to invade England. And so in a letter dated in September, writ from the lord Burghley to Walsingham, then in France, he told him, that he might boldly affirm, that her majesty was able to prove, that the queen of Scots had, by advice of the duke of Alva, resolved to depend upon the king of Spain, and to match herself with Don John of Austria, and her son with the king of Spain’s daughter. And this the queen required her ambassador to acquaint the French king with. And therefore that the queen had just cause to proceed otherwise than hitherto she had done, to restrain the practice intended towards her by that queen. And that he, the ambassador, should further say to the French king, that she trusted that he would ho-nourably think of her actions on this account.

But what violences Spain intended upon the realm may be taken knowledge of from sir Tho. Smith’s mouth, in his relation made to the queen-mother of France, in the month of March,when things came to be fully known; viz. that Har-wich was to have been the port appointed for the Spaniards and Flemings to arrive at, from the duke of Alva, if the treason had gone forward in behalf of the Scottish queen. That the lord Seton [one of the chief of the Scottish noblemen on the queen’s party] did arrive there, and from thence, with two of the earl of Northumberland’s men, went into Scotland, and were at that present in the castle of Edinburgh. That that being understood, the lord that brought them was seized; and among other things found, there were the Scottish queen’s letters, importing, that she gave herself, and her son, now king of Scotland, into the hands of the king of Spain, to be governed and ruled only by him; and to assure him, that if he would send any power, the young king should be delivered into his hands. For, by a paper of instructions left in the ship, it did appear, that the lord Seton was named the Scottish queen’s ambassador towards the duke of Alva. And there in the ambassage he offered the young king to be delivered into his hands, to be conveyed into Spain. And to animate him more to set up the Scottish queen again, and take the protection of her, he shewed that she had right, both by God’s laws and man’s laws, to be queen of England, and also of Scotland. And further, that she had not only all those that were in trouble, [viz. papists, and such as were concerned in the late rebel]ion,] but a great sort more in England, on her part. So that the king [of Spain] in setting her up, would not only govern both these realms, but should also set up, in both, the catholic religion again.

All this was told by Smith to the queen-mother: to which she answered, as owning, and perhaps privy to the business, Alas! that head of hers shall never be quit.” Smith added, how that in the same ship where Seton’s instructions, as aforesaid, were taken, among other papers, a letter was found of the countess of Northumberland, who was one of the chief stirrers in the last rebellion, to her husband, the earl, now a prisoner in Scotland for the same cause. In which letter she writ to the said earl, that the duke of Guise, disguised, had of late been with the duke of Alva; and affirmed for a certainty, that the duke of Guise, and that faction, would follow in all points the direction of the king of Spain.

This correspondence with Spain was aggravated on that queen’s part by the circumstance of time when it happened, namely, when De Crocque, the French ambassador, arrived in England with commission to help Scotland to a quietness within herself, and to confer with one whom queen Elizabeth should send for that purpose. Even at the same time these letters of that queen to the duke of Alva were intercepted; whereby she gave herself, her realm, and her son, to be in the protection and government of the king of Spain.

All this was brought to light by God’s providence, the ship, wherein the lord Seton, with his papers and credentials, was, being driven by a tempest into the English haven aforesaid; which was the very port appointed, when the Spaniards and Flemings should arrive in England; Seton himself escaping, being disguised in the habit of a mariner; and so went thence, and came to the castle of Edinburgh in Scotland. But a paper of instructions being found aboard the same ship, declared, that in the name of her majesty [the Scottish queen] he had assured the duke of Alva, that with a small party they might bring into their hands the young king of Scotland, and so carry him into Spain. All this, when Walsingham had related at large to the queen-mother of France, it spoiled De Crocque’s message with the king’s letters, that required the Scottish queen to be set at liberty, and to be sent into France.

But upon this the queen and her council would no longer suffer the ambassador of Spain to abide in her dominions, having carried things so deceitfully and treacherously against her majesty; so that he was in December sent for to the council, and in the queen’s name commanded to depart. The same thing had been often intended before, but never put in execution before this present; when the state was provoked by the intelligence of certain new practices within this realm, to persuade the subjects that the king, his master, would aid them with power this spring, and such like promises. He was dismissed, and Mr. Knolles appointed to attend on him at his house. This was December the l3th: and he was to depart by Dover to the Low Countries. But he could not be got out of town till the 24th, when he went to Greenwich; and on St. Stephen’s day to Gravesend. A few days after, he removed to Canterbury. And captain Hawkins, one of the queen’s great sea officers, was appointed to pass him over in a ship of the queen’s. After a dangerous passage he came to Calais in February. And coming to Graveling, to shew his displeasure against the English nation, he turned out all the English that he found there, notwithstanding that he knew that here in England remained monsieur Sweringham, at the request of the duke of Alva. This ambassador, according as some letters of the lord Burghley relate, had used himself crookedly, perniciously, and maliciously against the state, and the chiefest of the queen’s counsellors, and openly against that lord.

All this came out about August and September, viz. how the Scottish queen practised both with France and Spain, and the pope, and also with the duke of Norfolk, unhappily brought into this business, and several other of the queen’s own English subjects; not only to procure her own escape, but to embroil her majesty’s kingdom in a war, and in an endeavour to dethrone her. Therefore the queen consulted for the keeping that queen more straitly, and more confined in Tutbury castle. And the charge of her being committed to the earl of Shrewsbury, her majesty, provoked by these practices, gave order to the said earl to expostulate with her freely and plainly, to urge her to speak what she could for herself; giving the lord Burghley commission to write to him to that intent. Whose letter accordingly ran to this tenor. “That after he had closed up his letters, her majesty willed him to let his lordship understand, that she would have him use some round speech to the queen of Scots in this sort; that it was now fully discovered to her majesty what practices that queen hath had in hand, both with the duke of Norfolk and others, upon the sending away of Ridolphi [the pope’s secret agent here, under the show of an Italian merchant] into Spain. And though it were known to her majesty by writings extant, in deliberation, what were best for her to do for her escape out of this realm, and thereof caused the duke of Norfolk to be conferred withal, and that she chose rather to go into Spain than into Scotland or France; yet her majesty thought it now just cause to be offended with these devices, tending to her liberty: neither was she offended with her purpose to offer her son in marriage to the king of Spain’s daughter. In which matter the late queen of Spain had solicited her; neither that she sought to make the king of Spain believe that she would give ear to the offer of Don John de Austria. But the very matter of offence was, that her majesty understood certainly her labours and devices to stir up a new rebellion in this realm, and to have the king of Spain to assist it. And that finding the said queen so bent, she must not think but that her majesty had cause to alter her courteous dealing with her. “And so in this sort (continued that lord) her majesty would have you tempt her patience to provoke her to answer somewhat. For of all these premises her majesty is certainly assured, and of much more.” He adds, “Her majesty told me a while ago, that a gentleman of my lord of a coming to your house, was by your lordship asked, whether he had seen the queen of Scots, or no. And he said, No. Then, quoth your lordship, you shall see her anon.

Which offer her majesty misliking, I said, that I durst say it was not true in this manner. I perceive her majesty would have the queen kept very straitly from all conference: insomuch, that it is more like that she shall be committed to ward, rather than have more liberty.”

And then he advised the earl to send up the names of those servants that should remain about her, and of such as should depart. This was writ in September.

The bishop of Ross, the Scottish queen’s agent, being a very busy man, and being privy to all these dangers to the realm, was, August the 17th, carried to Ely, to be there with the bishop. And in October he was brought from Ely to London, and the next month committed to the Tower: and there, upon examination, he uttered many things very plainly; but concerning the queen of Scots her application to Spain, and the expected assistance thence, and concerning the duke of Norfolk’s treason, nothing. This bishop of Ross (that I may mention it here) wrote a book in Latin for the Scottish queen’s title to this crown: which Glover, Somerset herald, a learned man, answered in a large discourse, never, I think, printed, about the year 1580.

It beginneth thus: “A few years past the bishop of Ross, being agent for the queen his mistress, to our sovereign lady, the queen’s majesty, wrested his wits (with the assistance of certain lawyers of this land) to write a discourse in defence of the queen of Scots’ title to the crown of this realm. Which his discourse being then hatched in a dangerous time of practices and rebellions, and with a malicious intent against her majesty and her estate, is now, after many years mewing, let fly abroad into the world, in the like time, and with like intent. For what other cause than malice to her majesty can be imagined to move this man, after so many years suppression, to publish his discourse at this present, and that in the Latin tongue, and to all the estates of Europe? May it be thought so long to have stayed in his hands, because he could never, until now, find in his heart to advance his mistress’s title to the eye of the world? It were no reason to charge him with so careless a mind of her prosperity and happiness, &c. “I must needs be of opinion, that the present publication proceedeth hereof: that he being persuaded that this year, 1580, some great attempt should be made by the pope and his adherents, against her majesty and her estate; and no whit doubting but that his mistress’s cause should by that greatest colour thereof appear; thought good (that the pope’s and his adherents enterprise might seem the juster) to publish at this present her title to the crown of this realm; meaning not only to prove her heir apparent to the crown, after her majesty’s death, but presently queen de jure, by a popish consequent, even in her majesty’s life. For that the Antichrist of Rome hath deposed her, and pronounced her no queen,” &c.

And as this was the author’s exordium to his MS. tract, so I will subjoin his conclusion: “Thus have I plainly proved the title of the crown of England to be examinable by the common laws of the realm, and none other. And by the same laws all strangers to be barred from claiming any interest therein: and further, the queen of Scots to be a mere stranger; and therefore her title to be of no account. I have further answered all Ross’s vain objections. I have confuted his examples; and, I trust, satisfied the world, that if any man have been heretofore persuaded his mistress’s title to be any thing, he will now alter his mind, and condemn it as nothing.” Whether there were any things in this book that made it advisable not to publish it, let others inquire.

This bishop of Ross I find lying in the Tower till July the next year; and then, by means of the mild lord treasurer, he seems to have his liberty granted. In which month he wrote to that lord a letter to this tenor: “That he had put his lordship in remembrance, a fortnight past, by a letter, of his cause, committing the same to his lordship’s hands, having none of his own to suit for him at this time. And thinketh me debt bound grietly for your gentle and gud aunswer sent unto me.

And although I have not heard of the resolution taken thairin, yet I abstained to trouble your lordship, being persuade with me, that as time and occasion should serve, to have gud expedition thairof; chiefly be the queen’s princely nature and gud-ness, with your lordship’s labours and patience. And now, my gud lord, I trust the tyme is fullie comin to put an end thairto, &c. I pray theternal God to preserve your lordship. At the Tour, the 17th day of July, 1572.

Your lordship’s affectionat to command with service, Jo. Rossen.”

CHAPTER 6.

Amity judged more advisable with France than Spain. Treaty with France. Aid required in case of invasion for religion. The Low Countries, in conference between count Lodowic and Walsingham at Paris, move for the queen’s assistance. Spain plays the tyrant.

Arguments used to move the queen on their behalf. Archbishop of Cassils, a pensioner of Spain, comes to Walsingham at Paris.

False. A rebellion in Ireland, hatching in France. The French king and queen-mother privy to it. Deny it to the English ambassadors.

Now it came to be maturely deliberated, whether of the two nations, Spain or France, it were more advisable, and for the profit of England, to enter into alliance with. This consultation was consequent upon the going off of the match with France: and, it seems, the potency of Spain made the queen somewhat dubious to which prince to offer her amity. Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France, was uneasy at these counsels, and thus shewed his thoughts in this matter unto the earl of Leicester: “That if the dangerous greatness of the house of Austria were well considered, the miscontentments they had in respect of the injuries received, [i.e. from England,] their natural inclination to revenge, and the unseen traffic of our merchants at present, [he seems to mean the small traffic they had then in Flanders.] These considerations well weighed, the cause may seem somewhat altered, [from what it was beforetime, in the benefit of the ancient leagues between England and Burgundy.] And that though France could not yield like profit that Flanders did, yet might it yield some profit, with less hazard and more safety. That in this cause he considered two things chiefly: first, that the house of Austria was become the pope’s champion, and the professed enemy unto the gospel, and daily practised the rooting out of the same: and therefore that we, that were protestants, ought to oppose ourselves against it. The other, that the entrance into the league with France would not only be an advancement of the gospel there, but elsewhere.” [So good Mr. Walsingham then conceived, and so did every protestant beside: so closely and treacherously were the cruel designs of that French king carried.] And therefore he concluded, “That though it yielded not so much temporal profit, yet in respect of the spiritual fruit that thereby might ensue, he thought it worthy the embracing. Or rather to say better, I think, saith he, we have cause to thank God that offereth us so good occasion both to advance his glory, and also to provide for her majesty’s safety.”

A sure amity therefore with France was now transacting by our ambassadors there, in the midst of these fears at home. And among the articles drawn up for the league between France and England, queen Elizabeth propounded one that was very strange at this juncture, namely, in favour of the king of Spain, to make provision for his safety. This was much disgusted by the French; who shewed, that the end of this treaty was only to bridle his greatness. And therefore to provide for his safety, who sought both their destructions, they could not tell what it meant; especially since of late he had no way deserved any such favour at the queen’s hands. “Therefore, (as Walsingham in his correspondence did write,) if her majesty thought that prince [viz. the French king] was of any value, who was towards all men sincere, [so he now appeared,] toward her majesty well affected, towards religion pius inimicus, she should not balance him in one balance with Spain: who was of words insincere, in affection towards her majesty maliciously bent, and the common enemy to our religion. That if her majesty meant to take profit of Spain’s friendship, the next way should be to strengthen herself with the amity of others, in such sort as she should have no need of it. For that was the nature,” said he, “of a proud man, to make best account of him that least esteems him: for whosoever yieldeth to him increaseth his pride. Which thing those that dealt with the Spanish nation found to be most true.”

He added, “That so long as the late catholic league did remain in force, neither her majesty, nor any other princes of the religion, could promise themselves any thing at Spain’s hands, but as much mischief as he could do them. Which thing her majesty, with the rest, should find to be true by too dear an experience, if the same were not holpen by some counter-league.”

This treaty with France was for a mutual assistance of each other in case of invasion, chiefly feared from king Philip. And in that article the queen required it to be thus expressed; Etiamsi fuerit [invasio] religionis causa proetextu aut colore. Which clause stuck. The queen, in her instructions to Smith, would very earnestly that he should press this; and to cause those of the religion there to understand the demand, and to help to further it. But that if he could not obtain these words to be inserted, then to run in more general words, Sub quocunque proetextu, vel colore et quavis de causa: and in some secret manner to move, that some special promise might be made in a secret writing betwixt the king and the queen, signed mutually with both their hands, for that purpose expressly, if any invasion should be made. And without this the queen would not have her ambassador to accord.

But this the king would not comply with; as likewise to sign any private assurance about it between the queen and him. But he said he would write a private letter to her, assuring her of it. This, Walsingham (who was deceived with this dissembling prince, and was apt to think well of him) thought the queen might be contented with, for the great benefit of a league, offensive and defensive; as he wrote to the earl of Leicester. “We can,” writeth Walsingham, “by no means draw the king to any other interpretation of the meaning, touching the point of religion, than by private letter. That for his own private opinion, seeing this league was to endure but during the life of the two princes, and that the substance of all leagues consisted chiefly in the sincerity of the matters, and that this prince had given great show to the world of great sincerity, [the greater hypocrite,] he thought that private letter did bind as much in honour, as any other instrument or contract that passed between them could do in law. For if they should break, the matter was not to be tried in the chamber emperial by way of pleading of what value the instruments were. God and the sword must be judges. That if her majesty could content herself with this private interpretation of the king’s meaning, then if she would please to use some words of assurance towards the ambassador at her court, of the great good opinion she had of the king’s sincerity, and that she built more upon his word than upon contracts, he knew nothing could more content him. For he desired, he said, to be a prince that esteemed his word and honour above his life.

Besides, he wished himself to be in her majesty’s good opinion, before all other princes. And had often taken occasion to say, that he hoped there would be no less earnest good-will and strait amity between him and her, than was between her grandfather and his grandfather.”

To nourish this opinion of amity between them, Walsingham took it, as he said, to be the office of all those who truly loved their majesties; “as that league that tended greatly to both their sureties, being knit together in per-feet amity: which, beside their particular safety, would breed a great repose in all Europe, especially for the cause of religion.”

About this time, while Walsingham was in Paris, the queen was solicited by those of the Low Countries, grievously oppressed by Spain, to protect them. Count Lodo-wie, of Nassau, (brother to the prince of Orange,) who came with a message to the French king, having agreed with Walsingham upon a private conference, came to him in the month of August, to discourse some secret points, for setting those countries free of that tyranny. With which that English gentleman was so taken, that he called him in one of his letters, the rarest gentleman with whom he had talked since he came into France. The count shewed him at large how the king of Spain was setting up violently the inquisition against papists and protestants; who all disliked it. And that they saw him establishing an arbitrary power over them, who were a free people. He offered the queen Zealand, in case she would come to their assistance. He shewed our ambassador, that the cause in the Low Countries proceeded only upon that the king of Spain sought to plant there, by inquisition, the foundation of a most horrible tyranny, the overthrow of all freedom and liberty; a thing which his father Charles V. went about to have established there. But seeing the same so much impugned by the inhabitants of the said countries, and that without consent it could not be received, unless he would violently, by tyranny, seek the establishment of the same, contrary both to his oath and their privileges, he forbore to proceed in that behalf. They saw it would overthrow all foreign traffic, by which that country was chiefly maintained. And this they urged to the cardinal of Arras, who by sundry ways practised to plant the said inquisition, and by persuasion would have induced the people to like thereof. And when persuasions would not do, he endeavoured to do it by violence: for the emperor had given but a cold ear to them at the assembly at Spires, where they related their grievances.

Thus when they saw themselves (as the count proceeded in his relation) void of all help, their natural prince being carried away by corruption of counsel, from the due consideration that belonged to a good prince to have of good subjects, as he neither regarded his oath, nor maintenance of such privileges as were confirmed by his predecessors, nor the dutiful manner of the proceeding of the nobility, it seeking by way of humble petition to redress their griefs, they thought their consciences discharged from all duty of obedience. And on this occasion the people took arms.

Count Lodowic had first applied himself to the French king this year, to take this people into his protection, and to procure their deliverance from the present tyranny. To which he seemed inclinable, on condition the queen of England might be brought to be a party, and to join with him and the princes of Germany in the same enterprise. And this he privately acquainted Walsingham withal; and that he should move it to her as from himself. And then to propound to her majesty, on his behalf, these particulars following.

I. Whether she could be content to join with him and the prince of Orange in the enterprise.

II. Whether upon former assurance offered, she could be content to lend unto them the sum they required.

III. That it would please her majesty to suffer captain Hawkins underhand to serve them with certain ships; and also to license them to furnish them with certain victuals to be transported from thence, whereof they had present need.

He further backed his request with these arguments; that it would be no less honour for her to unite Zealand [which had been offered her] to the crown of England, than it was dishonour to her sister to lose Calais. And that by having Zealand, she would have the key of the Low Countries, and a place always for her ships to enter in unto; to avoid thereby the danger of the enemy, as also of any tempests; and other considerations. And that this enterprise being done by protestants, the receiving the honour thereof, should be better able, by increase of credit with the French king, to continue his good devotion towards the queen, in respect of the rare favours they had received at her hands, which they did and would always acknowledge. And further, that the queen would consider how ill affected Spain was towards her; how naturally they inclined to revenge, though outwardly, till convenient time served, they could dissemble their malice; how that king entertained rebellious subjects of her majesty, at his great cost, and how he was become a protector of the queen of Scots, the queen’s dangerous enemy.

This was all communicated in the month of August by Walsingham, as advantageously as he could, both to Burghley and Leicester: who extremely approved of it, and resolved to move it to the queen as effectually as they could. But the queen could not be persuaded to meddle any further in this matter, unless to be a mediator, till several years after.

Concerning the archbishop of Cassil, or Cashell, (whose repair to Walsingham we spake of under the last year,) he had instructions sent him to use his interest to get him into the queen’s dominions; which that archbishop seemed to be very desirous of, in case he might have the queen’s pardon, and his bishopric restored to him again. The earl of Leicester had directed the ambassador to labour to deal so with him as to bring him into England: for they suspected the man as a practiser with Spain, notwithstanding his pretences. And he received instructions from the queen about him, viz. that she did not so much disallow of his request of her pardon, and for the restitution of his bishopric, as of the slender manner of his suit; as he had signified it to Wal-singham. And that if he would not humbly desire pardon of his offences, and shew himself repentant, and disposed to live hereafter in Ireland, like a faithful subject, she meant not to bestow upon him either pardon or bishopric. And this Walsingham was to let him know, and to express the same to him in such sort as he should see cause. Otherwise there was no great account to be made of him; nor was he of kin to the earl of Desmond, as he alleged, nor of any credit in England. And yet that she was content to draw him home by means not dishonourable.

The lord Burghley gave him no better a style than the lewd lozel of Ireland.

And this not without reason: for there were no small grounds to suspect this archbishop to be, notwithstanding all his pretenees, false to the queen; for he had a great interest with the queen’s professed enemies, and had large allowances from the king of Spain. For when one captain Thomas, an Irishman, (but a spy for Wal-singham,) upon that bishop’s desire, got him access to the cardinal of Loraine, [who was of the house of the Guises,] they talked together for the space of two hours. And when he departed, he told not the said captain what their discourse was, but only that there might be some occasion afterwards to employ him [the captain] in some good service; [that is, in some insurrection in Ireland, which was now a hatching.] And that therefore he should do well to make such report of him, [the archbishop,] that he might grow into credit in that court. And that he should say, that the archbishop was a man of a noble family, and of great reputation in that country: and that Ireland of itself was but weak, and easy to be gotten by the enemy. All this the captain afterwards made Walsingham privy to; who appointed the said captain to attend upon him.

This archbishop also had told that ambassador’s servant, that the king of Spain had entertained him honourably; having had, during the time of his abode there, besides 2000 ducats for an annual pension, sometimes 100, sometimes 200, sometimes 300 ducats, when the court did remove. And he related moreover, that D’Alva had offered 136,000 ducats for the earl of Northumberland, (the queen’s rebel,)who was then a prisoner in Scotland.

So well was this archbishop acquainted with the Spanish affairs.

The queen also, in another letter of instructions to the said ambassador, signified to him, that considering that party, and the profit that might ensue by his discovering of the practices, wherewith he was so truly acquainted, she was content, that if he meant dutifully to ask pardon, as he pretended by his speech, then the ambassador should give him comfort to continue the same dutifulness and loyal meaning, and provoke him to make repair into England, and to assure him that he should not find lack of grace, if he humbly desired it, and by his truth hereafter deserved it. And to add, that he the ambassador had power from the queen (to whom he had written about him) to warrant him to come into her realm safely, and to make his means unto the queen for her favour. And that if he would shew himself penitent for his former fault, and be disposed hereafter to live dutifully, he should be provided of as good a living as heretofore he had. And that if he obtained not of the queen at his coming according to his liking, the ambassador would give him his warrant under his hand to return safely out of the realm. Which manner of usage the ambassador should tell him was very rare in the queen. But that upon his instance she had yielded thereunto. And so accordingly the ambassador was ordered to give him such a warrant under his hand. But that if he [the ambassador] found that the other had sought but to abuse him, as by his letters there was some reason to doubt, then to forbear to deal with him in the former sort. But yet to procure as much intelligence as he might from him, and to discover his continuance in falsehood and practice there, as he could see occasion for it, and could gather matter against him, to deal with the king there, that he might be delivered as an open known rebel and traitor, especially in those practices used by him in Spain. And that there was the more cause to doubt his lewdness, because Rogers, that brought the ambassador’s last letters, met with an Irishman about St. Deny’s, who told him that the archbishop had been secretly at the court, and was ready to be despatched away into Spain by the means of the cardinal of Lorain.

This was afterwards [viz. in the month of February] spoken of by sir Tho.

Smith and Mr. Walsingham to the French king: to whom they related an endeavour of a rebellion in Ireland, by the said cardinal’s means, as appeared by the confession of one Stackbold, then a prisoner in Ireland; who confessed, that the cardinal set him on to stir up a rebellion there, to the maintenance of James Fitz Mortice, a traitor and rebel to the queen; who was to have the counties of Ormond and Ossory. And that he promised them men and munition to rebel against the queen. And withal, that the French king and the queen-mother were privy to it. It was true enough, notwithstanding their great protestations of mighty friendship with her majesty; as appeared by their behaviour, when Smith, by the queen’s commandment, acquainted them both with it. To the king he thus harangued it freely: “That that cardinal had not done enough to raise up trouble to her majesty in your realms, and to trouble England and Scotland, but he could not let the poor realm of Ireland alone, by encouraging Fitz Morrice the queen’s rebel there. And that in your majesty’s name.” Whereat the king laughing heartily, said, In my name? And professed, he never so much as heard of it: and that he could never think any trouble or hurt to his good sister. Upon which, Smith shewed him the articles of Stackbold’s confession, who affirmed it. And when the same day, by the like order from the queen, he acquainted the queen-mother with the same matter of the cardinal’s evil endea-yours in Ireland, and her knowledge of it, she also turned it off with a question, whether he dared to say this? And moreover the said ambassador told her, that the cardinal said, he did it in the king’s name and hers; and that the queen his mistress ordered him to declare this unto her. But withal, that she knew it well enough not to be true, for the good-will that they bare to her. Smith added, that Walsingham could tell her more.

Who then declared the case unto her; and that he had moved her in it almost a year ago. She said, she remembered that there was such a thing about to be done by the stirring of a bishop that came from Spain. [That was the archbishop of Cassils, of whom before.] To this, Smith also mentioned De la Roche’s attempt upon Ireland; who was a knight of the order, and gentleman of the king’s chamber; and the conductor of that expedition, and could tell the whole proceeding. And so prayed that order might be taken in it. She replied, that the king disavowed it; and that he had stayed De la Roche, that he should not go to Ireland, and revoked all his power. But Walsingham then told her, that there were then twenty harquebussiers there, or thereabouts, remaining still, and had remained ever since in a castle. Whereupon the queen promised they should be recalled, if any were there. Thus did the French falsehood begin to appear, by the industry of the queen’s ambassadors, and the secret intelligence procured by Walsingham, to his great expense and impoverishing.

CHAPTER 7.

A parliament. The succession; and matters of religion, transacted there. The bill for reformation. The queen displeased at it, as encroaching on her prerogative. Debates about it. Divers bills for religion brought in. Motion for a new confession of faith.

Reformatio legum ecclesiasticarum produced in parliament. Bills about religion and the state of the church that passed. Acts against papists. Act for subscribing and reading the Thirty-nine Articles.

Many are deprived upon this act.

NOW let us look at home. In the parliament that began to sit April 2, anno 13 Elizab, a motion was made for the succession. And many of the members had but little kindness to the Scottish queen. Insomuch that they laboured to put by her pretended right of succession; and to fix upon the line of the lady Mary, that married to Brandon duke of Suffolk, king Henry VIII. his younger sister; as that queen sprang of his elder. And the ground they went upon was king Henry VIII. his last will. Wherein he expressly put the heirs of the lady Frances first, and next the heirs of the lady Eleonor, daughters of his said sister Mary, in remainder and reversion, to succeed to the crown, in case of failure of issue in his children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth. And this by virtue of certain statutes made the 28th and 35th of Henry VIII. whereby such power was granted to that king, to appoint the succession, “according to such estate, and after such manner, form, and fashion, order, or condition, as should be expressed and limited in his letters patents, or by his last will in writing, signed with his hand.”

Now for the making this of none effect, and that the line of king Henry’s elder sister might take place, it was urged in those times by some, that that king made no will at all; and by others, that if he did make any, it was not according to the statute, nor signed by his hand.

Now for the clearing of these things, there was a member who made a notable speech, and of good length; to prove that there was a true will made by the king. And therefore, if there were no records remaining then in chancery of any letters patents, nor original will to be found; it must have been defaced and destroyed in queen Mary’s reign. That there was a real will was evident, because of the performing of the legacies of it; which were made to many, both of lands and money, after his decease: and divers indentures tripartite were made between king Edward VI., his immediate successor, and the executors of king Henry’s will, and others. And divers letters patents passed under the great seal, in consideration of the accomplishment of the said king’s will. And that there was a will in the name of king Henry, enrolled in the chancery, and divers constats thereof made under the great seal. All which, as he urged, were arguments that king Henry died not intestate. And then, that it was without all doubt, that as the subjects of England had taken them for king and queens of England, that were expressed in the statute by name, so they were bound to accept them that were declared by the will in remainder, or reversion; viz. the heirs of the lady Frances and lady Eleonor.

But then further, in case of no will, he proceeded to enervate the Scottish queen’s title to this crown; as not being inheritable by her, according to the laws of this realm, proving only such inheritable, as were born in the king’s allegiance of father and mother English; or out of the king’s legiance, one parent English, and in the king’s legiance. But I had rather leave the reader to the whole speech of this member of parliament, carefully transcribed by me from a MS. in the Cotton library, as it is set in the Appendix. But though this bold step in parliament, from a disgust of the Scottish queen, succeeded not; yet a notable act or acts were made this session, for the security of the queen’s person and government, and for the succession.

Especially the statute 13 Eliz. cap. 1, wherein, among other things of that nature, it enacts to be treason, “for any to hold or affirm, that the common law of the realm (not altered by parliament) ought not to direct the right of the crown of England; or that the queen, by the authority of the parliament, might not make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity, to limit and bind the crown of this realm, and the descent, limitation, and government thereof:” as we shall hear more, before we conclude this chapter.

Now let us see what was done, or endeavoured to be done, in this session, in matter of religion. The first bill that was read, which was April the 4th, was for coming to church, and receiving the holy communion. April the 6th, read the second time. When sir Thomas Smith spake, and argued for the observance and maintenance thereof. And in part wished the bishops to have consideration thereof. Fleetwood, recorder of London, moved, that the penalties of the statute should not go to promoters; a device but lately brought in, in the time of king Henry VIII. And he shewed the evils and inconveniences that grew thereby: wherein no reformation was sought, but private gain. And as for the matter of going to church, or for the service of God, he urged, that it did directly appertain to that court; [i.e. the court of parliament.] And that they had as well learnt, that there was a God to be served, as had the bishops. And then he proved by old laws, that princes in their parliaments had made ecclesiastical constitutions. And so this bill was referred to committees. This bill, among others, with additions and provisos, was brought down from the lords May the 19th. But I do not find it passed into an act this parliament, though there was great pains taken about it.

There was a strong party in the house, that resolved to press, as vigorously as might be, a further reformation of religion; namely, by altering several things in the Common, Prayer, and the ceremonies established. Mr.

Strickland, an ancient gentleman, of hot zeal, offered a bill for reformation.

Who ushered it in with a long speech, for some reformation of several things in the Book of Common Prayer, though he acknowledged it was drawn up very near to the sincerity of the truth. But yet that there were some superstitious things in it, as, in the Office of Baptism, the sign of the cross, and some other ceremonies and errors, as he called them: which might be changed, without note of changing of religion; whereby the enemy might slander us. He further spake of the abuses of the church of England, and of churchmen: as, that known papists had ecclesiastical government and great livings: that boys were dispensed with, to have spiritual promotions: that, by faculties, unable men were allowed: and some other men allowed to hold too many livings. In the mean time, godly, honest, and learned protestant ministers, had little or nothing. April the 14th, the bill for reformation, preferred by Strick-land aforesaid, was read the first time. Upon which ensued divers arguments. Mr. Treasurer of the queen’s household was one that spake against it to this purport; “That if the matters mentioned to be reformed were heretical, then they were presently to be condemned. But if they were matters of ceremonies, then it behoved them to refer the same to her majesty; who had authority, as chief of the church, to deal therein. And for them to meddle with matters of her prerogative, he said, were not convenient.” Mr. Comptroller of the household argued to the same effect. Another, whose name was Snagg, entered into discourse of some of the articles, which Strickland had laid down before. Whereof one was, not to kneel at the receiving of the holy sacrament; but to lie prostrate, (to shun the old superstition,) or to sit, every man at his own liberty. And the directions were also thought fit to be left out of the book [of the Office of Communion] for that posture. Which should be a law; and every man to do according to his conscience.

But the queen liked not at all of these proceedings; reckoning it struck at her prerogative, (as was hinted before by her treasurer,) as though she might not appoint ceremonies to be used in the worship of God. So that during the time of Easter, (the parliament being adjourned,) in the holydays, Strickland, for his exhibiting a bill for the reformation of ceremonies, and his speech thereupon, was sent for before the lords of the privy council; and required to attend upon them; and in the mean season to make stay from entering into the house.

But this caused no small disturbance. For on Friday, April 19, in Easter week, being the next day after the parliament sat again, the house wanted their member. And one of them signified, “How a member of the house was demanded from them. By whose commandment, or for what cause, he knew not. And that forasmuch as he was not now a private man, but to supply the room, person, and place of a multitude, especially chosen, and therefore sent; he thought that neither in regard of the country, which was not to be wronged, nor for the liberty of the house, which was not to be infringed, they should not permit him to be demanded from them.” To this a courtier, namely Mr, Treasurer, spake mildly, as the point was tender: “That the man that was meant, was neither demanded nor misused; but on consideration was required, to expect the queen’s pleasure upon certain special points. And that he durst to assure, that the gentleman should have neither cause to dislike or complain, &c. That he was in no sort stayed for any word or speech by him in that place offered; but for exhibiting a bill to the house against the prerogative of the queen; which was not to be tolerated. And that oft it had been seen, that speeches [in parliament] had been examined and considered of.”

Others were for sending for him. Yelver-ton urged, “That the precedent was perilous. And that though, in this happy time of lenity, under so gracious a princess, nothing of extremity or injury was to be feared; yet the times might be altered; and what was now permitted, might hereafter be construed as a duty, and enforced even on the ground of the present permission. That all matters, not treason, or too much to the derogation of the crown, were tolerable there; [i.e. in the parliament house;] where all things came to be considered of; and where there was such fulness of power, as even the right of the crown was to be determined: that to say, the parliament had no power to determine of the crown was high treason. He remembered them, how that men are not there for themselves, but for their country. That it was fit for princes to have their prerogative; but yet the same to be straitened within reasonable limits. That the prince could not of herself make laws: neither might she, for the same reason, break laws, &c. That the speech that had been uttered in that place, and the offer made of the bill, was not to be condemned as evil. But that if there were any thing in the Book of Common Prayer, either Jewish, Turkish, or Popish, the same might be reformed. He said also, that among the Papists it was bruited, that by the judgment of the council Strickland was taken for an heretic:” [meaning, that being so misrepresented, the house had the more reason to stand by him.] Another said, that care was to be had for the privileges of the house.

Fleetwood, recorder of London, a wise man, advised, that they should be humble suitors to the queen; and neither send for him nor demand him of right. Those of the queen’s council, while this speech was making, [fearing undoubtedly the consequence,] whispered together. And then the speaker moved, that the house should make stay of any further consultation thereupon. And on the next day, being Saturday, Strickland came to the house; upon an advertisement, as it seems, from her majesty’s council; and coming just upon the time, when the bill for coming to church and receiving the communion was in referring to committees, the house did, in witness of their joy for his restitution, presently nominate him one of those committees.

I find no more of this bill for the reformation of the Common Prayer and for the ceremonies, but that April the 25th, several of the committees, viz. sir Robert Lane, sir Henry Gate, Mr. Henry Knowles, sen. Mr. Astley, master of the jewel house, Mr. Sandes, Mr. Wentworth, were appointed to attend the lord of Canterbury his grace; for answer touching matters of religion. I suppose this was in pursuance of a former act, whereby the queen, with her metropolitan, was to appoint, and regulate, and reform matters in religion.

The bills for religion, and regulation of church affairs, began in the parliament 8 Eliz. and agitated and prosecuted in this parliament 13 Eliz. were seven. But some of them in the issue, dashed by her majesty, saith D’Ewes, persuaded unto it, as it should seem, by some sinister counsel.

I. For the articles printed anno 1562, for sound religion. First read on the 5th of Dec. 8 Eliz. All the rest of them that follow had their first reading Dec. the 6th, in the said session; viz.

II. The bill for the order of ministers.

III. For the residence of pastors.

IV. For the avoiding of corrupt presentations.

V. For leases of benefices.

VI. For pensions out of benefices.

VII. Touching commutation of penance by the ecclesiastical judge.

Which last was first preferred in this parliament. These were read several times in the house, and countenanced; and some of them came to effect.

The first of these, offered in the beginning of this session, and introduced by Mr. Strickland in a long speech before mentioned, (which was for a new confession of faith, to be made and used in this church,) may be better understood, if we relate some further passages of that speech; viz. “That he thought it worth the while for the parliament to be occupied for some time; that all reproachful speeches of slanderers might be stopped; drawbacks in religion brought forward; and overrunners, that exceeded the rules of the law, reduced: that a confession of faith should be made, and published, and confirmed; as was among other professors of religion in foreign parts. As those of Strasburge and Frankford: and as learned men also formerly in this land travelled in; as Peter Martyr, Paulus Fagius, and others.

And that an offer thereof, that had been formerly made in parliament, might be approved.” He added, that the book [which was the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical Laws, effected chiefly by archbishop Cranmer, by the command of king Henry VIII. and Edward VI.] rested still in the custody of Mr. Norton, a member of the house. And thereupon requested, that the said Norton might be required to produce the same. Which he after did. And shewed that it was the book drawn up [under king Edward] by thirty-two persons, i.e. eight bishops, eight divines, eight civilians, and eight temporal lawyers: who had in charge to make ecclesiastical constitutions, and took the same in hand: and that Mr. Fox [the martyrologist] took some pains about the said book, and had newly printed it: which the said Norton then and there shewed. I add, that Fox also set a large preface before it, ad doctum et candidum lectorem; and concludeth with his wish, “That what, by the premature death of that king, was then denied to the church’s happiness, might be supplied in the more happy times of queen Elizabeth, by the authority of that present parliament, [viz. this, as it seems, of the l3th of the queen,] and by the consent and favour of learned men.” This book was printed again in Latin, in the year 1640, at London.

I have this further to add concerning this book. It was said, that Dr.

Haddon, that learned civilian, and master of the requests to the queen, had in a former parliament delivered this book, which had with so much pains, labour, and learning, been prepared and finished in king Edward’s days: and wherein Haddon himself, having an excellent Latin style, was concerned in drawing up. And that then in that parliament, it was ordered to be translated into English for their better considering it. For this, I make no doubt, was that book of discipline which Penry (that was executed for sedition about 1591) hinted at in one of his books, (called, Reformation no enemy to her majesty and state, printed anno 1590,) where, after his preface, he makes this request to the reader: “Mr. D. Haddon delivered in parliament a Latin book concerning church discipline, written in the days of king Edward VI. by M.

Cranmer and sir John Cheeke, &c. This book (saith he) was commitred by the house to be translated, unto the said M. D. Haddon, M. George Bromley, M. Norton, &c.” His request follows: “If thou eanst, good reader, help me, or any other, that labour in the cause, unto the said book, I hope, though I never saw it, that in so doing, thou shalt do good service to the Lord and his church.”

So he, supposing it had much favoured his admired discipline. But if he had been helped to a sight of it, he would have found it would not have served his purpose.

The said Mr. Strickland, in his speech aforesaid, made several motions, “That they should not, for any cause of policy, permit any errors in matters of doctrine to continue longer among them. And that the reformation he urged should not by this be called a chopping and changing of our religion, [as some had objected,] but pursuant to our profession; that is, to have all doctrines brought to the purity of the primitive church. And at last he moved, that certain of them might be assigned, to have conference with the lords of the spirituality, for consideration and reformation of these matters.”

But what stop these earnest motions had, we have shewed before.

Only let me add what happened to the said committee for religion, when, according as it was appointed, they attended the archbishop of Canterbury with their model for reformation; wherein, as some articles of religion were allowed by them, so others, already received into the church, were left out.

The archbishop, taking a view of this draught, asked them, why they put out of the book the article for homilies, and for the consecrating of bishops, and some others. Mr. Peter Wentworth, (who was one of that committee,) a hot man, answered, (as he gave an account of it himself in his speech the next parliament,) because they were so occupied in other matters, that they had no time to examine them, how they agreed with the word of God. Whereat the archbishop replied, that surely they mistook the matter: saying further, You will refer yourselves wholly to us [the bishops] therein. To which Wentworth, in some heat, and somewhat rudely, answered; “No, by the faith I bear to God, we will pass nothing before we understand what it is. For that were but to make you popes. Make you popes, who list; for we will make you none.” But this gentleman taking the like freedom to talk concerning the queen in the next parliament, 18 Eliz. and using several bold expressions concerning her, (as, how rumours ran in the house, “Take heed what you do; for the queen liketh not such a matter,”) he was sequestered the house, and committed to the sergeant as a prisoner for some time.

But what bills about religion and the state of the church took place in this parliament, I shall proceed now to relate. Some were brought in against papists; who at that time endeavoured to deprive and depose the queen in favour of the Scottish queen Mary. This became enacted. “Where it was made high treason to compass, imagine, invent, &c. the queen’s death, or any bodily harm, tending to death, maiming, or wounding her royal person; or to deprive or depose her from the style, honour, or kingly name of the imperial crown of this realm; or to levy war against her; or to move any foreigners or strangers with force to invade this realm or that of Ireland; or to utter or declare, by any printing, writing, ciphering, speech, or words, that the queen is not or ought not to be queen of this reahn, and of the realms of France and Ireland; or that any other person ought by right to be king or queen of the same realms; or that should by writing, printing, preaching, speech, &c. publish, set forth and affirm, that queen Elizabeth is an heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the crown of the said realms. And further, such to be utterly disabled, during their natural lives, to have or enjoy the crown of England, or any style or title thereof, [this was aimed at the queen of Scots,] at any time in succession, of whatever degree, condition, place, &c. they be, that in any wise claimed or pretended themselves to have a right or title to the crown of England in the life of queen Elizabeth; or should usurp the royal style, title, or dignity of this crown; or should hold and affirm, that the queen had not right to hold or enjoy the said crown and realm: or after any demand should not acknowledge her to be, in right, true and lawful queen of these realms.” “And he was adjudged a high traitor by this act, that during the queen’s life should affirm or maintain any right, title, &c. in succession or inheritance in or to the crown of England after queen Elizabeth, to be rightfully in, or lawfully due unto any such claimer, pretender, &c. or not acknowledger. And he also to be judged an high traitor, that shall not affirm that the common laws of this realm, not altered by parliament, ought to direct the right of the crown of England: or that the queen’s majesty, by and with the authority of the parliament, is not able to make laws and statutes, of sufficient force to limit and bind the crown of this realm, and the descent, limitation, and inheritance, and government thereof: or that this present statute, or any other statute, to be made by authority of the parliament, with the royal assent of the queen, for limiting of the crown, or any statute for recognising the right of the said crown and realm to be rightly and lawfully in the person of our sovereign lady and queen, are not or ought not to be for ever of good and sufficient force and validity to bind, limit, restrain, and govern all persons, their rights and titles, that any wise might claim any interest or possibility in or to the crown of England, in possession, remainder, inheritance, succession, or otherwise.”

By the same act provision was made against contentious and seditious spreading abroad of titles to the succession of the crown; and against books or works printed and written, that did directly or expressly declare and affirm, before any act of parliament were made, to establish and confirm the same, that any one particular person is or ought to be the right heir and successor to the queen’s majesty, except the same be the natural issue of her majesty’s body; or shall publish or set abroad any book or scrolls to that effect: or the abettors and counsellors of such: upon the pain of imprisonment, and forfeiture of half his goods, for the first time. The second time, the pains and forfeitures in the statutes of Provision and Premunire.

There was another act made this parliament against bringing in of popes’ bulls, or putting them in execution; and against bringing in writings, or instruments, or other superstitious things from the see of Rome. This was made on purpose against such as had procured and obtained from the bishop of Rome divers bulls and writings, to absolve and reconcile all those that would be contented to forsake their obedience to the queen, and to yield themselves to the foreign, unlawful, and usurped authority of the see of Rome: and by colour of the said bulls, wicked persons secretly, in such parts of the realm where the people were most weak and simple and ignorant, [as it ran in that statute,] had, by their lewd and subthe practices and persuasions, so far wrought, that sundry such weak and ignorant persons had been contented to be reconciled to the said usurped authority; and to take absolution at the hands of such naughty and subthe practisers.

Whereby had grown great disobedience and boldness in many, not only to withdraw and absent themselves from all divine service, now most godly set forth in the realm; but also thought themselves discharged of and from all obedience, duty, and allegiance to the queen. Whereby most wicked and unnatural rebellion had ensued. All such bringing in of such bulls, and such reconcilers to the see of Rome, were made guilty of high treason to the queen and the realm.

By the same act they incurred the statute of Premu-nire and Provision, made 16 Rich. II. that brought into the realm any token or tokens, thing or things, called Agnus Dei’s, or any crosses, pictures, beads, or such like vain and superstitious things, from the bishop or see of Rome: the former of which were said to be hallowed or consecrate by the bishop of Rome in his own person. And the crosses, pictures, beads, either by the same bishop, or by others having power, or pretending to have power for the same, by or from him or his said see: divers pardons, immunities, and exemptions pretended, being to be conferred upon such as should receive and use the same.

Another act for papists was against fugitives over the seas. This was against such persons, who as (though they were sovereign rulers themselves, and not under rule) casting away most wilfully and obstinately the service, obedience, and defence of their prince and country, secretly, in great numbers, without licence of the queen, departed the realm into foreign parts and dominions of other princes: under whose obeisance and protection they submitted themselves, and became their subjects. And there did unnaturally discover the secrets of this realm, and their native country.

And conveyed with them great sums of money; being naturally a part of the common treasure of the realm: spending the same to the profit and commodity of strangers: and in sundry places to the relief of rebels, and fugitives, and traitors. And not so satisfied, did practise in those parts traitorous and rebellious seditions, and slanderous things, as well by writing as otherwise; as the expressions of that statute were. The penalty laid upon all such was the loss and forfeiture of all their manors, lands, tenements, &c. to the queen, during their lives, unless they returned home within six months; and yielded their bodies to the high sheriff of the county, or some of the queen’s council. And that all benefices, prebends, and other ecclesiastical promotions, belonging to spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, so offending in departing the realm, and not returning, should be utterly void to all intents and purposes. There was also a bill brought in (though I think passed not into an act) against priests disguising themselves in serving-men’s apparel.

Another act made this session of parliament with respect to religion and the good of the church, was against frauds; defeating remedies for dilapidations of ecclesiastical livings; and for leases to be granted for collegiate churches. The reason of this statute was for the stopping the practice of some bishops and dignitaries, or other ecclesiastical persons; who had ancient palaces and mansion-houses, and other buildings and edifices, belonging to their preferments: and suffered the same, for want of repairs, to run into great ruins, and some parts utterly to fall down to the ground. And had converted the timber, lead, and stones, to their own benefit and commodity, and made deeds of gift, and co-lourable alienations, and other conveyances of like effect, of their goods and chattels in their lifetimes; to the intent after their death to defraud their successors of such just actions and remedies, as they might or should have had for the same by the laws ecclesiastical, against their executors; to the great defacing the state ecclesiastical, and intolerable charges of their successors. This act did empower the successor of him or them that should make such deeds, to commence suit, and have such remedy in any court ecclesiastical against him or them, to whom such deeds should be made, for the amendment and reparation of so much of the said dilapidations and decays, as happened by his fact or default.

Also, this act provided against colleges, deans and chapters, parsons, vicars, &c. who made long and unreasonable leases, which were the great causes of dilapidations and decays of all spiritual living and hospitality, and the utter impoverishing of all successors, incumbent in the same: that henceforth no leases should be made longer than one and twenty years, or three lives. All other leases, grants, &c. to be utterly void and of none effect.

Another act was made this session touching leases of benefices. The intent of this act was, that livings appointed for ecclesiastical ministers might not, by corrupt and indirect dealings, be transferred to other uses. No lease after the 15th day of May, to be made of any benefice, or ecclesiastical promotion with cure, not being impropried, to endure any longer than while the lessor shall be ordinarily resident, and serving the cure of such benefice, without absence above fourscore days in any one year. But that every such lease, so soon as it or any part thereof shall come to any possession or use above forbidden, or immediately upon such absence, shall cease and be void. And the incumbent so offending, to lose one year’s profit of his benefice; to be distributed by the ordinary among the poor of the parish. All chargings of such benefices with any pension, or with any profit out of the same, hereafter to be made, other than rents to be reserved upon leases hereafter to be made, to be utterly void.

In the same act, it was allowed such persons as had two benefices, to demise one of them, upon which he shall not be most ordinarily resident; but only to the curate that shall then serve the cure. The reason whereof seems to be, that hospitality might be the better preserved from the revenues of the church. But this was but temporary.

There was yet another act made touching religion. Which was to reform certain disorders touching ministers of the church. This act was intended to keep out from ministering in the church such as would not comply with the doctrine established in this church of England in the beginning of the queen’s reign; and that the queen’s dominions might be served with pastors of sound religion, as the preamble ran. It concerned all such persons as pretended to be priests and ministers of God’s word and sacraments under the degree of a bishop, by reason of any other form of institution, consecration, or ordering, than the form set forth in the late king Edward’s time, and now used in thc reign of the queen. [Meaning undoubtedly to comprehend papists, and likewise such as received their orders in some of the foreign reformed churches, when they were in exile under queen Mary.] The act enjoined all such and all others, having any ecclesiastical living, to declare their assent, before the bishop of the diocese, to all the articles of religion, (which only concern the confession of the true Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments,) comprised in the book imprinted, entitled, Articles, whereupon it was agreed by the archbishops and bishops, &c. being the thirty-nine articles, framed in the synod anno 1562. And to subscribe them. Which was to be testified by the bishop of the diocese, under his seal. Which testimonial he [the priest or minister] was openly, on some Sunday, in time of public service before noon, in the church where he ought to attend, to read, together with the said articles, [as his confession of faith.] Otherwise to be ipso facto deprived; and all his ecclesiastical promotions to be void.

And no ecclesiastical person advisedly to maintain or affirm any doctrine, directly contrary or repugnant to any of the said articles; and being convented before the bishop, or ordinary, or queen’s commissioners ecclesiastical, shall persist therein, or not revoke his error; or after such revocation, again affirm such untrue doctrines; in such case it was made lawful for the bishop or ordinary, or the said commissioners, to deprive such person. And upon such sentence of deprivation to be actually deprived.

None to be admitted hereafter to any benefice with cure, except he be of the age of three and twenty years at the least, and a deacon; and first have subscribed the said articles, in presence of the ordinary, and publicly read the same in the parish church of that benefice; with declaration of his unfeigned assent to the same. And every person after the end of that session of parliament, to be admitted to a benefice with cure, within two months after his induction publicly to read the said articles in his parish church; and to do all as aforesaid. Otherwise to incur deprivation immediately ipso facto.

Also it was enacted in the same statute, that none should be made minister, or admitted to preach, or minister the sacraments, being under the age of four and twenty years; nor unless he should first bring to the bishop of the diocese from men known to the bishop, a testimonial both of his honest life, and of his professing the doctrine expressed in the said articles; nor unless he be able to answer, and to render to the ordinary an account of his faith in Latin, according to the said articles; or have special gift and ability to be a preacher.

None to be admitted to the order of a deacon or minister, unless he shall first subscribe the Articles. None to be admitted to a living of or above the value of 30l . a year in the queen’s books, without he be bachelor of divinity, or a preacher lawfully allowed by some bishop of this realm, or by one of the universities.

All admissions to benefices, institutions, and inductions, contrary to the form of any provision in this act; and all tolerations, dispensations, qualifications, and licences whatsoever, that shall be made to the contrary, to be merely void in law.

Provided, no title to confer, or present by lapse, to accrue upon any deprivation ipso facto; but after six months after notice of such deprivation given by the ordinary to the patron.

By force of this act many that held benefices and ecclesiastical preferments were deprived in this and the following year. I find these two among others in the diocese of Bath and Wells. Henry Thorn, A. B. was presented by Geo. Speke, knight, to the church of East Dolish, Jan. 28, 1571, by the obstinacy and disobedience of Thomas Elyot, refusing, or at least neglecting to subscribe in his proper person to the articles set forth anno 1562. And so was deprived. Again, June, 1572, Edward Bremel, alias Cable, was presented to the church of Wayford, by the deprivation of John Haunce, by virtue of a statute, (as it runs in the register,) 13 Eliz. entitled, An act to rearm certain disorders touching ministers of the church.

CHAPTER 8.

A convocation. Matters done there. An act made, very beneficial for employment of multitudes of poor. The queen’s concernments with Scotland. Endeavours a reconcilement of the two parties there. Her resolution against the restoring of the Scottish queen: and why. Articles of pacification propounded by the queen to the two parties in Scotland. The queen’s agent’s notable letter to Graunge and Liddington. Sends a challenge to thc French ambassador. His letters to the lord regent of Scotland, duke of Lenox, and to earl Morton, intercepted. A book writ in favour of the queen of Scots. THERE was now also a convocation; and what was done there is related at large in the Life of Archbishop Parker. Only we may take notice of some things observed as done in this synod, set down in the dedication Of bishop Jewel’s works to king James; namely, that the synod 1571 did then set forth this canon among others, for the direction of those that were preachers and pastors, “That they should never teach any thing, as matter of faith, religiously, but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament; or collected out of the same doctrine by the ancient fathers and catholic bishops of the church.”

I find a treatise among the MSS. of William Petyt, esq. of Dr. Thomas Wylson’s own hand, (who was master of St. Katharine’s near the Tower, and afterwards seeretary of state, a very learned civilian,) being Orders in ecclesiastical jurisdiction, Which seems to have been drawn up, to be confirmed in this synod. There is a title, For punishment of persons convicted. Another, What order is to be taken with false writings, &c.

To the bills passed into acts this parliament, there is one more, (besides those mentioned above,) which I judge not amiss to be taken notice of, though it have no other relation to religion than charity, which comes very near it. It concerned the queen’s care of employment for her poorer sort of subjects. It was for continuance of making and wearing woollen caps, in behalf of the trade of cappers; providing, that all above the age of six years (except the nobility and some others) should, on sabbath-days and holydays, wear caps of wool knit, thicked, and dressed in England, upon penalty of ten groats. But notwithstanding this statute, these caps went very much out of fashion, and the wearing of hats prevailed. Which caused the queen, two or three years after, to take such notice of it, as to set forth a strict proclamation for the enforcing of the wearing of caps, the benefit whereof being of more public good than at present was perceived; namely, the employment of such vast numbers of idle, poor, and impotent people throughout the whole nation, that otherwise must either have starved, begged, or robbed. Which thus that proclamation expressed, (mentioning the said act made in the parliament the 13th of her reign,) “That it was for the relief of divers poor towns, and of great multitudes of her poor subjects, who otherwise were like to perish, or to become unprofitable or dangerous unto the commonweal: and that by means of this statute, great numbers of idle, poor, and impotent persons were set on work, while the awe of the said statute, and fear of due execution thereof continued, to the marvellous great commodity of this realm, and help of the needy, and redress of evil occupied persons; as by experience thereof had been notably proved.”

But these caps, it seems, not long after went out of fashion; and so the trade decayed: which caused the queen to set forth the said proclamation.

It set forth further, “How that by little and little the disobedience and wanton disorder of evil-disposed and light persons, more regarding private fantasies and vanity, than public commodity or respect of duty, had increased by want of execution of the said law. Whereby those good and honest subjects, that had by means of the said statute set to work a great number of poor people, were like to be driven to give over their said trades, and to send abroad again into idleness and misery those multitudes that had been by them relieved. Whereby was like to grow great enormity and inconvenience, if speedy remedy were not provided. Therefore she charged and commanded all justices of assize, justices of peace, mayors, sheriffs, &c. that every of them, according to their office, place, and calling, should do their uttermost, for the due execution of the said statute. And that bailiffs, constables, churchwardens, &c. every Sunday and festival day, make diligent view and search, in all churches, chapels, and all other places, within the circuits and compasses of their offices, for all and singular breakers and offenders of the said statute; and without delay cause the names of such offenders, and of their parents, guardians, governors, and masters of every child, servant, and ward so offending, together with the day and place of the offence committed, to be then written, and lawfully ordered and presented,” &c.

The great importance of this manufacture, for the support of the lower rank of the queen’s people, was more fully declared in that act aforesaid, in these words, worthy of note: “That the company of cappers, by means only of their trade and science of capping, not only maintained their wives, children, and families, in good and convenient state and degree, but set on work a great number and multitude of other poor persons, men, women, and children; and also such as were halt, and decrepid, and lame; using them in sundry exercises belonging to that occupation, as carders, spinners, knitters, parters of wool, forcers, thickers, dressers, walkers, dyers, battelers, shearers, pressers, edgers, liners, bandmakers, and other exer-cises: who had in manner thereby maintained and relieved themselves and their families. And by reason of their labour and exercise therein, had eschewed and avoided not only the great annoyance of the towns they dwelt in, who for lack of exercise must have been forced to beg, but also had kept them from ranging and gadding through the realm, in practising sundry kinds of lewdness, as too many of them now did.

And also, by the means of this good exercise and occupation, a great many of personable men had at all times been ready, and well able, when they were called, to serve the queen, or her most noble progenitors, in time of war, or elsewhere; until of late days, that most, or in manner all men had forborne and left off the using and wearing of caps. This tended also to the great impoverishing and utter undoing of the company of cappers; and to the decay, ruin, and desolation of divers ancient cities and boroughs, which had been the nourishers and bringers up in that faculty of great numbers of people; as London, which by good report maintained eight thousand persons, exercised in this faculty: also Exeter, Bristow, Monmouth, Hereford, Rosse, Bridgnorth, Bewdley, Gloucester, Worcester, Chester, Nantwich, and many more.”

Affairs abroad affected the nation, and the state of religion here at home, especially the intrigues of the Scottish queen, and the match with the duke d’Anjou.

The queen was so certainly informed of the Scottish queen’s and her friends’ intrigues against her, that she found it necessary to keep her strait; suffering none (but persons of her own) of all sorts to be about that queen’s person. Now she pretended a great fear of her life, and craved a ghostly father, being catholic, to be with her: for in truth many of her servants had been discharged, having been found to be dangerous practisers. And queen Elizabeth, upon this experience, plainly noted to the states of Scotland, that she would never suffer that queen to have her government in Scotland restored to her. Her business now was to further the young king of Scots his affairs, (who was set up by the protestant party in that kingdom,) and his friends, against the Scottish queen’s party. The lord Hunsdon at Berwick had a commission in October, to set a good face upon the matter, to bring Graunge (who held out the castle of Edinburgh for that queen) to the king’s devotion: but if he could not, they of the queen’s council were of opinion that he should force them. And the queen was now in hand (as the lord Burghley writ in certain of his letters) to make an accord between Liddington and Graunge in the castle, and the regent, two considerable parties, the difficnlty between them being rather particular than public. They in the castle looked to have their offices and lands restored; and first, surety to be given, that Graunge might remain captain of the castle. The other party [for the king, who were protestants] were to keep what they had catched, as bishoprics and abbeys. Wherein the lord Burghley’s judgment was, that he thought the next avoiding [of these bishoprics and abbeys] might help. But that greediness and mistrust kept them asunder: and he feared more the wilfulness of the king’s party, than the conformation of the adverse.

The account queen Elizabeth gave the French ambassador, of her concern in this Scotch quarrel, was, that she had no other intention in the matter of Scotland, but to have the hostility and civil wars there to cease, and the government of the realm to be established to the contentation of the nation.

For which purpose she had sent to both parties at difference, to accord an abstinence from war; so as they might the better treat and act among themselves.

And for this good end and purpose she propounded to them articles of pacification, containing the queen’s majesty’s intention for reducing the realm of Scotland to an inward peace, (as the preface to the articles ran,) and so to continue free from civil wars and dissensions, [which now were between the lords on the Scottish queen’s side, and the protestants, who had set up her son to be king.] The first article was, “That the whole state of Scotland, in all degrees of subjection, may submit themselves to the authority of thc king, and do, give, acknowledge, and yield full obedience to him. And that the principal states of the land, that is, the nobility, prelatie, and the cities and boroughs, do acknowledge the same by oath, and subscription in writing. And that all the same be confirmed by a general consent ill parliament. And in the same parliament to reestablish, as cause shall require, all things concluded in the late parliament, for the cause of religion.” [Which was mentioned under the last year.] There was also an addition to these articles, of more secrecy, with some enlargements to some other shorter and general articles; according to the instructions given to Randolph, her agent.

As, “To the first, the adverse party to the king must directly understand, that the queen of Scots (whose person is now in England) hath of late attempted such and so many enterprises against her majesty, both by stirring of rebellion in her majesty’s realm, and by provoking of foreign power to enter into the realm; all which had been enterprised indeed, if God had not this last August given to her majesty cause to stay it, by committing the duke of Norfolk to the Tower of London; as none can trust, that her majesty will ever of herself suffer the said queen of Scots to have liberty with power to attempt the like again. And therefore, without any further question, for the queen to rule alone by restitution, or jointly with her son, it must be answered, that the expectation thereof is in vain. And to imagine any other government of such a realm as Scotland is, but by the king, who is the native prince in blood, and in possession invested, is a mere fantasfical device, and not to be heard of. So as this article must be clearly answered for the king, or else the rest are in vain to be treated.”

Now to bring over the abovesaid Graunge and Liddington from the Scottish queen, Mr. Randolph wrote them a notable eloquent letter in March, after divers communications with them together, to little effect. His letter was pursuant to the queen’s command, to deal with them to obey the king, and to acknowledge the regent. Against which they alleged for themselves conscience, honour, and safety. For the satisfying them in the first, he urged, “that that queen was not worthy to live, whose cause they defended, that had committed such horrible offences. And that there was therefore no matter of conscience in putting her down, and less in obeying her. That this they knew themselves; this they had spoken of themselves; and that they had wrote against her, fought against her, and were the chiefest cause of her apprehension and imprisonment, and dimission of the crown: if at that time there was nothing done against conscience, he asked, what moved them to make it a matter of conscience now to leave her, and to allege conscience for setting up her that had been the overthrow of their country? “Neither should the point of honour move them, in which the world was chiefly respected: that might be solved, and themselves by all honest and godly men better allowed of. That in respect of their country’s weal, they should yield somewhat of their own, yea, though to their disadvantage, than to see daily so much blood shed.

That honour was to be respected, where justice proceeded. That if the cause they defended were unjust, what honour could there be to maintain it? But rather shame to stand so long by it as they had done.”

And as to the third, viz. their safety, he applied himself first to Liddington. “They [the queen and state of England] were with him in care of mind, had compassion of his present hard state and extremities apparent to ensue; as friends, they lamented it. Thus far therefore they promised, that his state by composition should be no worse than theirs presently was, that had been of their part and mind with them. Safety to their lives they dared to promise; restitution.to their lands and livings they dared assure them of; for the recovery of their losses, there should be as much clone as lay in them. That if they doubted of the regent, they seemed to know less now than beforetime they had done; whose honesty towards the world they had allowed of in time past; and whose particular goodwill towards them was well reported and thought of. Of his zeal and love towards the word of God, and love to his country, no man ever doubted. And that such a reverence he bore to queen Elizabeth, to follow her advice, that neither should his promise be broken unto them, nor any thing be left undone by him, that was in his power to perform. If they doubted the lord Morton, they should have the like security of him. Further, they should have the queen and England their friends, &c. faithful, and indifferent any way that they could to do them good. But if nothing would do, he bade them trust him upon his word, they stayed to their destruction.”

But the whole letter, as opening the transactions at that time between England and Scotland, and the infamy the Scottish queen then lay under, I have put into the Appendix.

This Randolph had been lately sent to bring the Scottish queen’s party over to the king. And on the 25th of March (which was hard at hand) the assembly of the friends of either party was to be at Leith, where Randolph was. And being to make a judgment of this affair, he was not long to continue there after, as he wrote to the bishop of Durham: “And that they of the castle attended La Croke, a Frenchman, that was coming; thinking to find more comfort and assistance at his hands, than England could or would give them, except they would acknowledge their obedience to the king and regent; which hitherto they refused to do. But England without that could do nothing for them;” as he added in his letter to that bishop.

While Randolph was here, Viracque, the French ambassador, was also in Scotland, transacting the contrary part. But he had, it seems, falsely reported of the said Randolph, in some private intelligence, and likewise of the queen:which coming to the ears of that English gentleman, he shewed an English courage by a challenge he sent Viracque, in these words, as I find it in Randolph’s own MSS. “Monsieur Virac, I have seen, as I am informed, some writings of yours in cipher, containing these words, &c.: which toucheth me greatly in honour, and I doubt to the queen my mistress, as to have trafficked with Mr. Ar. D. for the conveyance of the French ambassador’s letters in England to you. Wherefore this I write, and signify unto you by these presents, that if you have written the words above mentioned, you have not done the part of an honest man; and that in so writing, you have lied falsely in your throat: which I will maintain with my body against him, you, or any man living, of my quality, or under the same, my charge at this time set apart. For that I never had any such talk with him, or he with me.

Answer hereunto, if you think good.”

Randolph soon returned back to London. And from thence, on the 10th of April, he despatched a letter to the earl of Lenox, [Matthew Stuart,] lord regent of Scotland, (grandfather to the king, and his governor, and slain this year by the adverse party, that held for the queen,) and on the next day to earl Morton. Both letters had respect unto a conference at queen Elizabeth’s court, for compromising matters between Mary the Scottish queen, and those that had the government of the king’s person, (who was now but five or six years old,) by certain commissioners on both sides.

Which brake up without any peaceable issue; especially those of the Scottish queen’s side, who required absolutely her liberty. But both these letters were seized; the postboy delivering them to the bishop of Galloway, one of that queen’s commissioners, and was gone from London unto her.

Which letters should have been delivered to earl Morton, being a commissioner on the king’s side, that was also going to Scotland. The said intercepted letters were brought to the Scottish queen; and by her sent to queen Elizabeth, with heavy complaints of Mr. Randolph, by the French minister, notwithstanding the letters were written by her majesty’s commandment. These letters, to aggravate some passages in them, (having lines drawn under them,) had postils or notes set in the margin, which were the Scottish queen’s, or made by some about her, to aggravate the matter the more against him. This complaint was written in a paper that wrapped up these letters. Both these letters and the notes I shall exhibit, taken from the very originals, late in my hands and possession. “To my lord regent’s grace of Scotland. “Your grace shal hear so much of the state of al.things here [at the English court] by my lord Morton, and other lords in his company, that I need not trouble your grace with any long letters; only testifying my good-wil, and desire to have al matters succeeded to your grace’s contentment. But seeing that cannot be, I trust your grace wil take the next best, having in the mean time this cause to rejoyce, that your grace’s enemies have had mich less of their wills than they looked for: and by my lord of Morton’s grave and wise dealings, gotten unto your grace mo friends in your actions than ever you had. In whose wil, if al things were, your grace should find a short end to al these cumbers now your grace is in. I am hartily glad of the good success your grace hath had in taking of Dunbriton; a happy turn to your grace’s country, no smal benefit to yourself, and such a displeasure to your Brace’s adversaries, as none can be greater, except God should deliver you of her that is the cause of your whole troubles. I doubt not but your good grace wil see to the keeping of it. And as God in this hath shewed a great good beginning of his favour towards your grace and country, so I doubt not but he shal receive the worthy honour due unto him for so great a benefit. God have your grace in his keeping. At London the x. of April, 1571.

Your grace’s humble at commaundment, Tho. Randolph.” That to earl Morton, dated the day following, was to this tenor. “Since your lordship departed hence, we have had no news of any great importance, trusting and looking hartily to hear from the lord regent some confirmation of that which was written to your lordship touching Dumbriton; which the bishops of Rosse and Galloway in no cage wil admit to be true, but give out that it is Dumbar, and not Dura-briton. And immediately after they heard the novels, they sent a post to their mistress, not to believe any report until they came themselves. “The bishop of Galloway hath been among many of our bishops, laying out his learning to defend his mistress’s honour with great eloquence. As also his son hath written a book in Latin, approving her authority, excusing the murther, blaming the disobedience of her rebellious subjects, that deposed her from the crown, Treat him ill when he comes home, and if it be possible, let a copy of it be gotten. This day they depart out of this town [London] towards their queen; and then what becomes of them I know not. Now I must pray your lordship to take al our doings here in good part. I trust that there is better meant than doth yet appear. I pray you, cast not the cools with us over hastily. You see how God blessed al your actions unlooked for; and so wil from time to time prosper them, so long as they are guided under his fear. With my very harty commendations to both my other good lords with you, I pray God send you a happy journey, and safe to return to your country. At London, the xi. of April, 1571.

Your honourable lordships at commaundment, Tho. Randolph.”

CHAPTER 9.

The duke of Norfolk unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen.

The discovery thereof; by French money intercepted, sent to the Duke,for her use in Scotland. A letter in cipher to him from that queen. The duke’s confession; and of his servants. The duke’s words at his condemnation: the execution put off by the queen.

And why. One Rolph, a concealer, executed. And why. Mather and Verney, hired to kill the lord Burghley; executed. Dr. Story executed. Some particular accounts of his death; and of his cruelty. His last will. Darbi-shire the Jesuit; his discourse about the English affairs. THOMAS duke of Norfolk, a protestant, and one of the prime nobility of England, and beloved of the people, was unhappily engaged with the Scottish queen, that gave the nation so much disquiet, and the queen so much jealousy, as we have heard. But engaged he was in that queen’s cause, out of hope of marrying her. The first discovery of the renewing of that matter was in August or September. Of which the lord Burghley informed Walsingham, the ambassador in France, viz. “That some matter was discovered, that my lord of Norfolk should still mind the matter of the Scottish queen. For that there was inter-cepted a good portion of money, that was by letter in cipher, directed to the lord Herris, (which, as appeared afterwards, was French money, and delivered to the duke by the French ambassador,) for help of the Scottish queen’s party in Scotland.” And that the same was sent by one Higford; the duke’s secretary; who was by order from Audley-inn (where the court now was) taken and committed at London. And September 2, was examined by sir Tho. Smith, who the day before went from Audley-inn thither for that purpose. The lord Burghley subjoined, that he was sorry that duke should be found undutiful; but if it were so, he was glad it should be known: which caused him to inquire of Walsingham after another servant of the duke’s, viz. one Liggons, that had long been about Paris and the court there.

Of the same matter, about the same time, did the earl of Leicester give Walsingham these hints: “That the cause went hard against the duke, even by his own confession: and that vehement suspicions were of more evil than he ever thought could fall out in him. And he believed the queen would proceed according to equity and justice; and added, that she had cause to use but small mercy.

After a little while this matter came more fully to light. Which the lord Burghley declared, in his correspondence with Walsingham, to this tenor: “That De Foix, the French ambassador, delivered money to the duke or his order: and that so Walsingham might aver the truth of it.” That the money was taken, being by the duke’s com-mandment (as he averred and confessed) received by Barker his man, from the French ambassador; and was to have been sent to Banister, the duke’s man, dwelling at Shrewsbury, and so to one Lowther and others of the duke’s servants, secretly kept upon the west borders.

And by him should have been sent to the lord Harris, and by him to Liddington. That there was also in the bag letters in ciphers from the French ambassador to Virac, the French agent in Scotland. That hereof Monsieur de Foix (who was now gone) made mention before his departure, and thought there was no other matter against the duke, which I would, added the lord that wrote this letter, there were not. But it appeared there was much more of great danger; and that God was to be thanked that it was discovered; as now it was. For there was found a long discourse about the duke, sent from the queen of Scots in cipher to him the 7th of February last.

By which the said queen layeth before the duke, how she was counselled from Spain to fly thither; misliking utterly of the French, by reason of the doubt of the queen’s marriage with Anjou: that she used hard words against the queen-mother, that she did in this discourse conclude, that she would make a semblance to the Spaniard of her liking of Don John of Austria, although she assured the duke of her countenance. That she moved, that Ridolph [an Italian merchant here in London, and privy to these concerns,] might be sent to Rome; and to be directed wholly by the duke of Norfolk.” With many other things of like sort in that letter.

The lord Burghley added, that the duke confessed the receipt of this from the queen of Scots: but denied that he was privy to Ridolph’s going, otherwise than that he was earnestly desired of the bishop of Ross to instruct him, and to write by him to the duke of Alva, to require aid of men and money for the queen’s party in Scotland. But that in it he refused to deal, because of the peril thereof. He confessed four letters he had received from the Scottish queen within these, twelve months, and did answer them by writing, and all in cipher: but that they were all of thanks, and to move the queen to depend only upon the queen’s majesty. But herein the duke could make none of them [of the queen’s council] credit him. The duke said also, that before the sending of this money, he helped the French ambassador to send his packet to Virac in July. They had also found his cipher between the Scottish queen and him; but that all the writings were conveyed away; which he said were by him burnt. That now they had great cause to think that he was privy to the dangerous practice, in which they found Ridolph to have been with the duke of Alva; in offering him that a rebellion should be moved here this summer, if that duke would assist it.

But of this the duke of Norfolk would not be known.

The duke’s servants soon confessed all. Barker, one of them, being arraigned, (as the lord Burghley writ about the beginning of February,) confessed the treason, and said, that the beginning of the offence was, in that he regarded more the love and pleasing of the duke his master, than of his prince and his country; and so freely confirmed the duke’s guiltiness.

The next, Higford, his secretary, did also confess, terming it a concealment of his master’s treasons; and added, that he did oftentimes dissuade the duke from the same. These open acts fortified the duke’s condemnation.

In the midst of these discoveries, so much to the shame of the French ambassador, (and his master too,) he had the confidence to send his secretary to the court, requiring to have his money again. To whom the lord Burghley answered, that it must be demanded of them to whom he delivered it. And notwithstanding this answer, he came again, desiring he might have his majesty’s money intercepted, sent towards Virac to Scotland.

From a journal of Cecill’s, I have these particulars of the duke of Norfolk’s business, set down by Cecill’s own hand. “July the 1st, the duke was prisoner in his own house, called Howard-house. August 2, Higford, the Duke’s secretary, deciphered the two tickets, taken [in the bag, wherein was the money, viz. 1606/. that was to have been sent into Scotland.

September the 4th, sir Ralph Sad-leir was sent to guard the duke of Norfolk at Howard-house; [now called Charter-house.] September the 5th, the duke, examined at Howard-house, denied all that Higford confessed. The 7th, the duke committed to the Tower by sir Ralph Sadleir, sir Tho. Smith, sir Henry. Nevil, and Dr. Wylson.

The 8th, the duke confessed many things denied before. The 10th, the duke made means to have the lord Burghley come to the Tower to him: who did so. October -the duke of Norfolk in the Tower confesseth the receipt of a message from the earl of Arundel and lord Lumley. October -the lord Cobham kept as prisoner in the lord Burghley’s house at Westminster.”

These particulars may not be unworthy the relating, taken out of such an authentic paper. The whole trial of this nobleman, and his condemnation and execution, I shall omit, our historian relating them at large. Only let me note, that among the peers mentioned by Camden, at the duke’s trial, the earl of Worcester is omitted, who was present, according to a MS. in the Cotton library, where William earl of Worcester stands immediately after Reginald Grey, earl of Kent. And the speech in another volume of the said library, as spoken by him at his execution, (which happened not till the next year,) doth somewhat vary.

The relation of the words spoken by the duke after his condemnation do somewhat vary also; unless perhaps Camden would not set down all that was spoken by him at that time. The Cotton MS. relates it thus.. That after his condemnation he used these words: “I have been found by my peers worthy of death; whereof I do acquit them. For I come not hither to justify myself, nor to charge them with injustice. In dealing in matters temporal towards the queen of Scots, I dealt not as a good subject, for that I made not the queen privy thereunto. For this offence I was committed to the Tower: but upon my humble submission, I was delivered; promising the queen to deal no more in those matters. But contrary to my submission and promise, I dealt therein: for saving my life, and other causes, I took my oath upon that matter. But I never received the communion, as it hath been bruited. I had conference with none but only with Ro-dolpho, and that but once; and that not against her majesty. For it was known, I had to do with him by reason I was bound unto him by a recognisance for a great sum of money. I saw two letters which came from the pope; but I never consented unto them, neither to the rebellion in the north. I thank God I was never a papist, since I knew what religion meant. But I did always detest pa-pistry in all the vain toys thereof; embracing ever, from the bottom of my heart, the true religion of Jesus Christ; trusting the full assurance of my faith in his blood, that is only my Redeemer and Saviour. Indeed I must confess I had servants and friends that were papists: but if thereby I have offended God’s church, or any protestant, I do desire God and them to forgive me.”

Yet perhaps these were only some short collections of the duke’s speech at his execution, (where Camden placeth them,) rather than what was said by him at his condemnation.

The queen put off the execution of the duke for some months, out of compassion to this unhappy nobleman and her kinsman; and, out of respect to his high quality, was not easily brought to pass her warrant. Of this her mercy in delaying his execution, her statesmen did not much approve. The lord treasurer Burghley’s expressions, suggesting his thoughts, were: “The queen’s majesty hath always been a merciful lady. And by mercy she hath taken more harm than by justice; and yet she thinketh she is more beloved in doing herself harm. God save her to his honour long among us.”

So he writ in one of his letters, apprehensive of the queen’s danger. And Thomas Randolph, the queen’s agent now in Scotland, liked as little the deferring of the duke’s execution. Who in a letter to the bishop of Durham, from Leith, dated March the 21st, (that is, two months after his condemnation,) writ thus: “Out of London we hear yet no other, but that he remaineth yet alive [meaning the duke] that is to be wished, that long since he had been despatched. I fear, added he, the bishop of Lincoln’s words, in his sermon before her ma,. jesty, grow true, alleged out of Augustine, that there was misericordia puniens, and crudelitas parcens. In consideration whereof in government great evil did ensue.”

In another of the lord Burghley’s letters to Walsingham, dated February 11, he shewed him how the queen’s majesty was diversly disposed.

Sometime, when she spake of her danger, she concluded, that justice must be done. Another time, when she spake of the nearness of blood, of his superiority in honour, and such like, she stayed. On Saturday she signed a warrant to the sheriffs of London for his execution on Monday. And so all preparations were made, with the expectation of all London and concourse of many thousands. But their coming was answered not with his, but another extraordinary execution of Mather and Berney, [of whom by and by,] for conspiring the queen’s death, [and his own death, he might have added,] and of one Rolph, for counterfeiting the queen’s hand twice, to get concealed lands. The cause of this disappointment was, that suddenly on the Sunday before, late in the night, the queen sent for him, [the lord Burghley,] and entered into a great misliking, that the duke should die the next day, and said, she was and should be disquieted; and would have a new warrant made that night to the sheriffs, to forbear till they should hear further. And accordingly they did so. After that lord had made this relation of this sudden stop, he only added his fears in this ejaculation, “God’s will be fulfilled, “and aid her majesty to do herself good,” [which he thought this mild course tended not to.] But though this execution were deferred for some months longer, yet in the beginning of June, 1572, he was beheaded at Tower-hill, as we shall hear in due place.

The said lord Burghley, that wise statesman and sound counsellor of the queen’s in this dangerous juncture, was so hated by her enemies, but especially the Spaniard, that Bor-gest, that ambassador’s secretary, had hired two desperate men, viz. Mather and Berny, [alias Verny,] to murder him; nay, and the queen too. For they at last confessed, that they intended to kill him; and afterwards plainly confessed also their intention and desire to have been rid of the queen: (as the said lord wrote in his correspondence with the queen’s ambassador in France:) and added, “But I think she may “by justice be rid of them.” And accordingly they underwent the just pains of death in February, (as was hinted before,) being drawn, hanged, and quartered. It is remarkable, that when Mather had, in the presence of Leicester, Mr. Secretary, and Mildmay, charged that ambassador’s secretary, that both his master and he had enticed him to kill the lord Burghley, that secretary denied it: upon which, Mather offered to try it con la spada, i. e. by the sword.

Another execution, in the month of June, before, was done upon John Story, LL.D. who suffered at Tyburn on Friday; and there refused to give allegiance to the queen’s majesty, (as the lord Burghley wrote to Walsingham,) and professed to die as the king of Spain’s subject, [being indeed a pensioner of Spain.] And so having been arraigned on the Tuesday before at the king’s bench, he would not answer to the indictment; alleging, that he was not a subject of this realm. Whereupon, without further trial, he was condemned as guilty of treason, contained in his indictment. For his treason, inveterate hatred to the queen, and cruelty exercised towards the protestants, I refer the reader to other histories. But some particular passages of him, omitted by our historians, I shall here relate. In his execution he is thus described by Dr. Fulk, (in his Retentive, and in his book against Gregory Martin, at the end of it, where he writ a confutation of the papists’ quarrels against his writings:) “Story, for all his glorious tale, in the time of his most deserved execution by quartering, was so impatient, that he did not only roar and cry like an hell-hound, but also strake the executioner doing his office, and resisted as long as strength did serve him, being kept down by three or four men, until he was dead. He used,” saith the same writer, (that lived at that very time,) “no voice of prayer in all the time of his crying, as I heard of the very executioner himself, besides them that stood by, but only roared and cried, as one overcome with the sharpness of the pain; as no martyr, as the papists did mightily boast of him. God, added he, for his cruelty shewed against the patient saints, [in queen Mary’s days,] had not only given him a taste of such torments as he procured to others, but also made him an open spectacle of the impatient and uncomfortable state of them that suffer, not in a good cause, nor with a good conscience.”

This Fulk said, to vindicate himself against a popish writer, that had writ, that upon a little groaning [of the said Story at his execution] Fulk had gathered that he was no true martyr.

Now, what a sort of man this Story was, and how addicted to cruelty towards the professors of the gospel under queen Mary, that short epitome of him, drawn up by Mr. Fox’s own hand, and perhaps upon this occasion, will shew; which I have inserted in my Annals, under the year 1569.

I cannot omit here the reciting of some old rhymes concerning this Story and his fellow bigots; which I meet with written by one Lawrence Ramsey, a poet, near about this time, in a book, entitled, The Practice of the Devil; wherein the Devil is brought in, speaking thus to them: Stand to it, Stapleton, Dorman, and Harding, And Rastal, that Rakehell, to maintain my order.

Boner and Gardiner are worth the regarding, For keeping articles so long in this border.

O Story, Story, thou art worthy of recorder; Thou stoodst to it stoutly against God and the king; And at Tyburn desperately gay’st me an off’ring.

I have met with this man’s last will, made by him divers years before his death, viz. 1552, while he was at Lovain; fled thither in the time of king Edward VI. out of ill will to the religion then professed in the nation: wherein are some passages that may be remarked. “He gave laud and praise to God, for leading him out of his native country, that was swarved out of the sure ship of our salvation, our mother, the catholic church; and that he had belief and full trust in all and every article, clause, or sentence, that his said mother, holy church, from the time of the apostles, hath or shall decree, set forth, and deliver to be kept and observed by her children. That for the breaking any command, set forth by the authority of the same church, and for the non-observing of any of her decrees, and especially for his offence in forsaking the unity of it, by the acknowledging of any other supreme head than Christ’s deputy here in earth, St. Peter, and his succes-sots, bishops of the see of Rome, he did most humbly and penitently cry God mercy, and desired all Christian people remaining in the unity of the said mother catholic church to pray for him. Then he gave to his daughter Elen, six hundred and threescore florins. But if by God’s good motion she entered into religion, then he gave and bequeathed to the house and company where he should be professed, florins; desiring them of their good charity to pray for the souls of his father and mother, and for his soul, and all Christian souls. His body to be buried in the Grey Friars in Lovain. And to the same covent, for the exequies done and solemnized for the wealth of his soul, twenty florins; and forty florins more, that of their charity, in their daily celebration of mass, they would pray for the soul of Nicolas and Joan, his parents, and for his soul, and all Christian souls: and to appoint one devout person of their company, by the space of three years next after his burial, daily to make a special memory to God for his soul, and for all Christian souls.”

I refer the reader to the Appendix, for his other superstitious bequests; and to observe what sort of wills and testaments were framed by popish zealots, acted by the craft of monks and friars, to draw treasure to themselves. And lastly, he charged his wife Joan not to set foot on the land of England, or carry his daughter thither, (according to a promise she had made to God and him,) until it were restored to the unity of the church.

Darbishire, a Jesuit, may be mentioned next to this zealous, hot civilian; who was such another persecutor in this church under queen Mary; having been canon of St. Paul’s, London, archdeacon of Essex, and chancellor to bishop Boner, who was his uncle by his sister. Walsingham, understanding this man was in Paris, found a means to feel the man and his principles. He caused one, under colour of a catholic, to repair unto him there; knowing that there was a concurrence of intelligence between him and those English papists of Lovain, and also with those of the Scottish queen’s faction. The party sent did seem very much to bewail the ill success of the late practices in Scotland; and now he feared that their case would grow desperate: especially, for that Mather’s enterprise was also discovered. To this the Jesuit answered, “That the ill handling of matters was the cause that they took no better effect. But bade him notwithstanding to be of good comfort; and assure himself that there were more Mathers in England than one: which would not scruple, when time should conveniently serve, to adventure their lives in seeking to acquit us of that lewd woman, (meaning her highness.) For, said he, if she were gone, then would the hedge lie open; whereby the good queen, that is now the prisoner, in whom rested, he said, the present right of this crown, should easily enjoy the same. For besides that all the catholics in the realm of England were at her devotion, there were, said he, (and thanked God,) divers heretics that were well affected towards her. Which was no small miracle, that God had so blinded their eyes, as that they should be so inclined to her, that in the end would yield unto them their just deserts, unless they returned to the catholic faith.”

And so went on in further discourse, assuring the other, that that queen would have no harm. For that she lacked for no friends in the English court: and what assistance she was like to have to deliver her, though they ventured their lives for her, as others had done before; and that there were divers ways to bring it to pass. And that chiefly considering how this matter would tend to the good of the catholic cause, and utter ruin and extirpation of heresy. And that this should be brought to pass ere a year were at an end. And besides his villainous and undutiful language of her majesty, he used very lewd bitter speeches against the earl of Leicester and the lord Burghley. This, as that ambassador concluded, was the sum of their talk. By the way, one might hence make an observation upon what a prejudiced person the chief evidence of the Nagg”s Head ordination doth depend. For the popish writers do allege this Darbishire’s evidence with the greatest confidence.

I add only one thing more of Darbishire. That in his conference with Hawks, (afterwards burnt for the profession of the gospel,) he called the Bible, in contempt, his little pretty God’s book.

CHAPTER 10.

The present concerns of the nation for the queen’s safety. Her marriage thought necessary. She falleth sick. Her verses upon the Scottish queen and her favourites. She requires liberty of rellgion for her merchants in France. Orders and exercises of religion in Northampton; with their confession of faith. The ecclesiastical commissioners sit at Lambeth. Christopher Goodman cited before them: his protestation of allegiance.

IF we now turn our eyes to the queen, about the month of March her people had two extraordinary concernments for her; whence they apprehended the kingdom to be in great danger.

The one was for her marrying; which the wisest of her statesmen saw to be the only way for safety, as things then stood. I allege the judgment of some of them. Walsing-ham, in December last, was in pursuit of some ways to establish her majesty’s state; which was threatened, as he observed, with two lacks, viz. the want of friendship abroad, and our doubtful state at home. Whom the earl of Leieester, seconded in their correspondence, by acknowledging, that it fell out too manifest daily; and that without some remedy it would prove a danger irrecoverable. But the means, as he added, were easily seen and perceived; [meaning the marriage with monsieur, and peace with France;] and which he supposed not yet without hope to be obtained. But now two or three months were past, and little or no hope appeared thereof.

For though sir Thomas Smith was lately despatched to France, to renew the treaty about it; yet the queen herself seemed to have little or no inclination that way, as was well perceived. Whereat Smith, in a letter from Blois, thus writ: “That all the world saw that they [her people] wished her majesty’s surety and long condition. That her marriage, and issue of her highness’ body, should be the most assurance of her highness, and of the wealth of the realm, &c. What, doth her majesty mean to maintain still her danger, and not proceed for her surety? I assure your lordship I can see no reason. God preserve her majesty long to reign over us, by some unlooked for miracle. For I cannot see by natural reason that her highness goeth about to provide for it.” And again, soon after, in another letter, thus he expresseth his thoughts: “There is nothing whereof we are more sorry, and do lament in our hearts, than to see such uncertain, so negligent, and irresolute provision for the safety of the queen’s majesty’s person, and of her reign over us. God of his almighty and miraculous power preserve her long to reign over us.”

These expressions shewed the dismal apprehensions the best of men, and most concerned, had for the good of the queen, the state, and the religion of the land. But the good hand of God preserved all safe and well, though this marriage, so much desired and depended upon, took not place. For a good understanding with the French king was thought then sufficient to balance the mischievous purposes of Spain: but the French king’s heart being disposed to a league with the queen, that way the English security was provided for; as shall be shewn in the following year, when the league was made.

The other terror upon the nation now was the queen’s falling sick. In the month of December, her subjects took great satisfaction, that notwithstanding their danger in other respects, she enjoyed perfect good health. So Leicester, in his correspondence, writes to Walsingham: “That they had no news, but of her majesty’s good state of health; which was such as he had not known to have been these many years;” [as though she were none of the healthfulest constitutions.] And this he the rather informed the ambassador of, because that in October before, she was taken very ill. Of which malady, thus did the lord Burghley write to the said ambassador: “That a sudden alarm was given him by her majesty’s being suddenly sick in her stomach; but that she was relieved by a vomit.

You must think, said he, (speaking not only his own sense, but of all that loved the present state of the nation,) such a matter would drive me to the end of my wits. But God [as he comforted himself] is the stay of all that put their trust in him.”

But now, in March, the queen fell sick again; yet in a few days recovered, to the great joy of all. Of this sickness of the queen, (sweetening it also with the news of her restoration to perfect health,) the same lord writ to the two ambassadors then in France. They both read the letter in a marvellous agony, (as Smith expressed their concern in his answer.) But having the medicine ready, that her majesty was within an hour recovered, it did in part heal them again..And when the said lord had wrote, that the care had not ceased in him, Smith replied, “That he might be sure it did as little cease in them; calling to their remembrance, and laying before their eyes, the trouble, the uncertainty, the disorder, the peril, and danger, which had been like to follow, if at that time God had taken from them the stay of the commonwealth, and hope of their repose; that lanthorn of their light, next to God; whom to follow, nor certainly where to light another candle [they knew not.]” But, added he, as to their present negotiation, “if her majesty still continued in extremity to promise, and in recovery to forget, what shall we say, but as the Italians do, Passato il pericolo, gabbato il faute?” Queen Elizabeth would sometimes, in the midst of her cares, divert herself by study and reading; and sometimes versifying, as she did in composing a copy of verses upon the queen of Scots, and those of her friends here in England near this time: which Dr. Wylson hath preserved to us in his English Logic. For she, to declare that she was nothing ignorant of those secret practices among her people, and many of her nobility inclining too far to the Scottish queen’s party, though she had long with great wisdom and patience dissembled it, (as the said Dr. Wylson prefaceth her verses,) wrote this ditty most sweet and sententious; not hiding from all such aspiring minds the danger of their ambition and disloyalty. Which afterwards fell out most truly, by the exemplary chastisement of sundry persons, who in favour of the said Scottish queen, declining from her majesty, sought to interrupt the quiet of the realm, by many evil and undutiful practices. Her verses were as follow:

That doubt of future foes exiles my present joy; And wit me warns to shun such snares as threaten mine annoy. For falsehood now doth flow, and subjects faith doth ebb:

Which would not be, if reason rul’d, or wisdom weav’d the web.

But clouds of toys untry’d do cloak aspiring minds, Which turn to rain of late repent, by course of changed winds.

The top of hope suppos’d the root of ruth will be, And fruitless all their grafted guiles, as shortly ye shall see.

Those dazzled eyes with pride, which great ambition blinds, Shall be unseal’d by worthy wights, whom foresight falsehood finds.

The daughter of debate, that eke discord doth sow, Shall reap no gain, where former rule hath taught still peace to grow.

No foreign banished wight shall anchor in this port:

Our realm it brooks no strangers’ force: let them elsewhere resort.

Our rusty sword with rest shall first the edge employ, To poll their tops that seek such change, and gape for joy.

Another thing deservedly to be related of the queen was her care she took to preserve her subjects in that true religion which was established by law in her kingdom. And that her subjects not only at home but abroad might have the free exercise of it; and not incur danger in popish countries for it.

In her treaty with France now, she made that one of the articles, namely, a.liberty of religion for English merchants in that king’s dominions. Sir Thomas Smith, with Walsingham and Killegrew, put the queen-mother in mind thereof, for the said merchants in the Staple or Haunce; that they might have the exercise of religion after the manner of the English church, and which the queen their mistress also professed. The said queen-mother had promised them that they might have it in their house with the doors shut, and in the English tongue; but the king’s deputies appointed to treat with the queen’s ambassadors would not admit it. And both the king and his mother (neither of them meaning sincerely) would not have it put as an article in the treaty, but that it should be allowed some other way. As namely, by a letter missive from the king to queen Elizabeth, wherein he should promise it. Which when Smith and the others objected against; and since they could not too much insist upon it, to please the king, and to go as far as they could, they were content, if he would, by another article, or treaty declarative, made apart between his majesty and the queen of England, under the great seals of England and France, declare that in general words he did mean also, in the matter of religion, to give her merchants their liberty. But the queen-mother, upon this, asked the ambassadors, whether they thought that the king her son would deceive them? [But whether they then thought so or no, it appeared afterwards that he went upon nothing but deceit and dissimulation.] And she would have persuaded the ambassadors, the queen their mistress would be contented with such a private letter from the king. But Smith told her he could not believe it of her majesty for his part: and that they, her ministers, must do wisely, surely, and substantially in such affairs for her majesty, as she did put in their credit. But when the queen-mother still shifted this off, Smith said at last, “That except there were suff-cient assurance for the matter of religion, they could not nor durst subscribe the treaty; until they were better cer-tiffed that the queen would be so content with such a letter. For his conscience was against it, to leave so great a point upon so little a hold.” Prophesyings, or exercises, were much used now throughout most of the dioceses. Wherein the incumbents in livings, and men in orders, were employed in explaining certain places of holy scripture, in certain parish churches appointed by the bishop of the diocese for that purpose. Which were very acceptable to those of the people that favoured the protestant religion: and had also their good use, both for the improving of the clergy in their studies of the word of God, and for the instruction of the laity in the right knowledge of religion.

These exercises were used in the church of Northampton, by the consent of the bishop of Peterburgh, Scambler, the mayor of the town and his brethren, and other the queen’s majesty’s justices of the peace within the county and town: who appointed these orders for religious worship, to be set up and established therein.

I. The singing and playing of organs, beforetime accustomed in the quire, is put down, and the common prayer there accustomed to be said, brought down into the body of the church among the people, before whom the same is used according to the queen’s book, with singing psalms before and after the sermon.

II. There is in the chief church every Tuesday and Thursday, from nine of the clock until ten in the morning, read a lecture of the scripture, beginning with the confession in the Book of Common Prayer, and ending with prayer and confession of the faith.

III. There is in the same church, every Sunday and holyday, after morning prayer, a sermon, the people singing the psalm before and after.

IV. The service be ended in every parish church by nine of the clock in the morning, every Sunday and holyday; to the end the people may resort to the sermon in the same church. And that every minister give warning to the parishioners in the time of common prayer, to repair to the sermon there; except they have a sermon in their own parish church.

V. That after prayers done, in the time of sermon or ca-techising, none sit in the streets, or walk up and down abroad, or otherwise occupy themselves vainly, upon such penalties as shall be appointed.

VI. The youth, at the end of evening prayer, every Sunday and holyday, (before all the elder people,) are examined in a portion of Calvin’s catechism, which by the reader is expounded unto them; and holdeth an hour.

VII. There is a general communion once every quarter, in every parish church, with a sermon; which is by the minister at common prayer warned four several Sundays before every communion, with exhortation to the people to prepare for that day.

VIII. One fortnight before each communion, the minister with the churchwardens maketh a circuit from house to house, to take the names of the communicants, and to examine the state of their lives.

Among whom if any discord be found, the parties are brought before the mayor and his brethren, being assisted by the preacher and other gentlemen. Before whom there is reconcilement made, or else correction, or putting the party from the communion, which will not live in charity.

IX. Immediately after the communion, the minister, &c. returneth to every house, to understand who have not received the communion, according to the common order taken; and certifieth it to the mayor, &c. who, with the minister, examineth the matter, and useth means of persuasion to induce them to their duties.

X. Every communion day each parish hath two communions; the one for servants and officers, to begin at five of the clock in the morning, with a sermon of an hour, and to end at eight: the other for masters and dames, &c. to begin at nine the same day, with like sermon, and to end at twelve.

XI. The manner of this communion is, besides the sermon, according to the order of the queen’s book; saving, the people being in their confession upon their knees, for the despatch of many, do orderly arise from their pews, and so pass to the communion table, where they receive the sacrament: and from thence in like order to their place; hay. ing all this time a minister in the pulpit, reading unto them comfortable scriptures of the passion, or other like, pertaining to the matter in hand.

XII. There is on every other Saturday, and now every Saturday, from nine to eleven of the clock in the morning, an exercise of the ministers both of town and country, about the interpretation of scriptures. The ministers speaking one after another, do handle some text; and the same openly among the people. That done, the ministers do withdraw themselves into a privy place, there to confer among themselves, as well touching doctrine as good life, manners, and other orders meet for them. There is also a weekly assembly every Thursday, after the lecture, by the mayor and his brethren, assisted with the preacher, minister, and other gentlemen, appointed to them by the bishop, for the correction of discord made in the town: as for notorious blasphemy, whoredom, drunkenness, railing against religion, or preachers thereof; scolds, ribalds, or such like. Which faults are each Thursday presented unto them in writing by certain sworn men, appointed for that service in each parish. So by the bishop’s authority and the mayor’s joined together, being assisted with certain other gentlemen in the commission of the peace, evil life is corrected, God’s glory set forth, and the people brought in good obedience.

XIV. The communion table standeth in the body of the church, according to the book, at the over end of the middle aisle, having three ministers: one in the middle to deliver the bread; the other two at each end, for the cup. The ministers often do call on the people to remember the poor, which is there plentifully done. And thus the communion being ended, the people do sing a psalm.

XV. The excessive ringing of bells at forbidden times by injunction, (whereby the people grow in discord, to the slaughter of some, and the unquieting of others, given to hear sermons,) is inhibited; allowing notwithstanding such orderly ringing, as may serve to the calling of the people to church, and giving warning of the passing and burying of every person.

XVI. The carrying of the bell before corpses in the streets, and bidding prayers for the dead, (which was there used until within these two years,) is restrained.

XVII. There is hereafter to take place, order that all ministers of the shire, once every quarter of the year, upon one month’s warning given, repair to the said town; and there, after a sermon in the church heard, to withdraw themselves into a place appointed within the said church; and there privately to confer among themselves of their manners and lives. Among whom if any be found in fault, for the first time, exhortation is made to him among all the brethren to amend. And so likewise the second and third time, by complaint from all the brethren, he is committed unto the bishop for his correction.

THE ORDER OF THE EXERCISE OF THE MINISTERS, WITH A COFESSION OF THE FAITH.

First , Every one at his first allowance to be of this exercise, shall, by subscription of his own hand, declare his consent in Christ’s true religion with his brethren, and submit himself to the discipline and orders of the same.

Secondly , The names of every man that shall speak in this exercise shall be written in a table. For it shall be unlawful for any man to speak in this exercise, until he be admitted by the same, and his name, by his own consent, registered in the said table. Neither shall it be lawful for any man to occupy the room of the second speaker, except he have spoken in the first place, unless he be desired by the moderators.

Thirdly , The first speaker beginning and ending with prayer, ought to explain, the text that he readeth. Then he may confute any false or untrue expositions, if he know that the place have been abused by any sinister interpretation. Then he may give the comfort to the audience as the place ministereth just occasion. But he shall not digress, dilate, nor amplify that place of scripture whereof he treateth to any common place, further than the meaning of the said scripture.

Fourthly , Whatsoever is left of the first speaker, either in explaining the text, either in confuting, &c. he or they that speak afterwards have liberty to touch, so as they observe the order prescribed to the first speaker. And that without repeating the selfsame words which have been spoken before, or impugning the same, except any have spoken contrary to the scriptures.

Fifthly , The exercise shall begin immediately after nine of the clock, and not exceed the space of two hours. The first speaker shall fully finish whatsoever he hath to say within the space of three quarters of an hour: the second and third shall not exceed (each one of them) one quarter of an hour. One of the moderators shall always make the conclusion.

Sixthly , After the exercise is ended, the president for the time being shall call the learned brethren unto him, and shall ask for their judgment concerning the exposition of the text of scripture then expounded: and if any matter be then untouched, it shall be there declared. Also, if any of the speakers in this exercise be infamed, or convinced of any grievous crime, he shall be there and then reprehended.

Seventhly , After this consultation it shall be lawful for any of the brethren of this exercise to propound their doubts or questions, justly collected out of the place of the scripture that day expounded, and signify the same unto the president for the time being, and the other brethren, and deliver the same in writing unto the first speaker. And order shall be taken by common consent for the satisfying of the said questions against the next exercise.

No speaker shall move publicly any question extempore; but which he shall satisfy himself presently. And this consultation shall be ended with some short exhortation, to move each one to go forward in his office, to apply his study, and to increase in godliness of manners and newness of life.

Eighthly , When this exercise is finished, the next speaker shall be appointed and named publicly; and the text which he shall expound shah be read.

Ninthly , When the last man, whose name is written in the tables, hath kept his turn in this exercise, then the first man written shall be required to keep the next exercise. If that man be absent, so as he cannot keep that day and time, the next written in the table shall be required to satisfy the place of the other, when his turn is, so as the exercise decay not for any one man’s absence.

Tenthly , If any man take upon him to break these orders and rules, or seem to be contentious, let the president of the exercise presently command him, in the name of the eternal God, to silence. And after the exercise, let that unadvised person be judged before the brethren there gathered for the said exercise; that he, and others by his example, may learn modesty thereafter.

Then followed a confession, which these exercisers were to subscribe; which was to stand to the scriptures alone, and not to any human authority, for doctrine, in opposition to papistry; and was as followeth:

THE CONFESSION IN THE EXERCISES.

We whose names are hereunder written, as well to declare unto the world, according to the commandment of the Lord, the confession of that faith which in our consciences we hold, as also to cut off all occasion of quarrelling and slanderous reports of our dissenting among ourselves in matters of faith and religion, to the wounding and hurt of the simple; do shew our judgments and consent in sum, as followeth: being ready further and more particularly to explain the same, to the satisfying of our brethren, when and as occasion shall be thereunto offered:

First, We believe and hold, that the word of God, written in the canonical scriptures of the Old and New Testament, (which books contain in them sound, perfect, and sufficient doctrine, as well for the trade of all men’s lives, as also for their faith,) are and ought to be open, to be read and known of all sorts of men, both learned and unlearned. And we esteem this written word as the infallible truth of God, full of majesty; and the authority thereof far to exceed all authority, not of the pope of Rome only, (who is very Antichrist, and therefore is to be detested of all Christians,) but of the church also, of councils, fathers, or others whosoever, either men or angels.

Then, we condemn as a tyrannous yoke (wherewith poor souls have been oppressed) whatsoever men have set up of their own inventions, to make articles of our faith, or to bind men’s conscience by their laws and institutes. In sum, all those manners and fashions to serve God, which men have brought in without the authority of the word, for the warrant thereof; commended either by custom, by the title of unwritten verities, traditions, or other names whatsoever. Of which sort are, the doctrines of the supremacy of the see of Rome, purgatory, the mass, transubstantiation, the corporeal presence of Christ’s body in the sacrament, adoration thereof; mall’s merits; free will; justification by works; praying in an unknown tongue, to saints departed, for the dead, upon beads; extolling of images, pardons, pilgrimages, auricular confession; taking from the lay-people the cup in the administration of the sacrament; prohibition of marriage; distinction of meats, apparel, and days; briefly, all the ceremonies and whole order of papistry: which they call the hierarchy; indeed, a devilish confusion, established as it were in despite of God, and to the mockery and reproach of all Christian religion. These, I say, with such like, we abjure, renounce, and utterly condemn.

And we content ourselves with the simplicity of this pure word of God, and doctrine thereof. A summary abridgment of the which, we acknowledge to be contained in the confession of faith, used of all Christians, which is cornmonly called, The creed of the apostles: holding fast, as the apostle warneth, that faithful word, which serveth to doctrine and instruction: and that both to edify our own consciences withal unto salvation in Christ Jesus, as the alone foundation, whereon Christ’s true church is built, he himself being the chief corner-stone; as the same apostle witnesseth in another place: and also, to exhort others with the same sound and wholesome doctrine; and to convince the gainsayers: finally, to try and examine, and also to judge thereby, as by a certain rule and perfect touchstone, all other doctrines whatsoever.

And therefore to this word of God we humbly submit ourselves and all our doings; willing and ready to be judged, reformed, or further instructed thereby, in all points of religion.

This method of devotion, agreed upon and used for the public practice of religion in this town, and for the better improving both clergy and laity in Christian knowledge and godliness, had such notice taken of it, that it seemed not to escape without the censure of men of looser principles. And this being a.year wherein the archbishop and several other bishops sat in an ecclesiastical commission; and they by a special letter from the queen commanded to look narrowly into any novelties introduced into the church, and to set an effectual stop thereunto; this scheme might have been sent up from Northampton to them: it being said in the title to it, To have been taken and found [as by some inquisition] the 5th of June, 1571, anco xiii°. reg. regin. Elizab. But I do not find this well-minded and religiously disposed combination of both bishop, magistrates, and people, received any check from that commission.

Before these commissioners sitting at Lambeth were several puritans, that were preachers, cited; as hath been elsewhere shewn. And among these was Chr. Goodman, the preacher, a man famous for his book written against the government of women, in hatred to queen Mary, the great persecutor of her protestant subjects, and for the lawfulness of resisting princes in some cases. This gave great disgust to the queen, and to the governors of this church; insomuch that he was brought to a revocation of that book, as hath been also shewn. Now he is required to make a protestation of his obedience to the queen’s majesty. Which at length he did, with-the subscription of his own hand to the same. The original whereof is still extant; and bears this title, A copy of the protestation willingly made by Christopher Goodman, preacher of God s word, the 23d day of April, 1571, at Lambhith, before the reverend fathers in God, my lords of Canterbury, Ely, Salisbury, Worcester, Lincoln, and Bangor; concerning his dutiful obedience to the queen’s majesty’s person, and her lawful government, being thereof demanded by the said lords; as also requested to put the same in writing, as followeth: “I Christopher Goodman, preacher of God’s word in this realm of England, have protested, the day and year above written, before the reverend fathers aforesaid, and in this present writing do unfeignedly protest and confess before all men, that I have esteemed and taken Elizabeth, by the grace of God queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. evermore sithence her coronation, as now, and shall during life and her grace’s government, for my only liege lady and most lawful queen and sovereign. Whom I truly reverence in my heart, love, fear, and obey, as becometh an obedient subject, in all things lawful; and as I have at sundry times in open pulpit, willingly and of mine accord, (never constrained by any, otherwise than occasion of time and matter have offered,) declared in great audience. Who can and will bear me sufficient record. Exhorting and persuading all men, so far forth as in me did lie, to the like obedience to her majesty. For whose preservation and prosperous government I have earnestly and daily prayed to God, and will, being assisted by his holy Spirit, during my life. In witness whereof, I the said Christopher have subscribed this protestation with mine own hand, the 26th day of April, 1571.

Per me Christopherum Goodmanum.

I find him in Cheshire, anno 1584, a refuser of subscription to the Articles, and a dissuader of others thereto. Of whom archbishop Whitgift complained unto the lord treasurer, that it was Mr. Goodman, a man that for his perverseness was sufficiently known, and some other evil disposed persons, that instilled these things into men’s heads; that is, objections against subscribing to all the articles of religion, and to the Book of Common Prayer.

CHAPTER 11.

Zanchy writes to the queen concerning the habits. And to bishop Jewel. His advice. Blackal, a pretended minister, does penance.

Popish priests officiate in the church. Bishop Jewel’s death. His answer to Harding. His Apology. Friendship between him and bishop Parkhurst. William Kethe. Loans. Walsingham’s diligence: earl of Rutland. Sir Tho. Smith, ambassador. Victory over the Turks. ZANCHY, the learned Italian, public professor of divinity in the university of Heidelbergh, this year interposed with the queen, in the behalf of the puritan ministers; that she would not enjoin wearing of the surplice. In his letter to her he said, “There were many bishops then alive in the kingdom, greatly renowned for all kind of learning, that chose rather to leave their offices and places in the church, than against their own consciences to admit of such garments, the relics of popish idolatry and superstition, or at least signs and tokens of it; and so to defile themselves, and give offence to the weak by their example. And that by these means the seed of dissension was cast among the bishops. He added, that this letter he wrote by command of the most noble prince, one of her majesty’s most special friends, the prince elector palatine.”

The letter being very long, is extant in print among Zanchy’s epistles, and was translated into English in a late book, called, A fresh suite against humane ceremonies. The letter was sent to bishop Grindal, by his hand to be presented to the queen. But upon serious deliberation, and consultation with other learned and wise men, he declined to deliver it; and gave his reasons to Zanchy in a letter, mentioned elsewhere. But Zanchy was misinformed, as appeared by his letter to the queen, in the true state of the controversy; and particularly concerning the bishops; who were not upon the point of leaving their bishoprics, rather than to wear their habits, but did all unanimously comply with the ecclesiastical order, as bishop Grindal assured him.

But to relate the occasion of Zanchy’s letter. Mount, (a German by birth, but much employed formerly in messages out of England to the German princes and states,) coming into Germany in June this year, 1571, shewed unto Zan-chy and others how the contest about the apparel was revived in England; and that the queen required the bishops and ministers duly to wear the habits enjoined, in the administration of the word and sacraments.

And withal, he added, that there were not a few, even of the bishops themselves, that were minded rather to resign their office, and depart, from their places, than yield to wear the garments. He begged Zanchy, therefore, that he would address a letter to the queen, and admonish her of her duty.

And that in case she would not be brought to relent, and revoke her orders, that then he and the brethren at Heidelberg should write to some of the chiefest and prudentest bishops, howsoever not to forsake their function.

The foresaid reverend man, after denial and excuse of himself, in regard of his own inability for such a work, being overpersuaded by friends, and at last by the counsel of the prince elector himself, composed a letter to the queen, as was touched before. Wherein he beseeched her, that she would not hearken to such counsels as certainly repugned the office of a good prince; which he made to consist in three things.

I. To take care that true religion and the worship of God be restored; and being restored, to be preserved pure.

II. That all her people live honestly and godly.

III. That public peace and friendship be kept. And then he fell upon the habits at large, marshalling up all his arguments against them. And another letter he also wrote to bishop Jewel; and yet another to bishop Grindal.

The bearers of these letters were Ralph Gualter,junior, and Ralph Zuinglius, grandchild to Zuinglius the great reformer of Helvetia. The substance of that to bishop Jewel was; “ That having heard from Mount, lately returned from England, that many godly bishops were determined to lay down their offices, and leave their places, rather than to wear the habits; he was earnestly called upon by the brethren there, to persuade the said bishops not so to do. And that he wrote to him, being a person of so great learning and sway in the church, to use his interest with them to continue in their places; seeing that Satan sought nothing more than to dissipate the church, by scattering away the true bishops. For there seemed to be no reason, why a pastor should leave his flock, so long as he might freely teach and administer the sacraments according to the word of God, although he be compelled to do something which is not wholly approved of, so it be of the nature of things which of themselves and in their own nature are not evil, but indifferent, being commanded of the queen: and when one of these two must happen, either to depart his place, or obey such a command, he should rather obey; but with a lawful protestation; and the people to be by him taught, why, and upon what account, he obeyed that command. And that this opinion was so plain and clear, both by scriptures, the fathers, and ecclesiastical historians, that it would be needless to bring any proof to them which were any thing exercised therein. For a lawful and necessary vocation is never to be forsaken by reason of things in their own nature indifferent.”

As for the papists, many of the popish priests still kept their parishes, and their old inclination to superstition too. But among the scandalous churchmen in these days, the greatest surely was one Blackal, born at Exeter, who did penance at St. Paul’s Cross, Aug. 6, and then and there, before all the congregation, cried and breathed out against Northbroke many foul and slanderous reports, to the grief of the godly, and joy of the wicked. For this Northbroke had detected his horrible vices, and manifested them to certain of his friends, to the end he might be the better reclaimed. Upon this slander, the queen’s commissioners sent for Northbroke to come before them. But when he appeared, Blackal stole away from his keeper, to the prisoners then in the Marshalsea; knowing that he had falsely accused him. So that he could not have him face to face before the commissioners. The crimes which brought him to this penance were, that he had four wives alive: and also that he had intruded himself into the ministry for the space of twelve years, and yet was never lawfully called, nor made minister by any bishop. Four days after his penance at the Cross, he was set in the pillory in Cheapside, with papers on his head, for taking the archbishop of Canterbury’s seal from one writing, and setting it to a counterfeit commission. He was a chopper and changer of benefices, little passing by what ways or means, so he might but get money from any man. He would run from country to country, and from town to town, leading about with him naughty women. As in Gloucestershire he led a ,naughty strumpet about the country, named Green Apron. He altered his name wheresoever he went; going by these several surnames, Blackal, Barthal, Dorrel, Barkly, Baker.

And what sort of popishly affected priests still officiated in the church, the forementioned Northbroke will tell us, in his epistle to a book entitled, A brief and pithy sum of the Christian faith. Therein he spake “of certain men, then ministers of the church, who were papists, and so gave out themselves to be in their discourses. Who subscribed and observed the order of service, wore a side gown, a square cap, a cope and surplice. They would run into corners, and say to the people, Believe not this new doctrine; it is naught; it will not long endure: although I use order among them outwardly, my heart and profession is from them, agreeing with the mother church of Rome. No, no, we do not preach, nor yet teach openly. We read their new devised homilies for a colour, to satisfy the time for a season.

Several nowadays of the popish priests, he said, were thieves, perjurers, murderers, buggerers, [I blush to repeat the rest,] and some of them were arraigned at the bar for it in Exeter, and elsewhere.”

This Northbroke was minister of Redcliff in Bristol, and was one of the first persons that Gilbert, bishop of Bath and Wells, ordained.

This year put a period to the life of the singularly learned and most eminent bishop, John Jewel. His discourse and prayer on his deathbed, a little before his death, was very devout and edifying; and therefore worthy recording to posterity: as it was taken from his mouth by John Gar-brand, who was always about him, and then present, (as well as divers others,) and set down by him. The day and night before his [the bishop’s] departure out of this world, he expounded the Lord’s Prayer, and gave short notes upon the seventy-first Psalm [the suitable Psalm appointed to be read in the Office of Visitation of the Sick] to such as were by him. He thought good to say somewhat at that time of the books written by him, and set forth in print; and also of his preaching. In both which services done by him to the glory of God, he made protestation of his good conscience; which even then, he declared, witnessed, and should witness with him before God, that he dealt simply and plainly, having God only before his eyes, and seeking the defence of the gospel of Christ, and that the truth thereof might be opened and maintained. And further, he gave thanks to God, that made him his servant in so great a work. And then visited him by this messenger of death, whilst he was doing the message of God in visiting his diocese. That thcn he called him to rest from his labours, when his weak body was spent and worn out in setting forth the glory of God. For which he many times prayed, it would please God to let him be offered in sacrifice.

He was at that time very fervent in prayer, which he poured out before the Lord abundantly, and in great faith; crying often, “Lord, let thy servant now depart in peace: Lord, let thy servant now come to thee. I have not so lived, that I am ashamed to live: neither am I afraid to die: for we have a gracious Lord. There is laid up for me a crown of righteousness. Christ is my righteousness: thy will be done, O Lord; for mine is frail:” with many other such godly speeches. In the extremity of his disease he shewed great patience; and when his voice failed, that he lay speechless, he lifted up his hands and eyes, in witness of his consent to those prayers which were made. Thus being virtuously occupied, and wholly resting himself upon the mercies of God through Jesus Christ our Saviour, he rendered up his soul to God.

This John Garbrand, who gave the foregoing account of bishop Jewel’s holy end, had a legacy in the said bishop’s. last will, of all his papers, writings, and notes of his travails in God’s vineyard, and other his devices of learning whatsoever. And from this rich stock of manuscripts, he set forth the bishop’s answer to the pope’s bull against queen Elizabeth, called, A view of a seditious bull: with Gar-brand’s preface: wherein the former relation of his death is mentioned. Published anno 1582. He was master of arts of Oxford, and a prebendary of Sarum. Dr. Tho. Wylson, master of St.

Katharine’s, (whom we have occasion to mention sometimes,) had writ a learned book against usury: which this bishop having perused, sent the writer a letter, signifying his judgment and allowance thereof. Which excellent letter Wylson now sent to Garbrand; that he might treasure it up among the rest of those valuable papers in his possession.

Concerning his book against Harding, three great princes successively, viz. queen Elizabeth, king James, and king Charles, and four archbishops, were so satisfied with the truth and learning contained in it, that they enjoined it to be chained up and read in all parish churches throughout England and Wales. Which the author of the book, called a The holy table, name, and thing, had noted in honour to that prelate’s works, upon occasion of the dissatisfaction that his antagonist had expressed concerning something written therein, concerning the ancient standing of the altar or communiontable.

And this year of the said bishop’s death, the second impression of his Apology of the Church of England came forth, dedicated by him to the queen. And was again reprinted with the rest of this excellent bishop’s works, anno 1611, dedicated to king James I. In the said dedication to the queen, I cannot but insert here, ob rei memoriam, what is there told to have been done in the reformation. “Neither have we, (said he,) in the public reformation of our church, doctrine, and service, changed or purged out any thing taught and approved by the fathers; but only such errors, superstitions, and abuses, as beside and contrary to this rule or sense crept into the church, by adding of things that formerly were not, or detracting of them that were, or otherwise altering or perverting them from the right sense, meaning, and use, wherein they were instituted, taken, and used by the said godly fathers: as also through the foolish imitation of Jews or Genthes, wanton curiosity of men’s inventions, blindness of devotion, emulation for the continuance and increase of such vanities once begun: but chiefly through the envy and malice of that wicked one; who while the husbandman slept, sowed tares in the Lord’s field, to the corrupting and choking of that good corn sown by our Saviour Jesus Christ’s holy apostles. Which lawful reformation of our church, and necessary repurgation of such enormities, is so far from taking from us the name or nature of true catholics and Christians, or depriving us of the com-reunion and fellowship of the apostolic church, or from overthrowing, endangering, or any whit impairing the right faith, religion, sacraments, priesthood, and government of the catholic church, [as the papists then charged the reformers with,] that it hath cleared and better settled them unto us; and made us a readier and surer way to the true knowledge, right use, and happy fruit of them.”

This Apology he set forth in the name of all the bishops, as a book containing their professed judgment and doctrine. So Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, one of those bishops, wrote to Johannes Wolphius, one of his correspondents in. Helvetia, Is [Juellus] omnium nostrorum nomine edidit And so well approved of was this work of his, not only here at home, but by the reformed divines abroad, that the said Wolphius, a learned divine of Zuric, translated it into the German language; which the said bishop took notice of, and commended him for doing. And not his Apology alone, but all the rest of his labours in vindication of the reformed church, had been put into the learned language by himself probably, had he lived. For the said bishop had earnestly excited him so to do, for the public good, and for the exposing of the errors and superstitions superinduced upon the Christian religion. For so in one of his letters he relateth; that though at first he refused upon his motion to set upon that work, yet afterwards he made no doubt, had he lived, he should (for the great interest he had with him) have persuaded him to have done it. But however, he resolved to put some one of his learned friends to undertake it. And at length William Whitaker, D.D. performed it well.

There was a dear affection between the said bishop Park-hurst and him, which began in the university; where Park-hurst was his tutor as well as his friend. Some marks of this intimacy appear in a letter (still extant) written by Jewel from Oxford to him, now shifting for himself in obscure places, and deprived of his rich benefice of Cleves, soon after the access of queen Mary to the crown; in these words: Parkhurste mi, mi Parkhurste, quid ego te nunc putem agere? Morine, an vivere; in fletione esse, an Fleta? &c. “My Parkhurst, mine own Parkhurst, what may I think you now do?

Are you dead or alive? Are you a weeping, or are you in the Fleet? [in which prison many of the professors of religion were now committed.] Certainly such ever was the equity of your mind, that you take all these afflictions (whatsoever they are) in good part . News with us there is none.

We have old things enough, and too much;” [meaning the old superstitions brought in again among them at Oxford.] And then he prayed Parkhurst to write to him, what was become of Harley; [late made bishop of Hereford;] and in what condition his own affairs were, and what were his hopes, what his fears.

And in another letter wrote a few days after to him, he hath these expressions: Quid ego nunc ad te, Parkhurste, scribam, vel quid potius taceam? &c. “What shall I now, Parkhurst, write to you? or rather, what shall I be silent in? It is now a great while that I have desired to hear how you do, how you have done, and where you are. And although Cleves [your living] be taken from you, and all things be changed with you, I hope that mind of yours can neither be taken away from you nor changed.” But I refer the reader to the letters themselves, exemplified in the Appendix.

The divines of the church of Zuric in Switzerland had a very great veneration for bishop Jewel; who had sometime sojourned with them there.

And therefore of his death, his friend, bishop Parkhurst, sent the news to Ro-dolphus Gualter, after this manner: “My Jewel, my treasure, yea, the treasure of all:England, died September 23.” And so to Lavater, another learned man there: Jewel, the learnedest of all the bishops in:England, is dead.” He also writ, that Lawrence Humphrey, president of Magdalen college, Oxon, (whom they also knew well,) was commanded to write his life. And that he had accordingly wrote two letters to him, the said Parkhurst, beseeching him, (Jewel having been his scholar, and always most dear to him, to furnish him with what he knew concerning him. And that accordingly he had prepared and sent Dr. Humphrey several notices concerning him, utjusta persolvam (as he wrote) amicissimi Juelli. For indeed, as he added, he could relate more of bishop Jewel, than all England beside.

I will make a short mention here of another divine, and an exile, as Jewel was, but by nation a Scot; namely, William Kethe. He was with Coverdale, Whittington, Gilby, one of the chief exiles at Geneva, noted for his learning, and one of those that were employed there in translating the Bible into English; which Bible was thereupon commonly called the Geneva Bible; and who put some of the Psalms into metre; viz. those noted with the two capital letters W. K. This year, or the last, was printed a sermon preached by him at the sessions holden at Blandford Forum, in the county of Dorset: which he dedicated to Ambrose earl of Warwick. In this sermon he inveighed against such as profaned the sabbath. The earl he acknowledged his special good master and lord, and, under God and the queen, one of his chief protectors and defenders against such as would offer him injury. He was with that lord at Newhaven, (which the queen held against the French, anno 1565,) to discharge the office of a minister and preacher there: which he also spake of in his said epistle: and was with him likewise the last year [viz. 1570] in the north parts, one of the preachers unto the queen’s army there against the rebels; saying also, that he practised there a kind of discipline, even upon those that by birth and parentage were far above him: meaning, as it seems, the Geneva discipline, that he had learned at Geneva. This letter was dated from Childokford, the 29th of January, 1570.

I add one notice more of this man. There be at the end of Goodman’s book, entitled, How superior powers ought to be obeyed by their subjects, some verses of his to the reader, (for he was poetical,) on the subject of wicked princes; viz. Whose fury long fost’red by suff’rance and awe, Have right rule subverted, and made will their law.

Whose pride how to temper this truth will thee tell; So as thou resist may’st, and yet not rebell, &c.

It is worth observing the substance of a proclamation, set forth by the queen, November 24, to keep up an assured credit with her subjects, that had lent her money. For as she sent privy seals for loans to them sometimes in her need, so she was most exact in the just and easy repayment of them again. The purport therefore of this proclamation was, to declare, how she had caused knowledge to be given to the parties that lent her money the last summer, at what time the same should be certainly repaid to every of them, having respect to the time of their first payment made to the collectors. And now she notified by this proclamation, (meaning to observe the said determination,) that the payment should be made in this sort: to everyperson, that should in respect of the time of their payment made, receive any sums of money in the month of November, should have the same freely and fully paid before the end of the present month of November. And whosoever should have payment according to the aforesaid signification in the next month of December, should have the same also freely and fully paid immediately after the 20th of the same month. And so consequently every person every month afterward. So punctual was the queen to keep up her credit with her people, whereby she obtained such a degree in their love, and readiness to serve her with their estates.

In the same proclamation she took notice of some abuses heretofore in some of her ministers, who had charge to make payment of like sums lent to her majesty, contrary to her meaning: and that in some parts of her realm, some of her good subjects had been, by sinister dealings, induced to make payment of parcel of the money demanded by privy seals: which sums had been returned, and not paid over to her use. And some also had been paid, or lent by way of reward, to procure a forbearance to lend any to her majesty. These abuses, she declared, she meant to cause to be searched, tried, and punished. And for more surety, that none of her subjects, that had lent to her upon her privy seal any sum of money, should be delayed or misused in the payment, she gave commission to the lord keeper of her great seal, the earl of Leicester, the lord Burghley, and sir Walter Mildmay, knight, to direct the repayment thereof.

So that whosoever should bring her majesty’s letters of her privy seal, with the subscription, or bill of the collector, testifying the receipt of any money, demanded or contained in the said privy seal, and shew the same to the lord keeper, &c. should have order immediately to receive the whole sum due to him at Westminster, without paying any manner reward to any officer or person for the payment, or any manner colour for expedition therein.

And if any such person were not able, or should not be disposed to come personally, by some letter of attorney, or other assignation, authorizing another party to receive the money, he should have present free and full payment, without delay or reward, in any sort or manner. For such was her majesty’s intent, that her loving subjects should be thankfully and freely paid. Which also should have been to their proper hands in the countries, but for more delays and uncertainties, that thereof many ways might follow, to the hinderance of her subjects.

Finally, her majesty most earnestly desired, that if any person had been misused, by pretence of demanding any money upon any such privy seal, to give any thing in reward, or lend any portion to be spared from lending to her majesty; that the same persons would speedily notify the same, either to the sheriff of the shire, or to any such person as had charge in these last years to be lieutenants of the shires, or to, &c. whom her majesty chargeth to make certificate to the said lord keeper. That upon the certainty thereof known, the parties should have full repayment thereof. Given at her manor of Greenwich, the 24th of November, 1571, in the fourteenth year of her reign.

Walsingham was still in France, the queen’s active and most useful ambassador at that court: so faithful and diligent, that he stuck at no pains or charge in her service. He had intelligencers of all sorts: so that his news and informations sent into England were large and important. One of these was an Irishman, named captain Thomas; who seemed to be his spy for Irish affairs. And another a Spaniard. Of whom he gave secretary Cecil this character, (which was somewhat extraordinary for men in this kind of employment,) that he was “wise and religious, honest and learned.” This gentleman he sent over from Paris to the secretary with news. He knew well the office of an ambassador: which made him use these words in one of his private letters, written this year to Cecil, (having writ something to him contrary to what the queen was doing; and saying, that nothing could be more fit in his poor opinion, added;) This I am bold to write as a private man, in a private letter, having no opinion, as an ambassador, [i. e. no opinion of his own,] but according to the will of his prince. But in this public service he ran himself much in debt; and had done injury to his own patrimony. Of this with no little concern he acquainted the earl of Leicester and sir Walter Mildmay, his friends; and likewise the secretary; shewing him more particularly his case; viz. “That her majesty’s allowance did not by 10l . in a week defray his ordinary charges of household. And yet neither his diet was like to any of his predecessors, nor yet the number of his servants so many as they had heretofore kept. And that of 800/. that he brought in his purse into that country, he had not left in money and provision much above 300l . Far contrary to that account he made: who thought to have had 500l. always aforehand, to have made his provisions. So that, as he concluded, unless there were, by his lordship’s good means, some consideration had of him, he could not but sink under the burden.”

And in another he repeats the same complaint; desiring that he might have some consideration from the queen, that he might with the better courage employ himself in her service. And that he craved no recompence, only required to return home in no worse state than he went forth. The secretary acquainted the queen with this condition and suit of his. And she well knowing his merits, meant to do somewhat for his relief.

The noble earl of Rutland, Edward Manners, in the month of January travelled into France. Whom the said secretary desired our said ambassador to present as soon as he might to the French king. And that in expressing of his lineage, he might boldly affirm him to be akin to the queen’s majesty, both by king Henry VIII. her father, and also by the queen’s mother. And that he was of the blood royal in the same degree that the earl of Huntingdon was; the difference being only, that the lord Huntingdon was of a brother of king Edward IV. and the lord Rutland of a sister of the same king, [viz. Anne duchess of Exeter, and so bears on a chief quarterly two flowers de luce of France, and a lion of England.] And thereby was indeed as near in blood, though further in danger of fortune’s wheel, (as the said secretary writ,) which was busy with carriage of kings’ crowns to and fro. This lord, besides his own quality, had many good parts to recommend him.

Great matters being now in hand with France, in the beginning of the month of December sir Tho. Smith was appointed to go into France, in quality of the queen’s ambassador; but went not before February following, in order to the making of a firm treaty, offensive and defensive, between that king and her majesty: and to speak with the king secretly concerning the marriage between the queen and the duke. The instructions are preserved in the Complete Ambassador. Secretary Cecil (by this time created lord of Burghley) writ hereof to Walsingham, and gave this character of Smith; that he was one whom they thought of such dexterity in his actions, and of such dutiful good-will hitherto, as no advice or direction should be given by him to the prejudice of her majesty and her state. The particular transactions of Smith and Walsingham with the French king in this embassy have been shewn before.

The Christians in the Levant had the latter end of this year given a notable defeat to the Turks, and destroyed i abundance of their ships. Of this the duke of Alva gave the queen intelligence: which being of such public concern to Christendom, she ordered public acknowledgments to be made thereof to Almighty God, in the churches of her me tropolitan city, and all tokens of joy. Whereby she might also, taking this occasion, wipe off those slanderous popish aspersions cast upon her, as though she held friendship and correspondence with the infidels. A letter to that end was despatched from the privy council to the bishop of London in the month of November, to cause common prayers, praises, and thanksgiving, to be solemnly used, for a victory gotten against the Turks; and notice to be taken of it in the Paul’s Cross sermon. The minutes whereof were as follow: “After our hearty commendation to your good lordship. The queen’s majesty, having intelligence given her from the duke of Alva, of a great victory lately given by God’s goodness to the Christian army, serving in the Levant seas, against the Turk, to the destruction and ruin of many of their galleys, and great numbers of their people; and being thankful and joyful therefore, as for a singular great blessing sent by Almighty God, to the benefit of the universal state of Christendom, hath thought it necessary, as well by common prayers, as otherwise, to have: public demonstration within her highness’s household, or the comfort that her majesty conceiveth of so general a good turn. And having commanded to the lord mayor of London a like joyful signification, to be expressed throughout the city by common bonfires, and other tokens of joy and thanksgiving to Almighty God to-morrow at night, being Friday; her majesty hath likewise thought convenient, and so her pleasure is, that we should signify unto you, that you give order, not only within your cathedral church, but also throughout all the other churches throughout the city, and near abouts, that the people may be solemnly assembled at some common prayer of praise and thanksgiving at some convenient time to-morrow in the forenoon.

And for that so great and beneficial favour of Almighty God ought to be deeply impressed in the hearts of the people, to provoke their thankfulness the more, to the continuance of God’s great goodness towards us, and the state of Christendom, it shall be very necessary that he, who shall preach at the Cross on Sunday next, be prepared to say something on this behalf. And the same also being no less than her majesty’s pleasure, that we should signify unto you, we doubt not but your lordship will be careful that every part thereof shall be effectually performed, according to her majesty’s godly intention. And so we bid your lordship right heartily farewell. From Greenwich, the 8th day of November, 1571.”

And these also were minutes (corrected and enlarged by the pen of secretary Cecil) of the council’s letter, by the queen’s command, as above said, to the lord mayor of London, for the giving all public demonstrations of joy at this good success, by making bonfires, and the like, viz. “That the queen’s majesty being lately advertised of a most happy and glorious victory given by God’s goodness to the Christian army, in a conflict by sea against our common enemy, the Turk, to the destruction of a great number, both of their galleys and armies, in the sea, to the benefit and comfort of all Christendom; like as the same is to be acknowledged to have proceeded of God Almighty’s power and omnipotent hand, who is therefore to be thanked, praised, and magnified accordingly; so her highness, to make demonstration of her own household, how joyfully her majesty received the news of so general a benefit, hath commanded, that order be given, that to-morrow at night, being Friday, there may be a general signification of like to be given throughout her city of London by such solemn manner of bonfires in every ward; and such other joy and thankfulness to God, as hath been in such cases accustomed upon a victory, or any other benefit received. And for that purpose we require you earnestly, in her majesty’s name, that you do forthwith appoint, that the same may be performed accordingly throughout the city and suburbs of the same.

And that also you give presently notice to all franchises, and places exempted, within or near the city, that the like order may be used there at the same time, as is in your jurisdiction. And that while the same fires are, there may be a good watch to continue the greater part of the same night used.”

CHAPTER 12.

Campion, the Jesuit, persuades the bishop of Gloucester to renounce his religion. Many now leave off’ coming to church. Of this sort were some gentlemen in Norwich diocese. The bishop’s letters thereupon, moved by orders from the privy council. The said bishop’s sermon for satisfaction of puritans. Their exceptions to it in divers articles. A case of matrimony. The earl of Sussex to the bishop of Norwich, about buying and selling an ad-vowson.

The Dutch church in Norwich.

TO complete my relation of affairs falling out this year, especially with reference to religion, I shall first make a remark upon Edmund Campion, the Jesuit; who wrote a very earnest letter this year in the beginning of November, to Cheny, bishop of Gloucester, to return to the Roman church; superscribed, Ornatissimo viro Ricardo Cheneo episcopo Glocestriensi, Edmundus Campion, S. P. D. (not as it is now abusively printed in his Opuscula, pseudoepi-scopo Glocestriensi.) That bishop had entertained and been kind to Campion when he was an Oxford scholar, and afterwards at Gloucester. And upon the occasion of that cloud the bishop now lay under, viz. that of excommunication, (as may be seen elsewhere,) the Jesuit, (being now turned a zealot for popery,) presuming upon his old acquaintance with the bishop, directed his epistle to him. And to make him the more disaffected to the reformed church, whereof he was at present cut off from being a member, he put him in mind of a former accusation of him, brought by certain learned men of Oxford, viz. Cooper, Humphrey, and Sampson: who had sometime charged him with false doctrines, and made complaints of him on that account. Against whom he still justified himself by appealing to antiquity, and the ancient fathers and councils. In this epistle he took the advantage of the bishop’s years and constitution of body, being aged threescore years and upwards, and but weakly. He also took the advantage of the state in which he stood at that present, being neither esteemed by the reformed nor the catholics; calling him, haereticorum odium, catholico-rum pudor, vulgi fabula, tuorum luctus, inimicorum ludi-brium; i.e. the hatred of heretics, the shame of catholics, the talk of the people, the grief of his friends, and the sport of his enemies.

He urged moreover to him his own judgment, that he was an enemy to Calvin and Zuinglius; that he did not approve of this pestilent sect, [as he styled the reformation,] and yet by holding his peace, he did in cffect recommend it.

Further, he reminded him how he used to advise with him, when he was young, being with him privately in his study at Gloucester, that he should go plainly and uprightly as it were in the beaten road, and follow the steps of thc church, of councils, and fathers. And that he should believe there could be no spot of falsehood laid to the charge of these. He remembered him, how being to dine with Mr. Tho. Dutton, at Shirburn, about three years past, and meeting with a Cyprian, he [Campion] took occasion to object to the bishop the synod of Carthage, which erred about the baptism of heretics: and that therefore it seemed, that councils were not always to be relied on. Which he said on purpose to get out the bishop’s answer: which was, that the Holy Ghost was not promised to one single province, but to thc church, [meaning, the oecumenical councils were only to be regarded, and that they only could not err.] And that the universal church was represented in a full council; and that it could not be shewed how such a general council was ever deceived in any doctrine. And that it was upon this ground that he believed the real, corporeal presence in thc sacrament, and the freedom of the will. And finally, he urged to thc bishop his opinion, that the ancient bishops were to be the interpreters to us of the scriptures: those who were custodes depositi, i. e. those that were the keepers of the ancient faith.

He took this handle to make a great flourish with the most famous fathers (as he styled them) and patriarchs, and apostolical men of thc late council of Trent, who strove together for the faith of the ancient fathers. There were legates, prelates, cardinals, bishops, ambassadors, doctors of most nations, all men of great age and singular wisdom, princes for dignity, for learning admired; gathered together from all countries, Italians, French, Spaniards, Portuguese, Greeks, Poles, Hungarians, Flemings, Illyrians; many from Germany, some from Ireland, Croatia, Moravia, and one from England.

And being so near to the catholic truth, Campion thought to have persuaded him by this and the foregoing plausible arguments to have fallen quite off from the reformed church of England. And then, lest all that he had said before might not serve to reclaim him, he proceeded to threatenings: that he had now one foot in the grave; and perhaps presently might be hurried away by death, be set before the dreadful tribunal, to hear that word, Give an account of thy stewardship. Then those hands of his, which had admitted so many miserable young men into spurious orders, should beat and pierce his sulphurous body with anguish: then that impure mouth of his, defiled with perjuries and schism, should be filled with fire and worms, and the spirit of whirlwinds: then that ambitious pomp of his flesh, his episcopal chair, his yearly revenues, his spacious house, his honourable salutations, his retinue of servants, his plenty and abundance, (wherein the foolish common people reckoned him a happy man,) should all end in horrible weeping and gnashing of teeth, in stench and filth, and prisons: where the ghosts of Calvin and Zuinglius, with whom he then contended, should continually vex him, together with the rest of those heretics, Arius, Sabellius, Nestorius, Wickliff, and Luther; in a word, with the Devil and his angels of darkness. That there with them he should be tormented, and belch out blasphemies.

But yet he could not but commend him, that he put out no Roman catholics in his diocese, but was favourable to those of that persuasion; that he kept good hospitality, entertained the citizens of Gloucester and other honest men; and that he did not, as some other bishops in his time, diminish and wrong his bishopric, his palace, nor his farms. I have set down this matter the more largely, because both the bishop and the Jesuit were of note about these times.

This is the sum of a Latin epistle written by Campion to that bishop; printed at Ingolstadt; with other letters and orations of the said Campion, published anno 1602, by Robert Turner, a Jesuit, his scholar.

And indeed by this instance, as well as by the defection from the established church, since the late rebellion in the north, the diligence of the Roman missionaries appeared. For many now were wholly departed from the communion of the church, and came no more to hear divine service in their parish churches, nor received the holy sacrament, according to the laws of the realm. This was especially taken notice of in the diocese of Norwich. Whereupon letters were directed from above to that bishop, shewing their dislike thereof, and requiring him to make a reformation therein, by putting in execution those rigours as by his authority he might.

The bishop had, before this came to his hands, endeavoured to set a stay to this disorder. And thereupon had wrote to his ten commissaries, who were his eyes (as he said) in his bishopric, to view and take notice of the behaviour of such in his diocese, and to inform the bishop of them that did amiss. But ever since the rebellion they gave him no answer. Whereupon, and upon the receiving of this order from the court, he despatched his letters to all his said commissaries; which ran to this tenor: “After our hearty commendations. I have received letters from them in authority; wherein it is much misliked, that in this diocese there are divers, which neither come to their parish church to hear divine service, or to receive the communion, as by the laws of God and the realm they are straitly bounden. The fault whereof resteth in you, as the eye of the bishop within your circuit; unto whom I have written ere this, that I might be certified who they were that did not perform their duty in that behalf. But thereof was I not answered, since the rebellion in the north. These are to require and charge you, that you use all lawful means to understand of such-persons so disobedient within your circuit. And the same to call before you; and either to reform them, or to use such punishment towards them, as in law and right is due to their offence, without respect of persons. And if any shall shew himself more wilful, or obstinately disposed, than that you can by your authority reform them, I would you should advertise me thereof, that I may take order, as shall appertain. Herein requiring you to use all dill-gence and fidelity, I leave you to God. At Ludham, this 27th of December. “Joh. Norwich.” There followed now a diligent search for papists throughout the kingdom: and many were taken up. For the nation was awakened not only by the insurrection in the north, but also more lately by the practices of the Scottish queen and her friends. In the diocese of Norwich there were two persons of eminence taken notice of, viz. Mr. Townsend and Mr. Hare.

The former with his wife had before come to church, and partook of the prayers and sacrament; but more lately absented, and forbore both. But upon admonition he did again resort to the church; but his lady would not.

This caused the bishop to write this careful letter to him: “After my hearty commendations. I have been often advertised, that you, and my lady your wife, do absent yourselves from church, and hearing divine service, and the receiving of the sacrament. I have hoped still that my favourable forbearing, together with your duties in this behalf, would have moved you to have conformed yourselves. And yet I hear, and thank God for it, that for your own part you come on very well, and shall by God’s grace increase daily. But touching my lady, I hear she is wilfully bent, and little hope as yet of her reformation, to the displeasure of Almighty God, the breach of the queen’s majesty’s laws, my danger and peril to suffer so long, and an evil example and encouragement to many others. And because I am sharply called upon by some in authority to see speedy reformation of such abuses, either else to certify such disobedience, that it may be reformed elsewhere, I have thought good at this time by my friendly letters to admonish you and your wife; that for her own part chiefly, she be more diligent from henceforth to come to the church, to hear the word of God, and receive the sacrament according to the right institution of the gospel of Christ, to her comfort; as she hath done beforetime, as I have heard, in the time of king Edward, and since, in the days of queen Mary in popery and blindness, where that sacrament was abused, and yet the half thereof taken away from the people; and where prayers were made in a strange tongue; neither edifying to the hearer, nor to the utterer for the most part.

St. Austin saith, “Set apart the understanding of the mind, and no man hath fruit or profit of the thing he per-ceiveth not.” And again; “What profit is there in speech, be it never so perfect, if the understanding of the hearers cannot attain to it?” St. John saith, This is the condemnation of the world, that light is come into the world, and men love darkness more than light. I could use many authorities and ensamples; but at this time I forbear to be tedious.

The fault is great in a subject to disobey the laws established, and to give example of disobedience to others, in keeping a form in honouring God to his dishonour, under a vain colour of zeal, but contrary to knowledge. “My duty and place of calling, together with my conscience to Godward, cannot suffer me to know such disorder, and to suffer the same any longer. And therefore I desire you both from henceforth to frequent the church, and the receiving of the sacrament, as becometh Christians: so as I may be certified forthwith both of the one and the other; which I look for.

Otherwise, this is most assured, I will not fail to complain of you both to her majesty’s council. Wherewith neither of you shall have just cause to be offended, since you are so friendly admonished of your faults, and have so long a time to amend. And thus I bid you heartily farewell.

At Ludham, this 12th of February, 1571.

To Mr. Townesend of Braken Ashe.”

Sir Thomas Cornwallis, another backslider or recusant, upon this method now on foot against them, complied. But Mr. Hare beforementioned was more stubborn. Whereupon he was cited in the month of February to appear before the bishop’s chancellor. But it being such an unseasonable time of the year for taking a journey, (or at least on that pretence,) endeavoured rather to come to the bishop. And so the said sir Tho.

Cornwallis (who was his relation) signified to him, and entreated it as a favour from him. But the bishop thought convenient not to yield thereto: but advised rather, that he should do as sir Thomas had done; and then all further trouble would be at an end. Otherwise he was determined to certify up to the council his disobedience, since he had himself been severely checked for his negligence in this behalf. These were the contents of his letter to the said Cornwallis; which was to this purport: “That touching his request for his kinsman, Mr. Hare, as the same was not altogether unreasonable, the weather considered, so could he be persuaded for a week or twain to defer his repair to Mr.

Chancellor. That as for his coming before him, it was but so much the more travail, and no whit the more favour to be found. For that since he and such other, after so long a time to conform themselves, [had refused,] why should any such, said he, look for favour from henceforth? That his conscience toward God, his duty to the queen’s majesty, and the sharp rebuking letters which he had received from men in authority, all these bound him to be more diligent herein. “And that therefore he might be advertised, that Mr. Hare and all others did frequent the church and common prayers, with the receiving of the sacrament, as they were most dutifully bounden, then might such spare to take any journey to him. Otherwise, that they must be contented to feel of justice, without all further favour or forbearing. And surely,” added he, “this is the conclusion, that he would not fail to complain of all such disobedient ones unto the queen’s most honourable council, and that without further deferring of time. And that it was high time, or rather more than time; the examples of the late rebellion and traitorous conspiracies of papistry, even against her majesty’s most royal person, were most apparent witnesses. Subjoining, that his [sir Tho. Cornwallis’s] kinsman should do better to follow his good example, in resorting to the church, hearing of sermons, and otherwise conforming himself. So should he procure to himself the favour of God, and all that be godly, and avoid the danger provided for all that be so wilfully obstinate. And so he heartily left him to the keeping of the Almighty. At Ludham, the 25th of February, 1571. Subscribing, Your assured loving friend, “Joh. Norwich.” From the papists let us turn to the other party disaffected to the church of England, and the practice and worship used in it. About this time, or thereabout, Parkhurst, the said bishop of Norwich, had preached a sermon; (whether at his cathedral, or at St. Edmund’s Bury, or elsewhere in his diocese, is to me uncertain;) wherein he endeavoured to satisfy and bring over to conformity to the church established those of the discipline. But instead of having that good effect, many of that party that heard him were offended; and taking exceptions at divers passages in that sermon, digested their scruples and objections under certain heads and articles, and sent them unto him by way of letter. One was, that he having quoted a passage out of the prophecy of Jeremiah, (viz. What is the chaff to the wheat? saith the Lord, Jeremiah 23:28.) persuaded them to be content with the chaff, as long as they had the wheat with it. And that seeing they had the wheat, they should not strive about the chaff. And that those that were not content therewith, were wanton and full, and had not the Spirit of God. That it was therefore the obligation of the people to submit peaceably to them; and added examples of Paul, circumcising Timothy, and of shaving his head.

Another passage they excepted against was, that alleging several places of scripture for his purpose, to shew, as it seems, the indifferency of the things prescribed, he had said, he came not to defend those things, neither would he deceive one child of God for all the good in the world. But they took hold of this, and charged him with great deceit, in alleging scriptures and examples, which seemed to make for him, and to omit such as were directly against him. Again, that whereas he said in his sermon, that some had been offended, because in giving orders he used to say, Receive the Holy Ghost: whose sins ye forgive, &c. he proved it by the words used in baptism, and by the words which our Saviour spake to his disciples concerning absolution; that the minister might say in baptism, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Therefore they [the bishops] might say in giving orders, Receive the Holy Ghost: and perceiving a man to be truly penitent for his sins, the minister may certify him, that his iniquities are before the face of God in Jesus Christ forgiven him. Therefore bishops, in ordering ministers, may say, Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted. Which they said were slender proofs.

Again, he wished, that if he were the cause of this rent in the church, he might with Jonas be cast into the sea. But they, in their animadversions, wished not so, but wished that God would stir him up from his slackness in doing his duty, as he did Jonas; and that he would move him and the rest of the bishops from their offensive states, pompous livings, and lordly titles.

Again, they carped at that passage of the bishop, where from 1 Cot. iii. I am of Paul, and I am of Apollos, &c, he made it applicable to such who refused to follow the prescriptions of the church. They said, St. Paul there only blamed those that preferred one with the dispraise of another; they all teaching one sincere truth, without any pharisaical mixture: and not fitly applied to them, who would not follow those that coupled their own devices and Antichristian remnants with the gospel of Christ. Another expression excepted against by them was, that the bishop had said, As meat was for the belly, and the belly for meats, yet God would destroy both; even so (as he went on) the back was for apparel, and apparel for the back, but God would destroy both. But they said, apparel was for warmness, and not for pride and superfluity; as woollen upon linen, and linen upon woollen, and silk upon silk, &c. The bishop had said, that meat commendeth us not to God: and that if we eat, we were not the worse; nor if we eat not, were we the better. And this the bishop also applied to apparel. But they replied, that excess or pride in apparel, or delight to wear strange apparel, as was the habit of Antichrist, men did wear the same to the hurt of their brother, and so offend the weak, grieve the strong, encourage the obstinate, confirm the hypocrite, and by defending the same, make glad the heart of God’s enemies, &c. And then further, they added, apparel so used made a man worse.

And whereas he had said, What is white? What is black? What is square?

What is round? They said to this, that if he had but a spark of that love that St. Paul had, he would have said with him, he would never wear white, black, round, nor square, as long as the world stood, that he might not offend his brother. He said, these were trifles, and of small importance.

They asked him then, what should move him to maintain them so stoutly.

Neither ought he, if they were of no more moment, to have deprived so many from their livings, thrust them into prisons, and stopped the mouths of so many learned and godly preachers, as he had done. And whereas, lastly, he had said, that white, black, round, square, were all but the good creatures of God; they said, that these, as they then wore them, were not God’s creatures, as he created them, but as Antichrist had formed them.

From thence they received both fashion and form; and so the creatures of Antichrist. But I refer the reader to the Appendix, for the whole entire answer. Whether the bishop thought fit to make reply to all this, I cannot tell. Perhaps he thought it needed not.

I shall here subjoin two or three other things relating to this bishop, and this diocese of Norwich.

A notable case of matrimony happened this year. One Mr. Minn had married a young gentlewoman, widow to Mr. Gray, a child scarcely twelve years old, and dying within a few days after his marriage with her. The question was, whether she should by right have a dowry, as widow to the said Gray. This case was referred from the court of Common Pleas at Westminster to the bishop of Norwich, in whose diocese the parties lived.

He was earnestly solicited by Dr. Wylson, one of the masters of requests, and his great friend, to give it in favour of Minns. But he, resolving to be swayed by truth and right only, sent to the Arches, to Dr. Gibbon, Dr.

Dale, and Dr. Huick, three of the learn-edest civilians there, for their judgment in this matter; writing to them March 4, to this tenor: “After my hearty commendations. These are to let you understand, that I, being troubled with a matter of your skill, am desirous, and by reason of an old acquaintance, am bold therein to request your judgment. There was in my diocese a face of matrimony solemnized between a couple; the man (being not fully twelve years of age, and departing this life within three or four days after) to the woman now claiming in common law a dowry, by reason of the said marriage. It is replied, that none is due; quia nunquam fuerunt legitimo matrimonio copu- lati. And her party affirming the contrary, hath procured a writ, to me directed; whereby I am willed to call such as are in this case to be called, to search the truth, and to certify, utrum legitimo matrimonio sint copulati, necne. I am persuaded by some learned both in the common and civil laws, that this writ, the nature whereof you know better than I, may be satisfied to the benefit of the woman; and that certificate may be made according to the ecclesiastical laws, partes praedictas legitimo matri. monio copulatas fuisse. My chancellor persuading me otherwise. For that the matter is of some weight, and I am willing to pleasure the gentlewoman in this case, law and conscience not offended. I earnestly pray you to write unto me your learned and conscionable opinion, what I may or ought to do, for the satisfying of this writ, and the laws spiritual in that behalf provided. For the which I shall remain to you beholden.”

The answer the civilians gave to the bishop’s letter was as follows: “After our humble commendations. It may please your lordship to be advertised, that immediately upon the receipt of your letters of the 4th of March, we have con-ference together, how you might with safety of conscience and estimation make your certificate in the case propounded. And to the intent we might deal the more substantially in the matter, we have gotten into our hands a copy of the writ unto you directed; where it doth appear of certain faults and imperfections noted to be in your former certificate. And considering the same to stand in two points, upon the word circiter, and upon the word procuraverunt, we think that your lordship may well certify as you did before; leaving out, for supplying of the said fault or imperfection, the word circiter, making the age certain. And for procuraverunt, to say, inter se solemnizaverunt: and to declare the fact as it was in truth; leaving the judgment upon this declaration of the fact to the court: which we take to be most agreeable to law, equity, and conscience. For it may be, (and so we have been informed,) that the determination of the common law differeth in this special case from the law ecclesiastical. “For by the law ecclesiastical there was not properly matrimonium between the parties named in the writ; yet it hath been given us to understand, that by the common law, in allowance of dowry, it is otherwise. Therefore, to certify in form as aforesaid, it seemeth meetest: for thereby no party shall be prejudiced. And the words of the latter writ seems to direct thereunto. And thus being ever at your lordship’s commandment, we wish to the same long life, with the increase of felicity, to God’s honour. From London, the 18th of March, 1571. “John Gibbon.

Valen. Dale. T. Huick .”

Then followed the form of the certificate to be sent from the bishop to the Common Pleas court: viz. Venerabilibus et egregiis viris, Jacobo Dyer, militi, &c. comperimus, &c. ex dict. testimoniis, quod praedict. Tho. Gray, oetatis duo-decim annorum, et praedict. Elizabetha, aetatis sexdecim, ab omni contractu matrimoniali, sive sponsalitio liberi et immunes, respective existen, nec ullo alio impedimento eccle-siastico subsisten, matrimonium per verba de presenti contraxerunt. Ac illud in facie ecclesiae apud Baconthorp. in comit. Norf. legitime inter se solempnizarunt.

But this certificate was objected against, as insufficient, by four other learned civilians, (who were engaged in the cause,) because it was the bishop’s part to declare, not so much the matter of fact, as whether the matrimony were lawful or not: which they asserted was not, because one of those years could not legally give consent. And of this those civilians explained their opinion in another letter to the said bishop the month after: which take also as I found it among that bishop’s papers, with this title; A letter to the bishop of Norwich, from Dr. Yale, Dr. Jones, Dr.

Harvey, and Dr. Hammond, concerning the controversy between Mr. Nicolas Mynne and Mr. Gray. “Our duties unto your lordship premised. Where our opinions are required in the case before you, between Mynne and Gray, both touching the lawfulness or validity of the marriage therein alleged, and also of the nature and form used by the ordinaries, in certifying in the like cases: wherein, God willing, without respect, we will lay clown that we think to be true, discharging thereby our consciences towards God, our fidelity towards our client, our credit towards the world, and our duty towards your lordship; of the marriage between Thomas Gray and Elizabeth Drury; the said Thomas being at the time of his marriage not past twelve years of age, and departing this world within six days after the same; we say, that we take the law to be plain in this point, that the said marriage can no ways be called legitimum matrimo-nium; because it had not legitimum consensum on the behalf of the said Thomas Gray, being not of lawful age to consent. Which legitimus consensus can never be given but of him that is legitimee aetatis for marriage. And your lordship knoweth, that aetas legitima, in that case, is in a man fourteen years complete, and not under. And if the said Thomas Gray had lived until his lawful age, yet without some other special ratification, either by express declaration of his consent, or some fact amplifying the same, the marriage could not have been accounted lawful. “What certificate the ordinary should make in this ease to the queen’s writ, thus for our skill and experience we take it: that the ordinary must answer the writ and the court, only to that which is commanded to do by the writ; and not other matter, or other terms.

For in this ease the ordinary hath only to answer to the law, and not the fact. For the fact were triable by the country, and not by the ordinary. So that the ordinary must say, that the marriage is legitimum or not legitimum. Other kind or manner of certificate, in the like case, we never learned, nor never heard of. And if your lordship should make other certificate, by declaration of any fact or circumstance, leaving to express the lawfulness or unlawfulness of the marriage by direct words, the court may, at their discretion, amerce your lordship from time to time, until you have answered the writ directly by yea or no. “And forasmuch as a copy of a certificate sent unto your lordship by learned counsel, as to be made by you in this case, is shewed unto us by our client, we cannot in conscience and duty but discover to your lordship certain words, as we take them, not well nor plainly placed in the said certificate, but covertly, to make white black, and black white. As to say, nullum aliud impedimentum ecclesiasticum subsistebat, when the said certificate declareth the age of Thomas Gray to be not above twelve years, which is impedimentum ecclesiasticum, utterly avoiding the marriage; and then colourably to knit it up at the end with legitimum inter se solempnizarunt. Which words are multiplices, and rather a sophism than a plain report of a truth. For if legitimum referred to the matrimony, then it was untrue; if it be referred to the act of solemnization, or to the ceremony, then it is impertinent, and answereth not the writ, as we have afore said. “Thus, as we trust, we neither abuse our duty towards your lordship, our client, nor ourselves; as knoweth the Almighty; who ever preserve your lordship. From London, the l3th of April, 1572.

Your lordship’s to command, “Tho. Yale.

Henry Harvey.

Henry Johns.

John Hammond.” I do not find the proceedings consequent hereupon.

This bishop shewed his care of his diocese in respect of a living, called Wetherden, in Suffolk, now vacant for near six months. The fault whereof he had learned lay in a corrupt patron; who kept it so long in his hand, to make the better bargain for himself with him who should get the presentation from him; that is, who should bid most: he, and such like patrons, never considering the greatness of that trust reposed in them, viz. to provide an able, godly person for the guidance of a whole parish committed to his charge; nor regarding the people’s want of divine service, preaching, and administration of the sacraments, for some months together.

Such a matter happened this year in the benefice aforesaid remaining void from Easter last to the latter end of October; the next advowson being granted from sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, to Mr. John Bacon, his kinsman. The bishop upon this wrote to the said lord keeper, to this purport; shewing him, “How the people of that parish were destitute of service: and that he upon whom the said benefice should be bestowed was like to fall into the danger of perjury. [That is, be guilty of simony.] Of which he knew (as he writ to that lord) his honour had special care; as might appear by such articles as he had appointed to be ministered to such as entered any cure.”

This was dated from Ludham, the 25th of October, 1571. This was the bishop’s seasonable monition to prevent this abuse.

Simony was too common in this diocese, occasioned often by buying and selling advowsons. Near about this time the bishop was concerned again about such a matter. An advowson of the earl of Sussex’s patronage was passed to and fro, from one person to another. This the earl hearing of, and it looking like buying and selling, thought it refleeted upon him. Which put him upon writing to the bishop, declaring his mislike thereof; and requiring him to deal and provide in that matter, as that neither earl nor bishop might be blotted with allowing of simony· To this the said bishop: “That although he did utterly disallow all such corruption, too commonly used in ecclesiastical matters, and did put in use for the avoiding thereof such provisions as he could devise, and more indeed than his predecessor had done; yet having used some conference herein with such as were doctors of the civil laws, and other well learned, he understood, that the old civil laws allowed not that buying and selling of ad-vowsons. But that took no place in the laws of this realm. By the which all controversies about the title of right of patronage were ruled and decided, making patronages merely temporal; and by common use were bought and sold. That it was not therefore in his jurisdiction, as he supposed, to examine every man’s fight that presenteth to a benefice. But the presented performs an oath, that he hath not procured his presentation by any pact simoniacal, or other means unlawful· So as his conveyance must be very cunning, and his conscience large, (as the bishop added,) except simony touch him, if he have committed any.”

There was a church allowed in the city of Norwich for strangers that fled thither for religion from the parts of Flanders: which church was supplied with three ministers, named Anthonius, Theophilus, and Isbrandus. These, falling in their sermons upon particular doctrines controverted among themselves, preached so earnestly in answers and confutations one of another, that the congregation was all in confusion, and the peace of the church broken. Whereupon the bishop interposed, and enjoined them to forbear that manner of preaching one against another. But they would not obey; looking upon it as an infringement of the privileges of their church, for any but the members thereof, with the ministers, to make any orders for them. So that at length the business was brought up to the commission ecclesiastical at Lambeth; and the three ministers were all silenced, and others put into their rooms. And since they were excluded, there was great peace and concord in that church. This was some of the news that the said bishop wrote to Bullinger, at Zuric, concerning the affairs of religion here.

See more of this matter in the Life of Archbishop Parker. The said bishop related in his letter concerning some members of the same church, that there were seventeen of them, November 1, expelled the city for drunkenness.

CHAPTER 13.

The queen’s progress this year. Treaty with France about the match renewed. Sylva, an Italian physician, in London. The lord Burghley’s troubles, by means of the Spanish ambassador. Who charges him before the council. Falls sick. Marries his daughter to the earl of Oxford. Whose behaviour creates great trouble to the lord Burgh. ley. An adulterer brought before the commission ecclesiastical in York. Does penance at Bury in Suffolk.

NOW let us turn to the court. We shall find the queen this summer in her progress into Essex. The gests whereof were as followeth:

Aug . the 7. At Hatfield.

Sept . At Hunsdon.

Sept . the 2. At Audley Inne.

Sept . At Theobald’s.

Sept . the 14-17. At Markhal. At S. James’s.

Sept . the 18. At Lees.

Oct . At Richmond.

Which last place finished her progress. Soon after her return to this place, she was, October 19, taken suddenly sick at her stomach, and as suddenly relieved by a vomit. And from thenceforth, and so in December, continued in as good a state of health as she had been for many years; as the letters from the court reported.

There were now, in the beginning of October, endeavours used of bringing on again the match between the queen and monsieur, the French king’s brother; the wisest then in the court concluding it the best (nay the only)course for the peace and safety of her majesty and her dominions, to enter into a strict amity with France: and some able man was thought most necessary now to go thither in quality of ambassador for that purpose: and none was judged more sufficient than the lord Burghley. And he was the man nominated (October) for this great business of a treaty with France.

But he declined it all he could possibly; disabling himself, there being many impediments why he could not go thither; but the principal was, as he modestly said, because he was far unmeet to treat of any thing out of England, being, as he was known, only meet to speak as his mother taught him; as he signified to Walsingham, still in France, but in very ill state of body, and retiring from that court for his cure. And so he procured that his brother-in-law, Henry Killigrew, should go in that quality, and supply Walsingham’s absence, while he was seeking remedy for his malady.

For whom the said lord shewed his great concern, knowing how useful a man Walsingham was. There was now in London one Sylva, an Italian physician of great note, and thought to be more experimented in surgery than physic. The lord Grey of Wilton was his patient at this time; who was afflicted with the like disease with Walsingham, that required chirurgical skill rather than medicinal; and seemed to have been cured or eased this summer by Sylva’s industry and ability. The lord Burghley advised Walsingham of this: and desired him to send him some note or description of his distemper, and therewith the method there taken in curing him; and then he would confer with Sylva, and advertise Walsingham of his opinion.

The queen was full of thought about the weighty affair now taking in hand with the French; and deliberated whom she might depend upon as her sincere friends there, by whose advice and assistance she might proceed.

And she concluded it to be those of the religion there. This was the cause that she gave secret instructions to her ambassadors to confer first with the admiral Coligni, a pious and wise man of the religion, and not to proceed without making him acquainted with their message. And that in case the admiral were not at the French court when they came, they should appoint some trusty messenger, fully intrusted with all the proceedings already past in the matter, to be sent to him, and to impart the same to him, with demonstration of the queen’s trust and alliance in him; and to give her the best and friendliest advice: and to let him know upon what points they stuck, [which was the granting monsieur the exercise of the mass.] And that if upon this they should perceive that he seemed to be earnest, and to allow of the matter, and to have it go forward, that it should be told him, that it was the queen’s desire that he should be at that court when sir Thomas Smith was there, that he might the better, from time to time, be privy to their dealings, and her determinations also. For that she did mean freely and frankly to impart all things to him that should concern her therein: not doubting but he would have regard to her majesty’s honour, and especially to see that she were not abused or ill handled by sinister practices of some that were great enemies to this matter. She also opened this her mind to another nobleman of France, count Montgomery, a protestant, then at the English court.

The queen’s chief counsellor, the lord Burghley, was, about the month of December, in great danger of his life by some of the Spanish faction; who had procured an Englishman to kill him, nay, and to kill the queen too. But the horrible treachery was discovered, as hath been shewn before. Other troubles of this prime minister from that faction were, that the Spanish ambassador, in the month of December, as he had used himself very crookedly, perniociously, and maliciously against the state, so openly against him; and not forbearing, but in open council he directed his speech to him, and said, that he had been and was the cause of all the unkindness that had chanced between the king his master and the queen’s majesty.

Whereunto, as it became him for truth’s sake, [as that lord related the matter himself in his letter to Walsingham,] he answered with more modest terms than he deserved, and referred himself to all the lords in council, to report of him, whether any thing had been said or done of him from the beginning of these broils, concerning him or his master, or the arrest, that had not been ordered and directed by her majesty in council. All which all the lords did then affirm. And the earl of Sussex, in the Italian tongue, did very plainly and very earnestly confirm it. But yet that Spaniard’s choler would not be so tempered: and so he was dismissed. And Mr. Knolls was appointed to attend on him at his house, [as though under some restraint;] and so he departed the kingdom, being (as it seems) sent away.

Of this matter, thus did Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, write to Bullinger, by way of news, about the middle of December. “A Spanish ambassador carried himself so peremptorily and indiscreetly, and was such a spy, instead of ambassador, that he was commanded within three days to depart the realm, upon pain to have his head cut off. But whether this were true or no, he could not tell, as he added. But true it was that he was gone.”

Besides these troubles from without, the lord Burghley was in the next month oppressed with several fits of a fever. But yet, such was his concern for the public, that he said, that fear occupied him more in the queen’s cause, [that is, about her marriage with monsieur,] seeing God had suffered her to lose so much time, than for the next fit. And yet (as he added) that he had more cause than beforetime. For that it came of a great cold, and a rheum fallen into his lungs; where it was lodged, and so remained without moving. But in respect of other things, which I see and suffer, (said he, as anxiously careful for the public,) I weigh not with mine own carcass.

This lord, in the Christmas holydays, married his beloved daughter, Anne Cecil, to Edward earl of Oxford; to his present (but not future) joy, and made great feastings with his friends. The queen honoured the marriage with her presence and great favour. She was a most virtuous lady. bred up at court, and instructed in good literature by om Lewin, afterwards a learned doctor of the civil law; who, in a letter to the lord her father, speaks of her ingenii et naturae bonitas; i. e. goodness of wit and nature, derived from him her father. She had been desired in marriage before this by sir Henry Sidney, for his only son, that most accomplished man, sir Philip Sidney; and afterwards by the earl of Shrewsbury, for his son: which, for some reasons shewed before, was declined. The earl of Oxford was bred up in Burghley’s family; but proved an humourist, and unkind, and a great embeciller of his estate. And not long after his marriage, absented himself from his wife, and went over to Calais, and so to Flanders, without leave or knowledge of the queen.

But the queen, displeased at his absence, and doubting whether his purpose was to join himself with her rebels, sent for him forthwith into England: to which he sent word he would obey. Upon which the queen was graciously inclined towards him; whose peace, by the lord Burghley’s means, was the more easily and speedily made. For that she conceived that his obedience in his return had fully satisfied the contempt of his departure: and the rather, through his honourable and dutiful carriage of himself in respect of those rebels and other undutiful subjects in that country. Which was an argument of his approved loyalty: as the lord Burghley himself related to a friend of his.

It is necessary here to vindicate the lord Burghley from an imputation given out in some of our later historians concerning him; viz. that the reason of the extravagances of this earl, and his squandering away of his patrimony, was a distaste taken against his father-in-law, for refusing, when it lay in his power, to save the life of his beloved and entire friend, the duke of Norfolk, condemned for dealings with the Scottish queen. And this story is taken up in a book not long ago printed; and from thence in the book called The Baronage of England. Whereas this is a surmise and imagination, borrowed from the papists; as smelling of their malice to blur the memory of that excellent wise statesman. They that know any thing of those matters, know that that lord did whatever he could to bring that duke into favour: and did it; till again imprudently meddling in that affair, the treason being so apparent, he was condemned by his peers. And the queen would not pardon, since her own crown and life was in such hazard thereby.

The earl’s disobliging carriage, and his wild way of living, was a great affliction to the lord Burghley, his father-in-law, who had deserved so very well of him. On which occasion, sir Thomas Smith, the secretary, his friend, in the year 1576, wrote thus to him: “That he was sorry to hear of the undutiful and unkind dealing of the earl of Oxford towards his lordship, which he was sure must very much grieve his honour, since he had such a love towards him from his childhood, being brought up in his house. That his loedship’s benefits towards him, and great care for him, deserved a far other recompence of duty and kindness.”

And he charged this evil upon his counsellors and persuaders, whosoever they were. And concluded with this sound advice; sed hae sunt procellae domesticae sola prudentia sustinendae.

To which I will add, what the said lord Burghley, divers years afterwards, (the earl still following his old prodigal courses, and discontented for want of places and preferment, the fault whereof he laid upon his father-in-law,) told him, in his own vindication, (when the earl, in a letter, had used these plain words to him, That he found himself but little strengthened in estate by him, and nothing in friendship,) that he took it very ill at his hand, being unjustly charged by him, as having (as he replied) often propounded ways to prefer him to services, though his motions took not place, but were hindered. And for this he appealed to the queen’s counsellors to bear him witness. Though, as he added, he thought not fit to name the hinderers, or to offend him, in shewing the allegations to impeach his lordship of those preferments. And then further, he avowed of his faith before God, that at all times, when occasion served, he had him in remembrance to be used in honourable service. And to clear himself from a report that one Wotton had made of him, as though he had used speeches in council to the earl’s disgrace, he was so stirred at this, that he tells the earl that he affirmed, that he lied that so reported; and that he was sorry that his lordship should put him in a balance of credit against him.

I meet this year with an exemplary piece of justice executed by the ecclesiastical commissioners at York, upon a wicked adulterer and adulteress: he, one Ambrose Stone, of St. Edmund’s-Bury, in Suffolk, and she, the wife of one Page, of Horninger; Grindal being then archbishop, and Dr. Hutton dean of the cathedral. It was plotted between these two sinners, that she should get leave to go away for some time from her husband, and to repair to her friends at London, or elsewhere, upon pretence to gather money among them, to answer a loss of 10l . that her husband had sustained by some default of hers; which it is likely she had embezzled or stolen; and then, to pacify him, offered to go abroad to her friends, to beg of them to make it up. And that she might pass up and down where she pleased with the more liberty, it was so contrived, that she should get a certificate or testimonial under her husband’s hand, of leave and consent to depart from him; which ran to this tenor: “ All men shall know by these presents, that John Page, of Horninger, in the county of Suffolk, yeoman, one of the queen’s majesty’s servants, for divers and sundry causes especially me moving, have licensed one Katharine Page, my wife, to repair, over to her friends in London, or elsewhere, for so long a time as she shall think good, and to demand their gentle good wills for a certain loss of 10l . which the said Katharine did negligently lose; and with her friends there to remain as long as she shall think good. And for that no man shall hinder her in her journey and travail, I have caused this bill of testimonial to be made; and cio all men to understand that she departed with my good will; and this bill of testimonial to be her discharge: willing all justices, mayors, bailiffs, and constables, that she may quietly pass. And also I have given her in purse 40s. and a gelding, to travail withal. In witness of this truth, I have caused this bill to be made, August 27, in the l3th year of the reign of our sovereign lady the queen,” &c.

And so by this deceitful trick invented by Stone, Page allowed his wife to depart, and supplied her to bear her charges. Then did these two wander about, even as far as York. Where after some months they were taken up, and brought before the archbishop and the commission, and imprisoned.

And at length he gave bond to appear before his diocesan, the bishop of Norwich, there to bear due punishment to be inflicted on him for his crime, and obtained one in those parts to be his bail for appearance.

The condition of which bond was, “That if the above bounden Ambrose Stone do present himself, and personally appear, as well before the reverend father in God, the bishop of Norwich, as also before two or three at least of the justices of peace of the said county of Suffolk; and before them do confess and acknowledge his fault, in using unlawful company with Katharine Page, the wife of John Page; submitting himself to their order and correction, and well and truly in every behalf perform, do, fulfil, and keep such punishment and order, as they or any of them shall enjoin or assign unto him; if also he doth from henceforth utterly abstain from the company of the said Katharine, with whom he hath lived in adultery in all places, wheresoever, except in church and market, and other open arid used places, in the daytime, between sun and sun, and that in the presence of other honest persons without all suspicion: and if he do bring true certificate under the hands and seals of the bishop of Norwich, and two of the justices of the peace aforesaid, to the city of York, the 3d day of March next coming, of his appearance before the said bishop and justices, and of their full proceedings or orders taken with him; and that day exhibit the same certificate to the most reverend father in God, Edmond, by the permission of God, archbishop of York, primate of England, and metropolitan, and other his associates, the queen’s majesty’s commissioners for causes ecclesiastical within the province of York, or three of them; and also content, pay, or cause to be contented and paid unto John Mudd, servant to Mr. John Eynns, esq. to the use of the said John Page, the sum of 3/. of lawful English money, in full payment of 5/. due to the said John Page, on this side and before the feast of the Epiphany of our Lord next coming; that then,” &c. Capta et recognita coram venerabilibus viris, magist. Matt.

Hutton, D. D. dean of the cathedral church of York, Tho. Eynns, and Tho. Bomton, esqrs, commissioners for causes ecclesiastical, within the province of York.

Stone did accordingly deliver this writing to the bishop of Norwich, November 28, 1571. And penance was accordingly enjoined him for his sin by the bishop’s commissary, Mr. Brome: which was, to do his penance in Bury church, and also at Horninger. And also on the 10th of February following, he was adjudged by the said commissary to stand in the market the whole time of the market. For some remission of this, Mr. Ambrose Jermyn, a gentleman in those parts, and probably related to this Stone, bearing his name, wrote to the commissary, that since he had so gently used himself as he had done, his trust was, that he would remit a great part of that penance for that day. After all this, Page intended to have the good abearing against him.

CHAPTER 14.

A new parliament. The lord keeper’s directions to them from the queen; particularly relating to the doctrine and discipline of the church. Bills for rites and ceremonies brought in; which gives the queen offence. Her message thereupon. Severely reflected upon by one of the members, viz. Peter Wentworth: for which he is sequestered. Thc parliament earnest upon a bill against the Scottish queen. Dashed by the queen. Duke of Norfolk: his virtues: his fall. The practices of the Scottish queen. The parliamcnt’s proceedings against her. The queen’s directions to them in that matter.

A NEW parliament thc next year (viz. 1572, 13 Eliz. May the 8th) began.

And herein the lord keeper made a long speech by the queen’s commandment, directing the houses with affairs to enter upon. And they were of two sorts, viz. matters of religion and matters of policy. Under the matters of religion (which he called God’s cause) he recommended to them both doctrine and discipline. Under the head of doctrine, he directed them to have an inspection on the ministry; namely, for the providing that the ministers of God’s law and doctrine should preach and teach, as purely and reverently, so with diligence and application; and that all officers, having spiritual as well as temporal government, should be preserved in credit and estimation: because many of the laity did not give that esteem and countenance unto the ministers of God’s doctrine, as they ought of right to have. And further, that in respect of the want of ministers at that time, and the insufficiency of many of them, he exhorted that bishops should do in this scarcity of fit men what could possibly be done in that behalf; and that with what diligence and speed and care they could. And further, that ministers that shewed any strange doctrines contrary, or varying from that which by common consent of the realm was published, be sharply and speedily reformed. Thus much said the lord keeper for doctrine. But not a word, suggested to the parliament, to examine and look into or determine any particular matters of faith and the doctrines of religion.

Then he proceeded to discipline, directing them to take care of that; namely, that where laws were imperfect for the countenance of religion, and sundry ordinances made for that purpose were disused, or otherwise had not their force, or where the laws remained, but for their softness few made account of, that the parliament would consider well for the regulation of both. And likewise in regard of the slothfulness and corruption, or fearfulness of ecclesiastical ministers and officers, in the due execution of those laws that were good, to provide for the due execution of them: that so men might not live dissolutely and licentiously, as they listed. Another point of discipline to be regulated by the parliament was, the better keeping and better esteeming of the laudable rites and ceremonies of the church, or pertaining to the ministers of the same, agreed upon by common consenti the very ornaments of our religion, as the said lord keeper called them: mentioning also under this head the great neglect in the country, universally, of coming to common prayer and divine service.

Now for the remedying of this, besides the good examples of the chief personages both in town and country, he particularly left it to the bishops, that they should divide their dioceses into deaneries, [meaning, I suppose, those called rural deaneries,] and committing these deaneries to men well chosen, and the keeping of certain ordinary courts at prescript times, for the well executing the said laws of discipline.

And because the proceeding in matters of discipline and doctrine chiefly concerned the lords the bishops, both for their understanding and ecclesiastical function; therefore he added, that the queen looked, that they, being called together in parliament, should take the chief care to confer and consult of these matters. And that if in their conference they found it behooveful to have any temporal acts made for the amending or reforming of any of these lacks, then they should exhibit them in parliament to be considered upon. And so gladius gladium juvabit, as beforetime had been used.

May the 19th, a bill for rites and ceremonies was read the second time, and on the next day read the third time, and referred (with another of the same nature) to be considered by Mr. Treasurer, sir Tho. Scot, Mr. Attorney of the Duchy, and others, saith the Journal. [Mr. Peter Wentworth, I think, one of them, of whom more by and by.] This seemed to be a bill for calling into examination such rites and ceremonies as were established in this church, and used in the public service of God. This bill gave such offence to the queen, that two days after, [viz. May 22,] the speaker declared from her majesty unto the house, that her pleasure was, that from henceforth no bills concerning religion should be preferred or received into the house, unless the same should be first considered and liked by the clergy, [i.e. in convocation.] And further, that it was her majesty’s pleasure to see the two last bills read in the house, touching rites and ceremonies. Whereupon it was ordered by the house, that the same bills should be delivered unto her by all the privy council that were in the house, viz. Mr. Heneage, Dr.

Wylson, &c. or by any four of them.

The next day, being May the 23d, Mr. Treasurer reported to the house the delivery of the said two bills to her majesty; together with the humble request of that house, most humbly to beseech her highness not to conceive ill opinion of that house, if it so happened that her majesty should not like well of those bills, or of the parties that preferred them. He reported further, that her majesty seemed utterly to dislike of the first bill, and of him that brought the same into the house. And that her express will and pleasure was, that no preacher or minister should be impeached or indicted, or otherwise molested or troubled, as the preamble of the said bill did purport; yet adding these comfortable words further, “that she, as the defender of the faith, would aid and maintain all good protestants, to the discouraging of all papists.”

The next sessions, after divers prorogations, was on Wednesday the 8th of February, 1575; begun 18 Eliz. (that I may bring these matters together;) when Peter Wentworth, esq. one of the burgesses of Tregony, in Cornwall, for irreverent and undutiful words uttered by him in the house concerning the queen, was sequestered, that the house might proceed to conference and consideration of his speech. The speech is set down by D’Ewes, transcribed by him out of a copy he had by him. Towards the beginning whereof he saith expressly, that he was never of any parliament before the last, and the last sessions of it: which must be this of the l3th of the queen; wherein she checked those that brought in the bills about the rites and ceremonies, as was shewn before. In his speech he spake of the liberty of free speech, that was so many ways infringed, and of the many abuses offered to that honourable council, [reflecting upon what the queen had done the last sessions, viz. this in 1572,] as it grieved him, he said, of very conscience and love to his prince and country. And (to manifest what he drove at in his dissatisfaction about the liberty of speech, and that it was indeed the message she sent by the speaker, for no bills of religion to be preferred or received in the house, unless they were first considered and approved by the clergy,) thus he spake; “That two things did great hurt in that place: the one, a rumour which ran about the house; and this it was, Take heed what you do; the queen liketh not such a matter: whosoever preferreth it, she will be offended with him. And the other, that sometime a message was brought to the house of commons, either commanding or inhibiting, &c. And he told Mr. Speaker, that he would to God both these were buried in hell. He meant, as he explained himself, rumours and messages: for wicked undoubtedly they were, and the Devil the first author of them.”

And by what followed, it evidently appeared it was his offence taken at the queen for stopping the bill for rites and ceremonies, which the hot puritans were the great managers of, for the overthrowing of the established constitution of the church, viz. the liturgy and orders of it; and also such of the Thirty-nine Articles which they thought most touched them. For in the process of his discourse he gave his reasons to prove these rumours and messages wicked. “Because (said he) if they of the house were in hand with any thing for the advancement of God’s glory, [as the puritans usually called their labours, to overthrow the matters ecclesiastical which they disliked,] were it not wicked, said he, to say, The queen liketh not of it; or commandeth that we should not deal in it? Greatly were these speeches to her majesty’s dishonour. Much more wicked and unnatural were it, that her majesty should like or command any thing against God, or hurt to herself and the state. That it was dangerous always to follow a prince’s mind. Many times it might fall out, that a prince might favour a cause perilous to himself and the whole state.”

Then after, to put all out of doubt that he referred to the session in the year 1572, he makes mention of the message that Mr. Speaker brought that last sessions into the house, viz. that they should not deal in any matter of religion, but first to receive it from the bishops. On which he makes this severe reflection; “Surely this was a doleful message. For it was as much as to say, Sirs, ye shall not deal in God’s causes; no, ye shall in no wise seek to advance his glory. [This was freedom of speech indeed.] I assure you, Mr. Speaker, there were divers of this house that said with grieved hearts, immediately upon the message, that God of his mercy could not prosper the session. Well, God, even the great and mighty God, &c. was the last session shut out of doors. But what fell out of it? Forsooth, his great indignation was therefore poured out upon this house: for he put into the queen’s majesty’s heart to refuse good and wholesome laws for her own preservation. Which caused many faithful hearts for grief to burst out with sorrowful tears; and moved all papist traitors, &c. who envy good Christian princes, to laugh (in their sleeves) all the whole parliament house to scorn.”

He proceeded in this manner; “So certain it was, that none was without fault; no, not our noble queen: sith then her majesty had committed great fault, yea, dangerous faults to herself.” That fault was, that she would not yield to the trial, much less execution of Mary queen of Scots, her prisoner; which in this same session they were very busy about. He went on freely and confidently charging the queen of dealing unkindly, and abusing her nobility and people, and opposing and bending herself against them in the last parliament. And by divers questions making and representing the queen as not as good as her word to them, and leaving them open to their enemies. Then he asketh, “Is this a just recompence in our Christian queen, for our faithful dealings? The heathen do require good for good; how much more then is it to be expected in a Christian prince? And will not this her majesty’s handling, think you, Mr. Speaker, make cold dealing in any of her majesty’s subjects towards her again, &c. And prayed God to send her majesty a melting, yielding heart unto sound counsel; that will might not stand for a reason.”

And then, as a further proof of God’s judgment upon that session of parliament, [viz. this in 1572,] he brought in the bishops; whom, he asserted, God’s Spirit did not descend upon all that session, because, as it appeared, they were not for the bill about ceremonies, drawn up by the innovators. “But was this all?” proceeded he; “No, for God would not vouchsafe that the Holy Spirit should all that session descend upon our bishops. So that in that session nothing was done to the advantage of his glory.”

Then he proceeded with much show of bitterness and disaffection to that holy order, to disparage them as spiritual men, that did no good in the church, but rather harm. “I have heard,” said he, “of old parliament men, that the banishment of the pope and popery, and the reforming of true religion, had their beginning from this house, and not from the bishops. And I have heard, that few laws for religion had their foundation from them. And I do surely think, (before God I speak it,) that the bishops were the cause of that doleful message, [which the treasurer, sir Francis Knowles, brought from the queen.”] And then gave his reason for his conjecture, viz. because in the last parliament, when he, and other members appointed, repaired to the archbishop of Canterbury, some words had passed between him and the archbishop. Wherein the archbishop expecting that such matter relating to religion should be left to them, the bishops, to reform and regulate, he roundly replied, “That that would be to make them popes: and that for his part, he would make them none, whoever would; as it hath been related before. And he feared, as he added, lest the bishops attributed that of the pope’s canon to themselves, Papa non potest errare. For otherwise they would reform things amiss.”

And so with a great deal more spite against them, blamed them particularly for spurning against God’s people, that writ for reforming of things amiss in the church. All which shewed him to be a zealous follower of those innovators, Cartwright and others, who then were in the midst of their writing The admonition to the parliament. And then he flings at the queen’s message again; saying,” That the acceptance of such messages, and taking them in good part, offended God highly, and was the acceptation of the breach of the liberties of that honourable council.”

This speech of Mr. Wentworth’s was so illy taken of ‘the house, out of the reverend regard they had of her majesty, that they stopped him before he had finished his speech. And first they sequestered him; and after sundry motions and disputations had, it was agreed that he should be committed to the sergeant’s ward, as prisoner; and so remaining, to be examined upon his speech by all the privy council, being of the house, and many others.

The report is set down of what was done with him, related by himself: for which I refer the reader to the Journal of this parliament.

On Thursday, February the 9th, Mr. Treasurer, in the name of all the committees appointed for the examination of Wentworth, declared, that they all met yesterday afternoon in the Star-chamber, according to their commission; and there examined him touching the virulent and wicked words (as they are called) the same day, pronounced by him in the house touching the queen’s majesty; and made a collection of the same words.

And he could say nothing for his extenuating of his said fault and offence; and took all the burden thereof upon himself. Then the said Mr. Treasurer moved for a punishment and imprisonment in the Tower, as the house should think good. Whereupon, after sundry speeches and debates, it was ordered, that he should be committed close prisoner to the Tower for his offence. And immediately he was brought to the bar by the sergeant, and received the said judgment accordingly by the said speaker. And so the lieutenant of the Tower was presently charged with the custody of him.

But by the queen’s special favour he was restored to his liberty and place in the house March the l2th, that is, three days before the prorogation of that parliament; namely, the parliament sitting 1575.

One of the particulars wherein Mr. Wentworth was so sharp upon the queen, (as was hinted before,) was her favour to the Scottish queen, after all the endeavour of this parliament to secure the realm against her. For about June they had indeed, with full consent, brought a bill to full perfection, to make that queen unable and unworthy of succession to this crown. But to this the queen neither consented, neither rejected; but thought fit to put it off. This disappointment all her parliament took very heavily.

And what just cause the parliament had to be jealous of the Scottish queen, appeared by many things that now came to light.

For to give some fuller relation of this business. The apprehension of the nation from the queen of Scots was one of the great matters that took up the cares of the queen and parliament this year, after the business of the duke of Norfolk with her had so opened their eyes. That queen was the cause of bringing to his end that very worthy, useful, and beloved peer of this realm. I shah not rehearse his trial, condemnation, or execution, our historians having set those things down at length. Only I shall recommend to the reader a true report of the words and confession of that duke at his death, taken by me from a MS. in the Cotton library, Camden having but a short account thereof, as much as he could carry away in his memory, being present; and Holinshed’s report thereof being larger, but not so exact.

It was now five months since he was condemned, the queen hitherto, out of her love to him, being loath to give her warrant for his execution. May 16, the house joined to signify to her, that it was their general resolution that execution was necessary to be done upon the duke, and that it should be propounded unto her, not by way of petition to move her thereunto, but as their common opinion. This Leicester, in his correspondence with Walsingham, mentioneth; and that great suit was made by the nether house to her for the execution: but he addeth, as knowing her inclinations, that he saw no likelihood thereof. Yet, though she stayed for some time, she yielded to it at last: and June 2, the duke was executed, in compliance with her parliament and the necessity of affairs, to her great grief. And when but a day after, (the execution being on Monday,) letters on Tuesday from her ambassador in France were brought to her by the lord Burghley; and he tell ing her, that he thought his purpose in those letters was only to shew her the opinion of wise men, and her majesty’s well wishers in France, both for the queen of Scots and the duke of Norfolk; she bade him open the letters.

And so he did in her presence. And in his reading them, observing the queen somewhat sad, and discomposed at the duke’s death, he took occasion to cut off the reading thereof, and so entered into speech concerning the queen of Scots: which she did not mislike, and commended her said ambassador’s care and diligence in what he had writ concerning her.

This fatal stroke was of the more public import to England, seasonably to prevent greater dangers to the kingdom, in that “he was (as a wise man, and well known in the public affairs of those times, wrote in his Memoirs,) one of the greatest subjects in Europe, not being a free prince: for he ruled the queen, and all that were most familiar with her. He also ruled (saith he) the council, and ruled also the two factions in England, both protestant and papist, with the city of London, and whole land. The great men, who were papists, were all his near kinsmen; whom he entertained with great wisdom and discretion. And the protestants had such proof of his godly life and conversation, that they loved him entirely. So that he was taken and secured when he thought all England was at his devotion.” This author tells us further of the duke’s plain language in behalf of the Scottish queen; boasting and speaking out, “that he would serve and honour the queen his mistress so long as she lived. But after her decease he would set the crown of England upon the queen of Scotland’s head, as lawful heir.”

And this he avowed to secretary Cecil, bidding him to go and prattle that language again to the queen. The secretary answered, that he would be no taleteller to the queen of him, but would concur with him in any course, and serve him in any honourable thing wherein he would employ him.

Further, that he told earl Murray, regent of Scotland, that he was resolved to marry the queen [of Scots.] And that he would never permit her to come to Scotland; nor yet that he would ever rebel against the queen of England during her time. Also, that he had a daughter, who would be better for the king than any other, for many reasons.

Upon the death of men of rank and figure, we commonly are inquisitive into their character. This duke, among his other qualifications, was himself endued with religion, and had a care for the education of his children therein. And as that part of it which consisteth in devotion and prayer is proper to keep up a sense and awe of God, so he provided that they might be conversant therein. And for that purpose, in the year 1569, he recommended to one or two of his chaplains, namely, Dering and Hansby, to instruct them in this duty of prayer, and, in order thereunto, to draw up some proper forms for their use. Which they did, suiting them to divers occasions, according to our various needs and wants, to be supplied from Almighty God. And when they had finished this book of prayers, they presented it to the duke fairly written, all of Mr. Dering’s own writing, with an epistle in Latin before it, signed with both their hands. Wherein they observe and commend his good inclinations to religion, and exhort and stir him up with much good advice to increase and make more and more progress therein. And according to their duty, being most bound to him and his merits in the service of his religion, they beseeched the God of all grace and father of mercy, that he who first put those counsels in his mind, (those true tokens of his piety,) would confirm and cherish the same; and that from those holy roots of immortality might spring up in time ripe fruits, which would grow unto eternal life. They put him in mind of those mighty benefits and blessings God had adorned him with; in what place he had set him, with what great grace, and in how great benevolence God had furnished his mind: that he had all things bestowed on him above his age, above custom, nay, above mortality. And so they went on, expatiating upon God’s goodness to him; and therefore, what returns of gratitude he was to make to him. And further, they added their Christian counsel, that whensoever God, or prayer, or piety, virtue, religion, or mortality, came into his mind, that they should not be cursory thoughts, but that he should more accurately and closely apply them, and not be drawn from such purposes and meditations, until he found and knew himself better. And so at length to shew himself in mind and will most thankful to God, the author of his salvation, that had so exceedingly well deserved of him. And then these good thoughts of his would not be indeed sure testimonies of the honours of this world, that are but the mockeries of a short day, but of his eternal felicity; to the great and wonderful peace of his mind here, and after his departure hence would assure to him immortality. Much more such pious advice and admonition did these his chaplains, both fellows (I think) of Christ’s college in Cambridge, give to this noble duke; which may well deserve therefore a place in our Appendix.

The excellent qualities of this unhappy duke rendered him dear to all the honest nobility and gentry. Among the rest to sir Roger Mannours, of the right noble family of the earls of Rutland: whom I mention, because the queen, though he had been her servant ever since she came to the crown, did suspect to be too familiar with him; and (as a consequent of that) not so well affected to religion nor to her. Which when he came to understand, by some mention thereof after, from the mouth of the lord Burghley, he, under a great concern, conscious of his sound religion and unspotted loyalty, protested his mind thus unto that lord; requesting him to make it known to her majesty: “That he had gathered by his lordship’s speech, that he should seem to stand somewhat suspected both in religion, and for the good will he bore to the late duke. For the one it behoved him, he said, not to dissemble; and for the other, he would say truth. He protested to him, that he abhorred all superstition and popish idolatry, as much as any man living. And that he judged little better of these bull-papists [meaning those that sided with the late pope’s bull against queen Elizabeth] than he did of rebels to her majesty: for that he thought they carried the same mind. And not much otherwise did he account of those new fond puritans. Neither could he judge why any man should mistrust him in religion, but one of them. “Touching the said duke, he confessed he loved him while he was good; yet was he never beholden to him for any benefit: but that he honoured him for those virtues which he thought to be in him; and for that he believed he was a true and faithful subject to her majesty, and as it were a very pillar of her realm. And that herein he deceived not him only, but the wisest and the most part of this realm; who then, he was sure, so believed of him. But that after he had been at his arraignment, and heard how he was charged, and what his answers were, if I (as the said sir Roger Mannours added) said not to your lordship, I am sure I said to some others of great calling, that then asked me what I thought, that if his peers had acquitted him, or that the queen’s majesty afterwards should pardon him, I would never keep him company: and since that time, I am sure no man heard me any ways excuse any part of his faults.

For surely, my lord, I never meant to love any man longer than I thought he loved the queen’s majesty; whom God preserve ever, as our only safety. How desirous I have been to understand matters of state, or intermingle in that which appertained not unto me, I appeal, my lord, to your own conscience: for you can best judge of me in that cause, my lord. I have served her in the office which I now hold full fourteen years, and, I trust, hitherunto undetected of any dishonest dealing towards any man. Blame me not, if now it grieveth me to be suspected in that wherein I did only glory, my truth to her majesty, in which, if I once fail in deed or thought, I crave extremity of justice. In all other things I desire her mercy, but not in that,” &c.

In these lines, and many more, did that noble person and courtier labour to vindicate his own steady loyalty to his royal mistress, and unshaken adherence to the true religion, however he had loved the noble duke, as most of the nobility had done.

Now as to the great cause, as the business of the Scottish queen was called, that justly created so much apprehension to the queen, and the state of religion in this kingdom, I shall rehearse some things that our records, letters, and ad-vices, and manuscript papers do inform us of it. When sir Robert Melvil returned home from his first, ambassage in England, he brought the handwriting of twenty-five earls and lords in England, that were ready to set the crown of this realm upon that queen’s head. The captains in the partitular shires were named, and by those lords set down in that paper; only they wanted that queen’s opportunity and her advertisement, when to stir. And upon this intelligence that queen presently writ to France, to her uncle, the cardinal of Lorain. Who, upon her desire, sent her his secretary. To whom the Melvils, sir James and sir Robert, by her command, declared the state of England, and the great party she had there, to espouse her interest; desiring her uncle to send his advice, when it would be the fittest time for her to stir; and to send what help he and his friends could procure. When the cardinal understood this, he acquainted the queen-mother of France with it; and how prejudicial to the crown of France the union of this isle of Great Britain would be. That therefore it was her interest to oppose it. And advised her therefore to advertise the queen of England concerning the said intended plot, as the only and most effectual way to prevent it.

But whatsoever the queen of England’s thoughts were thereof, she appeared to give no credit thereunto; as though she looked upon it as an Italian fetch, [that French queen was an Italian,] to put her in suspicion with her nobility. This account Melvil writes he had from the queen herself.

This was then the cause of the parliament’s meeting; namely, the Scottish queen’s practices with the said duke, and also with other the queen’s enemies abroad; intended for the invasion and destruction of the realm.

Therefore, a few days after the parliament met, the lord keeper sent for the lower house, and declared to them, that it was the queen’s pleasure, that a certain number of the upper house, and of the lower, should the next morning meet together in the Star-chamber, to consult and debate upon the queen of Scots’ matters. A committee accordingly was appointed of commoners, to meet with the lords, to consider how to proceed in that great cause. And after the conference, Mr. Attorney of the court of wards made report of that conference. And at length it was resolved, for the better safety and preservation of the queen, and the present state, to proceed against the Scottish queen in the highest degree of treason. And therein to touch her, as well in life, as in title and dignity; and that of necessity, with all possible speed, by the voice of the house.

There be reasons set down in the journal of the house of commons, (which the publisher of that journal met with in some of his papers; and concluded that they were presented to the queen, May the 28th,) to prove the queen’s majesty bound in conscience to proceed in severity in this cause of the Scottish queen, as being guilty in two the highest crimes; both concerning God’s religion, and the disinheriting and destruction of their prince.

Shewing, how she was the only hope of all the adversaries of God, throughout all Europe, and the instrument whereby they trusted to overthrow the gospel of Christ in all countries, &c. That she had heaped up together all the sins of the licentious sons of David, adulteries, murders, conspiracies, treasons, and blasphemies against God also, &c. And that she, with her allies, by the pretended title, and other like devilish and traitorous devices and workings, was like to bring confusion to this realm of England and the people thereof. Then another reason was offered, persuading, that the queen ought to have, in conscience, a great care of the safety of her own person.

On the 28th of May abovesaid, it was signified to the house by the speaker, that it was the queen’s pleasure, that the committees for the great cause should attend her. When they were come, they presented their humble petition to her; and (besides the reasons aforesaid) reasons ga,. thered out of the civil law by certain appointed by authority in parliament, to prove, that it standeth not only with justice, but also with the queen’s majesty’s honour and safety, to proceed criminally against the pretended Scottish queen. But the queen, though she liked not of these proceedings to be taken with the Scottish queen, yet received their message very graciously, and said, she thought the course chosen by the house, and wherein the lords had joined with that house, to be the best and surest way for her preservation and safety; yet for certain respects by herself conceived, she thought good for this time to defer, but not to reject that course of proceeding. And that in the mean time they should go forward in the great matter against that queen; but that her majesty therein would not have that queen, by any implication or drawing of words, to be either enabled or disabled, to or from any manner of title to the crown of this realm, nor touched at all. And therefore that the bill should be first drawn by her learned council, and by them penned, before it were treated of, or dealt with in the house.

The queen then further declared her judgment to the house, that she, the Scottish queen, should be disabled from enjoying any preeminence or dignity in this land: and that, not seeking to deal with her according to her deserts, she was contented only to have her made incapable of princely dignity. But the committee answered, that as to the disabling of that queen for any clause or title to the crown, they took it for a known truth, that by the laws and statutes of the land, then in force, she was already disabled.

But notwithstanding, the house finished a bill, and sent it up to the lords, June 26, wherein that queen was declared guilty of treason; and they solicited earnestly with the queen that she might be executed. But the queen not intending to proceed after that rigorous manner, the next day adjourned that sessions. And the parliament met not again until three years after; viz. anno 1575, 18 Eliz. after divers prorogations.

CHAPTER 15.

The thoughts of the wisest men concerning the state, by reason of the Scottish queen. Her crimes underfive articles. The queen’s instructions to her ambassador going to France, concerning that queen. Walsingham’s fears ora Bartholomew breakfast. Talk of putting the Scottish queen to death. Account given of her by the earl of Shrewsbury, her keeper. Linen sent to her, with secret writing on it.

Now while these things were thus earnestly transacting in parliament, I will subjoin the judgments and opinions of the wisest and gravest men, and the observations that were then made by them. “The parliament now assembled, both nobility and people had considered, that the queen’s majesty’s surety could not be preserved, without some severe proceeding against the queen of Scots. Whereunto her majesty had not yielded in such extremity.

And so that queen had more favour indeed, than either she deserved, or than was thought meet by the whole realm.”

So the English commissioners delivered themselves to the French commissioners, who required she might have some favour upon the conclusion of a treaty. These commissioners were, the lord keeper, the earls of Sussex and Leicester, the lord chamberlain, lord treasurer Burghley, master comptroller, sir Ralph Sadlier, and sir Walter Mildmay.

That the queen was so dilatory in this great concern with her parliament mightily troubled the lord Burghley; opening his mind thus to Walsingham, the ambassador in France: “That the parliament was earnest; and that there could not be found more soundness in the commons’ house, and no lack in the higher house; but in the highest person such slowness, in the offers of surety, [i.e. the surety of the queen and realm offered by the parliament in securing both against the Scottish queen’s practices,] and such stay in resolution, that it seemed God was not pleased that the surety should proceed. That he could not forbear to lament this secretly. And that thereby with it, and such like events, he was overthrown in heart, so as he had no spark almost of good spirit (he said) left in him, to nourish health in his body; being every third day thrown down to the ground, so as he was forced to be carried into thc parliament-house, and to her majesty’s presence. And to lament it openly, was (as he added) to give more comfort to the adversaries. “These (as he proceeded) are our miseries, and such as I see no end thereof. And among other, shame doth as much trouble me as the rest; that all persons shall behold our follies, as they may think; imputing these lacks and errors to some of us that are accounted inward court-sellors; where indeed the fault is not. And yet they must be so suffered, and so to be imputed, for saving of the honour of the highest.”

Again, in another letter the same lord thus expressed his trouble about this emergence, soon after the parliament broke up. “For the parliament I cannot write patiently. All that we laboured for, and had with full consent brought to fashion, I mean, a law to make the Scottish queen unable and unworthy of succession to the crown, was by her majesty neither assented to nor rejected, but deferred until the feast of All Saints. But what all other wise and good men may think of it, you may guess.”

He added, that some, as it seemed, abused their favour about her majesty, to make herself her most enemy; [viz. by dissuading her to countenance these proceedings in parliament for her safety.] He prayed God to amend them. But he would not write who these were that were suspected: he was sorry for them; and so would you also, (writing to Walsingham,) if you thought the suspicion to be true: meaning probably the earl of Leicester.

Yet that great courtier and favourite used these words to the said ambassador in the month of May, when this weighty matter was earnestly debating in the news: “Our news is, we are presently in hand to attaint the Scottish queen of treason. And yet we fear our queen will scant agree to it.”

The thoughts of that grave statesman, Walsingham, shall take up the next place; who, upon consideration hereof, used these words: “That when he considered, how things of moment, tending to safety, proceeded at home, he knew not what to judge necessary, unless it were for every man to provide for the cross.” And again, upon the solicitations made in France about this time for that queen, and for her reestablishment in her government, he brake out into these words: “That he feared, that as long as that woman lived, there would never grow good accord to Scotland, nor continuance of repose in England; nor perfect and sound amity between her majesty and the crown of France.”

And when all that had been endeavoured in parliament was not only ineffectual, but soon after she was enlarged, and had more liberty granted, the same Walsingham thus discovered his mind to a friend in England, in the month of August: “That if her majesty had accepted the provision for her safety by her subjects in parliament, and not so soon have yielded to any enlargement, those Scottish matters (then in debate) had been ere this accorded; [viz. the civil wars among the Scots, occasioned by that queen.] But we use (said he) to build with one hand, and overthrow with another: concluding, that he could rather lament it, than hope after a remedy. And therefore to God he committed it.”

It was the quick apprehension of the imminent danger that still hung over both the queen and people of England’s heads at this time, that so pressed the necessity of removing the fomes of contention round about. Which caused the same wise man to utter himself and his fears thus to the same friend a little after, in the month of October: “That until such time as the root of the evil [meaning that queen] were removed, it was rather to dream of remedies, than to apply such as the disease required.” And there being now some hopes of matters growing to an accord in Scotland, by the means of queen Elizabeth, he added, “That if the postern gate were shut up, [meaning Scotland,] and other inward medicines applied, she [the queen] would be more esteemed and feared.” And again, “That the tempest that hung over our heads was to man’s judgment so apparent, as, if she overslippcd any remedy that might be used, she must not long look to keep the state that she then enjoyed. And that if England and Scotland were united, and such unsound members cut off as had been the cause of inward corruption, both her enemies should have less will to attempt any thing against her safety, and she remain in less peril of such mischiefs as otherwise were like to fall upon her: adding, that violent diseases must have violent remedies.”

I find that queen’s crimes reduced to five articles, of dangerous import to her majesty and to the state of England; which by certain commissioners sent to that queen by queen Elizabeth were charged upon her. First, her claim to the crown of England. Secondly, seeking a marriage with the duke of Norfolk. Thirdly, the procurement of the late rebellion in the north.

Fourthly, the relief of the rebels after they fled. Fifthly, the practising of an invasion of the realm by strangers. This paper at length transcribed from a Cotton MS. I have reposited in the Appendix.

But further, to enlighten this singular piece of history, wherein not only England, but the other neighbouring kingdoms had their shares; especially since our historians, and chiefly Camden, have so briefly slipt it over. The reasons of the Scottish queen’s restraint and troubles queen Elizabeth gave in her instructions to the lord admiral, going ambassador into France, to declare the same to that king; who had interceded for her restoration: “That it was well known that she [the queen] was often well disposed to have obtained an accord betwixt her and her subjects of Scotland. And that always, when she was most earnest to have done her pleasure therein, she was most ready to practise against her, [the queen,] as it seemed, not satisfied with the recovery of her own country, without the practice to have also this of England, as by manifest proof they, the lord admiral and sir Thomas Smith, could avow, to be ready to be shewed. And that thereupon she was forced, both for her own safety and the weal of her realm, to take another course: that is, to continue her favour towards the king, [the Scottish queen’s son, now king of Scotland,] having been accepted by the three estates in full parliament. “That she [the Scottish queen] had of late, by sundry her own letters to the duke of Alva, and by her ministers to the king of Spain, laboured to oblige that king to attempt to break the amity between the French king and the realm of Scotland, with plain assurance, that she would not in any wise depend upon the French king. But had wholly given herself, her son, and realm, so far forth as she could, to the said king of Spain. And to that end had done her utmost to move the same king to send forces into England, to join such as she promised should be aiding thereunto, to surprise her son, and to carry him into Spain by sea. And according thereunto, the duke of Alva had sent several men to peruse the ports in Scotland for that enterprise. “That as for the Scottish queen, she was well treated for her diet, and other things meet for her health, however the contrary seemed to be reported. She might at her pleasure take the air on horseback; so she did it in company with the earl of Shrewsbury [her keeper.] For her diet, it was such as her own ministers did and would prepare without respect of charge. Only it was prohibited, that no stranger should come to her, to practise with them, as she had long time used. And yet it was found daily that she did not cease, by letters and messages, to solicit all manner of things for her purpose; as by interception now and then of letters and messages was to be seen. Among which were found her continual labours to procure her son to be stolen, and taken away into Spain; besides her attempts against the queen herself and her realms.”

The estates then (assembled in parliament) did solicit, as before they had done, her majesty, both in respect of herself and whole realm, to proceed against the Scottish queen by order of justice. Wherein her majesty was so perplexed with incessant clamour, and request of her people in that behalf, as she was marvellously therewith troubled. As of her own nature she had been found (even in her most private causes, and where her person had been in danger) not given to shew any vehemency or to pursue revenge; so to refuse the universal motion, the general advice and exhortation of her states, she thought it no small hazard of their love.

And in these things moreover did this queen disoblige queen Elizabeth. First, her secret seeking of marriage with the duke of Norfolk, without her majesty’s knowledge, even at that time that her majesty was travailing to compound her causes with her subjects. And after that her majesty had imprisoned the said duke for that attempt, and that her practices in the same were discovered; and therewith it was not unknown to the queen what comfort she had given to her majesty’s subjects to enter into rebellion, as they did, [viz. anno 1569;] but being subdued and forced to fly, they were openly maintained in Scotland by the Scottish queen’s means. Moreover, it was notorious how the queen, by sundry solicitations, partly of herself, and partly of the French king and his ministers, was content as it were to bury the former notable injuries; and did newly enter most earnestly to treat with her subjects for restitution; and left no good turn unessayed, neither by request nor threatenings, to move them to accept her majesty’s earnestness then with the nobility of Scotland, professing obedience to the king her son: that her majesty plainly charged them, that if they would not condescend to her motions for her, she would utterly abandon them; and rather be a party against them. Whereupon they were entered into such hard terms, as they answered, that they would so persist in their obedience to their king, as they would venture their lives in the quarrel. And yet finally, by some persuasions, they were induced to accord with her majesty, that a parliament should be holden with as much speed as might be. And there these her majesty’s motions were propounded. And certain persons should have authority to treat thereof with her majesty’s counsellors. Whereupon her majesty did look for some good success. But before it could be granted thereunto to proceed, her majesty discovered daily most dangerous attempts of treason, both against her person and realm, wholly and only set forth by the said Scottish queen.

And she found these new treasons intended, and almost brought to their mischievous perfection; by not only renewing the former message with the duke of Norfolk, but by giving order for a rebellion and invasion of this realm. All which was by her devised, set forth, and delivered to be executed, even in the very same time that her majesty did deal so earnestly for her with her subjects; and was in hope to have obtained some reasonable end for her.

So also had she now discovered the truth of her former practices, in stirring of the first rebellion, only to have by force obtained the marriage, and with the same force sought the crown. This will give a true light into the displeasure of the queen and this parliament against queen Mary, and open the just reasons thereof; being the contents of the instructions given to the earl of Lincoln, lord admiral, to shew the French king and his mother; who had fervently solicited the queen to be favourable to her. The said admiral, together with these declarations concerning that queen’s practices, shewed the French king a letter in cipher, which she [the Scottish queen] wrote to the duke of Alva, of the matters before mentioned.

And yet notwithstanding, soon after the Paris massacre, that happened but some months after, they began to talk in France, that it would be a deed of charity for the princes catholic, not only to set the queen of Scots at liberty, but also to restore her to her right: whereupon Walsingham, the ambassador there, wrote to secretary Smith, that her majesty was not ignorant what he had written, touching the opinion of wise men, what was to be done in that behalf for her own safety. “If the sore be not salved, I fear, (said he,) we shall have a Bartholomew breakfast, or a Florence banquet;” that is, that such a bloody massacre was like to ensue in England as those were.

And so, indeed, in the month of December, there was much talk that this queen must die, the nation, both queen and subjects, having been terrified with the late barbarity in Paris against the protestants, and she continuing her practices. And so De la Mot, the French ambassador in England, advertised, that her majesty’s meaning was, that that queen should suffer; and that the matters found against her were so great, that it was generally talked of, and thought that she should have been executed. Which when the report thereof was brought to France, they, her friends there, discoursed among themselves, that it were good to stay the noblemen that should be sent thither by her majesty to christen that king’s son, to stand proxies for her, (as that king had desired of the queen,) as a pledge for that queen’s safety: for so Walsingham hinted to the lord treasurer, December 28. For now, after the massacre in France, and the queen of Scots holding correspondence with the pope and France, and the secret false dealing of the French, more severe thoughts were taken up against that queen; and she was very diligently watched by the earl of Shrewsbury, to whom was committed the keeping of her.

This nobleman was very trusty and faithful; and took diligent notice of letters sent her, and many other correspondencies from abroad; and had also frequent discourses with her; of which he gave intelligence to the lord treasurer Burgh]ey from time to time. In one of his letters he writ; “That she seemed much discontented, that having sundry times written to the queen’s majesty, she was neither answered, nor suffered to receive money out of France, nor things needful for her use. So that she could not with good patience write to her majesty at this time. That within a few days she was become more melancholic than of long time before, and complained of her wrongs and dishonour: and for remedy thereof seemed not to trust her majesty, but altogether hoped of foreign power. That by her talk she would make appear, that both Spain and France stood her and her son’s friends: and that to keep them both her friends alike, forbore to write to any of them. That she would persuade, that Spain in Ireland, and France in Scotland, intended some attempts.

For to Ireland, she said, the pope long since gave licence for the king of Spain as his right. He added, that this speech of hers was not without her accustomed threatening; nor that she shewed less enmity than of old.”

He proceeded: “My lord, this sudden disposition to talk so fairly of these matters, whereof she a long time had scarcely seemed to think, (no occasion thereof being given by me,) presumeth some intended practice of hers lately overthrown. For sure I am, her melancholy and grief is greater than she in words uttereth. And yet rather than continue this imprisonment, she sticks not to say, she will give her body, son, and country, for liberty. And here she infers, that . This she gives out, to move some fear. God preserve the queen’s majesty long in health.”

And in another letter by the same earl, written in February this year, upon a letter from the French ambassador to her, (which the lord treasurer had sent the earl to deliver to her,) and which she read in his sight, he writes, that she said thereupon, “How she perceived, that ambassador was informed of great sums of money received out of France into this realm to her use, as forty thousand crowns, known by some means of the duke. Truly, said she, I received not so much. But if the duke said so, quoth she, I will not deny it. Then she made a long discourse of the money she spent by the bishop of Rosse, termed her ambassador, and the bishop of Gallway, with other her commissioners, and gifts also to her servants: which by her long tale amounted, I dare say, (writeth the earl,) to double the said sum. He [the earl] told her then plainly, that he had heard by sundry reports of divers sums of money to be secretly conveyed from time to time into this realm, to be employed for practices, to her use. Which being found true, or any part thereof, he said, she was of good reason to blame her own self for her wants, and none other. Nay, said she then, let them never be afraid (which she repeated divers times) of any money that I will have come into England. For I have given sure order, that all which I can make shall be employed in my service in Scotland; which shall not be defeated for ought they can do. “The earl said again, that he spake not for any fear that was any way to be had in the matter: and that if she thought so, she was much deceived. But his speaking of those reports was, to move her the better to consider with herself where the fault was, if she wanted. Whereunto she replied not. But entered then into her wonted conjectures, and said, I see now they go about some exploit, to be done in Scotland against me. And therefore would find means to hinder the coming of money to me, as out of France.

But, said she, I have taken sure order for their relief in Scotland.

And that the same may be the more large unto them, I will spend on myself here as little as I can. “The earl asked her if she knew of any such intention or act in doing in Scotland against her. But he could not perceive by her answer that she understood any thing either of the present sieges, or otherwise of weight; but only occupied herself with suspicion, according to her old customs. “As concerning her sending into France, or the coming of any from thence unto her, he could not but think much danger in either of them. For that certainly whatsoever she pleaded of wants for herself and hers, her very meaning and desire is of intelligence and practice for her purpose, not tolerable. Albeit, if her majesty, of her pleasure, will needs grant licence for one of these two ways, his opinion was, that the sending thither of some such her servants were most meet for providing her apparel and receipt of money necessary; so that they be not . For sometimes discourses were of less danger than the coming of some expert persons from thence, that could not upon the sudden be judged of as well known here.

But seeing such dangers to be, either in sending or coming, he must, he said, of good reason conclude with his lordship, the best way to be, that she might be licensed to have some money brought from France to her, to serve for her necessaries. And that her majesty was now the more inclined to be suspicious of her doings, he could not but think she had great cause so to do, not only remembering that which is past, but also expecting the return of the cardinal of Lorain, with the rest of that house, and herself also principally; with the cruel intentions of every of them, well known to be toward her majesty, and the state of this realm, if they had power and liberty to serve to their wills. This was dated from Sheffield castle the 20th of February, 1572.”

And by way of postscript, he writes, that when he was about to seal up this letter, she sent for him, and at his coming brast out with complaints of her estate; especially, how she was not well used in France, by such as she had put in trust touching her living there; saying, that her uncle, the cardinal, who chiefly pretended good-will unto her, did so dispose her profits and casualties there, at his own liberty, as nothing thereof came to her necessary use. Wherefore she desired, that her new officer, whom she had lately put in trust about her living, might have licence to come and declare her state unto her. The name of this her new officer, she said, was monsieur de Verge. This seems to have been her device, to let in some intelligence from France unto her.

And good reason there was for these suspicions of messengers from France, since the state had experience before this, of the dangers of messages brought to her from thence. One whereof was in the month of December, when information was given by Walsingham, ambassador then in France, that there was linen to be sent to her from thence: and that he had discovered one that carried the box wherein it was put; which within three or four days departed thence. And communicating this to the lord treasurer he told him, that he thought they would see somewhat written in some of the linen, contained in the same box, that should be worth the reading; and cunningly advising, that her majesty, under colour of seeing the fashion of the ruffs, might cause the several pieces of linen to be holden before a fire, whereby the writing might appear. For that he judged there would be some matter discovered; which made him the more willing, as he said, to grant the passport.

CHAPTER 16.

A league offensive and defensive with France. Deliberation about the assistance of the prince of Orange. Duke Montmorancy comes over ambassador. His reception. Sir Philip Sydney goes into France with the English ambassador. A motion made by the French ambassador for duke a’Alencon’s matching with the queen, His qualities. Lord Burghley’s thoughts and advice concerning it. The queen irresolute. Sir Philip Sydney’s letter to her against the match with France. Cases of conscience in respect of marrying with a papist; and suffering mass to be said. Answered favourably.

WE will now return a little backward towards the beginning of this year, to take a view of the weighty affairs between France and England.

Sir Thomas Smith and Mr. Walsingham were both now in France, soliciting a good league between the two kingdoms; and in the month of April effected it. Which was looked upon as an happy effect for this land. Smith certified the lord treasurer, that at last they had concluded the league. In this league the French obliged themselves not to assist the Scottish queen; being content to make no mention of her, or of being her friend and ally; but gave her over to the queen’s majesty, whatsoever demands they had made for her before. And in all things they relented to her majesty’s desire; as Smith wrote; so that they might have colour to save the king their master’s honour. And hereupon the said ambassador added, he hoped and trusted, it was the best league that ever was made with France, or any other nation, for her majesty’s surety. And within a day or two after, they hoped to sign the treaty. This was writ April 17; and April 20, Smith writeth the same from Blois to the queen.

The French king’s commissaries at this treaty were, Francis duke of Montmorancy, Renatus Byragus, Sebastian de Laubespine, episcop.

Lemovicensis, and Paulus de Foix. The queen’s were, the said Smith and Walsingham. This was a confederacy, league, and union, for mutual defence, against all persons of what order soever; who under any pretence whatsoever, and any cause, none excepted, do invade or shall invade, the persons, or territories by them possessed. And this league to remain firm, not only between the said princes, while they live, but also between their successors; if the successor shall signify to the survivor within a year, by ambassadors and letters, that he receiveth the same conditions. Otherwise the survivor shall be understood to be free of the observation of this league. And that the French should innovate nothing in Scotland.

In the next month, May the 7th, the said ambassador, Smith, reflecting upon the benefit of this league, used these words; “That now it could not be said, her majesty was altogether alone, having so good a defence, of so noble and courageous a prince, and so faithful of his word, and so near a neighbour, provided for, and bespoken beforehand against any need, partly that [of the Scottish queen] and partly the troubles in Flanders. Which God, he said, had provided to deliver his poor servants there from the “Antichristian tyranny.”

But our ambassador, however wary enough, and suspicious of that court, saw not yet the dissimulation of that French potentate.

But as this supposed good understanding with France was now effected for England, so it wanted defence from another implacable and more formidable enemy, the powerful monarch of Spain. In order to which, another great matter was now in hand, and under consultation; namely, concerning assisting the prince of Orange; who headed the free people of the Low Countries, intolerably oppressed and tyrannized over by duke d’Alva, the king’s great officer there. And because France, equally with England, was in danger from that insulting prince, it was laboured, that both kingdoms should assist the said prince of Orange.

Walsingham is (now in May) persuading the lord Burghley to join with them in their resistance of that oppressive duke, and for aiding them of the Low Countries. He sent a messenger that month, throughly instructed touching the state of that country, and the proceedings in Flanders; and that he hoped, after that he had throughly debated the matter with him, it would manifestly appear unto him, that upon the good or evil success of this common cause of religion, and without the same well proceeded, her majesty could not promise to herself any great safety, having so dangerous a neighbour; whose greatness should receive no small increase, if he overcame this brunt. And in another letter he writ, that he perceived, that if there were no assistance given underhand by her majesty, they should be driven to such inconveniences as should be laid upon them by the nation of France: and further, that they should be forced to consent to have Strozzi [a sea-commander belonging to the French] in Zealand; unless they might have some supplies elsewhere.

And in July he acquainted the same lord, that one of great credit, (sent thither, [i.e. to Paris,] as it seems, from the prince of Orange,) told him, that it behoved the queen and the French king to consult jointly, in maintaining of that prince’s enterprise. For that otherwise he saw many reasons to induce him to think, that it would be dangerous to them both; especially to her majesty, considering the practices that reigned in her own country.

Walsingham shewing his zeal in this cause, wrote also in this aforesaid month to the great earl of Leicester, to the like purpose: “That to suffer that prince to miscarry knowing our own danger, were to lack both policy and magnanimity. That we could not deny, but upon that that lately was discovered, if God had not raised up that prince of Orange to entertain Spain, a dangerous [flame] ere this time had been kindled in her own home. To assist him therefore, added he, was to assist ourselves. For that we were to run one fortune with him. The difference was, that by miscarriage the mischief should first touch him, and then, consequently, as many of us as profess one religion with him. For the supply that was given by the pope, Florence, and divers catholic princes in Germany, shewed, that the quarrel was mixed, and consisted as well of religion as of state. That they failed not to make distinction thereof. And therein, said he, they shewed their courage and zeal.

But contrariwise, we [i. e. of the English court] do nothing underhand; and thereby we did discover both lack of zeal and courage.” And here he made an observation; “that no counsellor’s enterprise accompanied with fear had ever good success. For there could be no greater enemy to sound counsel than fear.” And then, speaking of the endeavours of those of Flanders made to the French king, to assist that prince, and about the queen’s joining with that king therein; “Surely, said he, though it import that king very much to look to it, yet that it more imported her majesty, and to look for nothing else (Spain overcoming this brunt) than the extremity of such mischief as he could work her.” And so he excites the earl of Leicester to forward this cause.

And that these apprehensions of Walsingham were not groundless, in the month of May, he sent over from France to the lord Burghley a gentleman, and with him certain advices out of Germany and Switzerland, which he had received, and that gentleman was privy to. Whereby his lordship might perceive, that the holy father’s intention was, not only to trouble England, but all other places that professed the gospel. But now to return to this laboured friendship with France.

This league was afterwards confirmed and signed by very honourable ambassadors sent over on both sides; viz. Mont-morancy from France, and the lord admiral from England. There were other commissioners appointed to go with Montmorancy. One whereof was monsieur de Battaile, who died before he went. Of whom, this may en passant be mentioned: that having dissembled his religion, either for fear or interest, before his death he much lamented the same; and gave his advice to those about him, to resort to the reformed churches, and to bring up their children in the religion professed by the same; as Walsingham thought fit to impart in one of his letters from France.

Great expectation there was of the coming of these ambassadors; the queen being determined to receive them very splendidly. At Dover were her officers of the household; and provisions there made for them. The earl of Pembroke, lord Windsor, lord Buckhurst, were there also with great and mighty trains. And the delay of the French (who made some stay in their coming) put the queen to vast charges. To court also at this time came flocking such levies of ladies to attend, as their husbands cursed the delay, as the lord Burghely said between jest and earnest. Duke Montmorancy, with all his train, to the number of forty, was received with great honour, being entertained for meat and drink, each in their degrees; as it was to be affirmed, (as the lord Burghley writ), the like had not been seen in any man’s memory. That honour also done to him was such as her majesty could not do more, namely, in her courteous using of him, and by appointing sundry sorts of the nobility to attend him. The earl of Leicester feasted him. And at midsummer the lord treasurer also feasted him and all his gentlemen, with a collation of all things that he could procure, being not flesh; to observe their manner.

His reward (though not so great as the lord treasurer could have wished) was a cupboard of plate gilt; a great cup of gold, of one hundred and eleven ounces; and monsieur de Foix’s was a cupboard of plate.

The admiral that now went to France was accompanied with many young English gentlemen; and among the rest, sir Philip Sidney, then but young, about eighteen. The earl of Leicester his uncle writ to Walsingham at his going, tenderly, concerning him, to this tenor: “That forasmuch as his nephew, Philip Sidney, was licensed to travel, and did presently repair unto those parts with the lord admiral, he had thought good to commend him by those his letters friendly unto him, as unto one he was well assured would have a special care of him during his abode there. That he was young and raw, and no doubt should find those countries and the demeanour of the people somewhat strange to him. And that therefore his [Walsingham’s] good advice and counsel should greatly behove him for his best directions. Which he [the earl] did most heartily pray him to vouchsafe him, with any friendly assistance he should see needful for him. That his father and he [the earl] did intend his further travel, if the world were quiet, and he [Walsingham] should think it convenient for him. Otherwise they prayed him, that they might be advertised thereof; to the end the same (his travels) might be thereupon directed accordingly.”

What experience this young gentleman learned in France, and the small esteem he had for that court, we shall hear by and by.

While Montmorancy was here, transacting and confirming the treaty, another very weighty matter was in hand; namely, an earnest motion made by him for the queen’s matching with duke d’Alencon, the French king’s younger brother; (who was now but seventeen years of age.) A matter very acceptable to many of the queen’s subjects; and of the wisest and carefulest sort. Of those were the lord Burghley and Walsingham. By the latter of these he was described advantageously, the better to recommend him to the English court. That for his stature and proportion, he left it to be expressed by word of mouth by sir Thomas Smith, Mr. Killigrew, and others, who had been lately in France and seen him. That as for his conditions, generally, this opinion was conceived of him, that he was of as good and tractable a disposition as any, either prince or gentleman, in France; and withal, both wise and stout, and subject to the French lightness. So that they did apply to him the French proverb, Qu’il a de plume en son cerceau. That he was confirmed in it (beside the general opinon) by the admiral [Coligni,] count Rochefoucault, Tilligny, and others of the best judgment of the religion, with their earnest protestation: so that he could not but credit the same.

The admiral debated with Walsingham (as he farther related to the lord Burghley) in this matter; and protested sundry times to him, calling God to witness, that he would not advise the queen unto it, if he thought it would not prove both honourable, profitable, and comfortable, and for her safety.

And for his religion, they had great hope, grounded upon good conjecture, that he was easy to be reduced to the knowledge of the truth. Walsingham added, that for his part he had many great reasons to induce him to think, that if there were no other impediments than the use of his mass, that he would be easily induced to embrace the same.

And touching his affection towards the queen, Walsing-ham was informed, that where it had been objected to him, that he would be glad to have the title of a king; he protested, that if he were not moved with a great and honourable report of her majesty’s rare virtues, more than at any desires he had to a kingdom, he would never have desired the king, nor the queen his mother, to have made any mention thereof.

Touching the devotions of his followers and servants towards the propounded match, Walsingham tells, how he was informed, that they also earnestly desired the same; especially those whose advice he chiefly used.

Who though. they were not of the religion, yet were not enemies to the same; and rather inclined that way than otherwise. Of the which a dozen of them were discharged of his brother’s service in respect thereof.

All this was in answer to what the lord treasurer Burghley had writ to Walsingham; being willed by the greatest to require the said ambassador to use all good means possible to understand what he could of that duke, viz. of his age, his stature, his conditions, his inclination to religion, his devotion this way, the devotion of his followers and servitors. And hereof her majesty sought speedily to be advertised. That she might resolve within a month. For the ambassadors, upon their going home, did what they could in that matter. Whereunto they had neither yea nor nay, but delay only for a month. That wise lord’s present thoughts were, (as he signified in his correspondence to that English ambassador,) that he could not see in her majesty at that time any lack towards this, but in opinion for the age.

Which defect, if it might be supplied with some recompence, it were meet to be thought of. He wished we might have Calais to the issue of their bodies: and he to be governor thereof during his life: so as the English might have security for their staple there. He wished also, that secretly the queen’s majesty might be assured, that (although there be no contract therefore,) he would hear no mass after his marriage.

But however this lord and that ambassador laboured to bring this marriage about, the queen, it appeared now by the month of July, had little inclination unto it. The difference of age undoubtedly might be one cause.

And thus did that lord express his mind in this matter to that ambassador in the month aforesaid: “That the queen found the marriage to be necessary for her; and yet the opinion of others misliking of that party, for the person, did more hinder her purpose than her own conceit. And that he saw such difficulties on both sides, that he could make no choice for no marriage. That all evils must be looked for; and for marriage without liking, no good could be hoped thence. Therefore to God he left it. He saw, as he added, his negotiations there full of perplexities; and prayed God to direct him: for he found the queen very irresolute.”

Surely all this present negotiation about marriage was rather to blind the queen’s and every Englishman’s eyes, against the bloody massacre that was now hatching, and the next month executed. And further to blind her eyes, a messenger was sent this month to the queen, to tell her of the intended marriage of the lady Margaret with the king of Navarr, as though it was going now to be fair weather with he protestants.

These amours were continued both this year and the next. I will draw what I find more of it into this place. In the midst of this wooing happened the barbarous and inhuman massacre in France, which justly put a stop to it: the English nation abhorring the action, and all those that were concerned in it. Among the rest, young Philip Sydney, that was at Paris at the execution, took the freedom to express his mind to the queen not long after, in a private letter, shewing his dissuasion from matching there, though with all humble and dutiful address. The contents whereof, and some remarkable sentences, I have met with among some papers of sir Michael Hicks, sometime secretary to the lord Burghley; which I shall here set down, (in the want of the complete letter,) both to give a light into this matter, and to preserve any remainders of that incomparable man. “To arm an excuse with masons, were to acknowledge that I did willingly amiss. It were folly to lay on fair colours, where judgment is so ready to discern of the thing itself, &c. Therefore bearing no other olive branch of intercessions than my unfeigned good-will, nor using any other information, &c. A matter of great importance, importing both the continuance of your safety, and the joys of my life; shallow words, springing from the deep well of affection.

Having travailed long time in thought do now declare; not able to suppress it any longer, it striveth so vehemently to discover itself.

Nothing can be added to your estate, being already an absolute born, and accordingly reputed princess. As the Irish are wont to say, What need have they to do any thing, that are rich and fair?

So, what need have you to change the course of your estate, settled in such a calm To so healthful a body to apply so unsavoury a medicine What hope to recompense so hazardous an adventure, as to alter so well a maintained and approved trade? Sudden change in bodies natural, dangerous; much more in politic. Hazard, then meetest to be regarded, when the nature of the agent and patient fitly composed to occasion them The realm patient, majesty agent A true inward strength resisteth outward accidents. An inward weakness doth not lightly subvert itself without foreign force The treasure, the sinews of the crown; the league, the love of the subject. “Two factions [the papist and the protestant] irrecon-cileable By your dealings at home and abroad, against our adverse party, you are so enwrapt to the other, that you cannot pull yourself out. As a ship, although it be beaten with waves and tempests, yet there is no safety but within it The protestant the chief, if not your sole strength. They cannot be, nor look for better estate than that they be Their hearts galled, if not aliened, when you marry a Frenchman and a papist: the son of the very Jezebel of our age; although fine wits excuse it. His brother [the French king Charles] made oblation of his sister’s marriage, [with the protestant king of Navarr,] that he might massacre of all sexes Himself, contrary to his promise and gratefulness, having his [dependence] and chiefest estate by the Hugonots, sacked la charite. This maketh all true religious to abhor such a master, and to diminish that love they have long time borne you. “The papist spirits full of anguish, forced to [take] oaths [of allegiance, &c.] they counted damnable . Ambition stopt [Laid] in prison, disgrace, banishment of their best friends Some think you an usurper. Some think the king [your father] is tightly disallowed by the pope Burdened with the weight of their consciences They consist of] greater numbers, and riches, because they have not offices laid upon them [They have] united minds, as all oppressed are. “Joined to these discontented persons, either for want; quibus opus est bello civili, as Caesar said; or such as have high minds, and are not advanced. These men most dangerous. They embrace all estates, and stay but ad vantage of time. “I am glad, I may say, they did not prevail. For if they had, it had been no time now to deliberate These people want but a head, and such a head [as monsieur] wanteth but a few of their instructions That occasion, with a small show of title, [i. e. king of England,] will do for a turn. Remember Warbeck; and Lewis the French king’s son, in Henry the Third’s time. That monsieur is to be judged by his will and power. His will is as full of high ambition as is possible. French disposition. His education is in constant attempts against his brother. His thrusting into the Low Countries Sometimes suitor to the king of Spain’s daughter; sometimes to you Carried away with every wind of hope Taught to love greatness any way gotten The motioners and ministers of his mind only young men, that have seen no commonwealth. Defiled with odious murder; apt to rebellion. “How will he be content to be the second person in England, that cannot be in France, and heir apparent? His power great The way will be made for him. Who needs nought, but an head to draw evil humours Of great revenues A populous nation of the world; especially of soldiers, that have learnt to serve without pay, where their hope is the spoil His brother ready to help for old revenges; as also to keep him occupied from troubling France; and also to carry naughty fellows out of his country. “King Philip and queen Mary, all of one religion. The house of France ready to impeach any his attempts. And yet, what might have been the event of that marriage, your gracious reign hath made void Your realm ready to receive hurt. M. [monsieur] ready to [take hold of] the occasion to hurt [us in our] peace, and the fruits of peace. “There cannot happen any thing more full of evident danger to your estate royal Your person the scale of our happiness. What good can come to balance with the loss of so honourable constancy?..... I will not shew so much malice, as to object the doubts of the unhealthfulness of the whole race His proceedings in his suit agree like hot and cold I will temper my speeches from any particular disgrace, though never so true. If he come, either [he must] have the keys of your kingdom, or live in lower reputation than his mind will bear; or depart far off, displeased more than before If it be unprofitable for your kingdom, and unpleasant for you, [it is] too dear a purchase for repentance You can have by him no bliss but children He cannot enrich you; for he hath not; or else to bestow otherwise To ease you of the cares of government, is as much as to ease you of being queen. This may hurt; if not, at the best, it cannot help. “The mention of charges, [viz. from] foreign fears, and the Low Countries. Those buildings most firm that stand upon their own foundation A true Masinissa It were not fit to contrary the enterprises of mighty Carthage. And if it were, how can this be applied to M. [monsieur.]..... Strongest leagues are made between such as are joined by a vehement desire of a third thing: ours a vehement fear Parallels can never join truly, because they maintain different ends Contrary prin ciples cannot beget one doctrine He a papist; and if he be a man, must needs have that manlike proportion, to desire all to be of his mind. He desirous to make France great. Your majesty meaneth nothing less than that it should grow so, especially by England He by his own fancy, and youthful governors, embraceth all ambitious hopes; having Alexander’s image in his hall, ill painted. “Your majesty [taught] by virtue, if you should hope; by wisdom, what you may hope Your council renowned over all Christendom for their tempers and minds, having set the uttermost of their ambition in your favour, and the study of their souls in your safety No ex ample in the world fit to blazon you by No men ever weary of a good prince. For either men never saw other [than you,] or are too old to have joy, to seek other Abuse in government ruineth of itself. Our neighbour’s fire giveth us light to see our own quietness Examples of good princes [shew] the longer they reign, the deeper they sink in the subjects’ hearts. The subjects willingly grant and dutifully pay subsidies, and all impositions demanded. Less troublesome to you now, in making request [for them] than in the beginning of your reign. “For succession, albeit I have cast the uttermost anchor of my hope; yet for England’s sake I will not say ought against any such determination That uncertain good shall bring contest to [obtain] good, beyond all reach of reason The rising sun first used by Scylla to Pompey. Rising and falling dependeth upon a popular choice In a lineal monarchy, when the infants suck, where there is the love of their rightful prince, who would leave the beams of so fair a sun, for the dreadful experience of a divided company of stars? Virtue and justice [are] the bands only of love By your loss all blindness light upon him that seeth not our misery. [it is time] to look after the ship brought, after we see we cannot be safe in the ship [wherein we are.]..... The best rule is to do so, as they may not justly speak evil of you. Augustus the emperor [said,] But let them speak evil, since they cannot do much hurt. Charles V. when one said, Hollandois portent real, answered, Mais ils pai-ent bien .

Care not for the barking of curs, being carried upon the wings of innocence. “I durst with blood avow, never prince was had in more precious account of her subjects. Some loose wretch may defile such a name, but cannot raze out the impression of love you have made in such a multitude of hearts. Their love cannot fade, if you keep in your own likeness, and alter not yourself in other colours. Metus in authorem redit. “He can bring no more good than any body else; evil he may, [i.e. monsieur.]..... Either fear of that which cannot happen, or by him cannot be prevented You have stood alone a great while. Take it for a singular honour God hath done you, to be the only protector of his church. And so may continue for worldly respects, if you continue, and make religion your strength. And those whom you find trusty, to be employed in the affairs, to be held up in the eyes of your subjects. “This man, as long as he is but monsieur, in might cannot stead you; and being a papist, he will not. And if he be king of France, his defence will be like Ajax’s shield, that rather weighed down those that bear it, than defended them.”

For besides the disproportion of age, which was one of the queen’s great objections, another obstacle to the. current proceeding of this marriage was the matter of religion, it being looked upon as a matter of conscience.

Which was reduced to two cases. The one was, whether it were lawful for a protestant to marry with a papist. And the other, whether the queen might permit to have mass said in her kingdom. For the better informing of the lord Burghley in both these, being the queen’s greatest counsellor, and in whose advice she chiefly reposed herself, some learned divines were employed to write their judgments according to the word of God. There are several tracts I have met with among that lord’s papers, written in resolution of both these questions, some negatively, and some affirmatively. Wherein objections were answered that made it unlawful: and a book writ to that purpose confuted, in favour of the match. These tracts I look upon as valuable, consisting of the arguments then made use of among the learned, in the points of difference between the church of Rome and the protestants. They that are minded to consult them may read some of them in the Appendix. But by assailing of the arguments and objections made against the marriage, it appears how inclinable and desirous the chief men generally were for the accomplishing thereof.

I add to the rest what the lord treasurer wrote in March to Walsingham in France, as the result of his serious thoughts of this weighty matter: “That he saw the imminent perils to this state; and namely, how long soever she should by course of nature live and reign, the success of this crown so manifestly uncertain, or rather too manifestly prejudicious for the state of religion, that he could not but still persist in seeking for marriage for her majesty. And finding no way that was liking to her but this with the duke, he did force himself to pursue it with desire; and did flatter himself with imaginations, that if he [the duke d’Alencon] should come hither, her majesty would not refuse him. And for his religion, methinks,” added that lord, “if he were otherwise liked, he would not lose a queen with a kingdom, for a priest’s blessing of a chalice.”

CHAPTER 17.

The massacre at Paris. Many nobles and others of the English nation preserved in Walsingham’s house there. Among the rest, Mr. Philip Sydney. Walsingham about departing home. The king relates to him the reason he took this course. Walsingham writes of these matters into England. The French ambassador comes to the queen. Her excellent speech to him of the admiral’s murder; and her advice to the king. Some account of the massacre. Nothing but extremity towards those of the religion. England now upon its guard. Roulard, a catholic, murdered. BUT that hideous inhuman massacre of the king’s protestant subjects in France, in this very juncture, broke off that pretendedly good understanding and friendship with him, that the queen and her court were too credulous to believe and to take a satisfaction in. For by this horrible act they might plainly see, how abhorred all those that professed the true religion were to France.

Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador, was at this time in Paris. And it was a wonderful escape he had, that in that hot zeal for popery, he was not murdered, undistinguished, with the rest. For whether it were by some order from the king, or otherwise, not only himself, but those of the English nation that could escape to his house, were preserved. And among the rest was one Tim. Bright, doctor of physic; who divers years after, viz. anno 1589, published an abridgment of John Fox’s Book of Martyrs: and in his dedication, which he made to sir Francis Walsingham, he remembered that great benefit that both he and many others, English, and of other nations too, strangers then in Paris, received; being preserved in his house from being massacred. “And so the benefit was common to many. And that his lordship’s house at that time was a very sanctuary, not only to all of our nation, but even to many strangers then in Paris, that were virtuously disposed to true religion. So was it therefore the most memorable deliverance, and far more honourable, and bound him, as he said, with great obligations of thankfulness; who thereby had cause to rejoice, not only for his own safety, but for so many of his countrymen, partly of his acquaintance, and partly of noble houses of this realm; who had all tasted of the rage of that furious tragedy, had not his honour shrouded them.”

Several of the privy council declared themselves beholden to Walsingham for the harbouring these gentlemen: many whereof were related to them; as they did wisely in retiring thither. And in this emergence they desired the ambassador to advise those gentlemen to return home, as their safest course, having seen enough of France. And particularly for the lord Wharton, (whose schoolmaster was slain,) and Mr. Philip Sydney, to procure the king’s licence and conduct to come thence. And further advised him, that if he could get leave from the king, to come home too, till matters were better settled there; (and that so was the queen’s mind;) leaving a secretary there. But the queen afterwards was unwilling yet to send for him. The lord treasurer and secretary Smith (knowing the worth of the man, and the danger he was in) had been suitors to her majesty, more than once, for his return: which she at length granted, and then strait revoked, the letters being written, and immediately called back. So that in a letter to him, dated September the l2th, the secretary told him, he saw he must endure there for a time, which he trusted would not be long.

About this very time came to the court three gentlemen, viz. Fawnte, Argol, and South, from France; who did amplify the cruel disorders there; and thereupon Walsingham’s danger, that was talked of in every man’s ears. Whereof his friends made relation to the queen. The effect was, finally, that she was content to write her letter for his return to the French king, dated from Woodstock. Which letter, when the said ambassador had delivered to the king, he would not yield to the revocation; saying, that he must then recall his ambassador at the English court, which would look as if the amity were broke: and therefore prayed Walsingham to speak no more of it. And so he continued there still.

But to look a little upon this massacre, and the behaviour of the king after it was done, and the consequences and effects of it with respect to the English court. But a day or two after, (viz. August 26,) Walsingham sent his secretary to the queen-mother, willing him, in his name, to thank her and the king for the great care it pleased them to have of his safety, and for the preservation of the English nation in this last tumult: and that he would not fail to make honourable report of it unto the queen’s majesty, his mistress. And the secretary was to add, that since there were divers reports made of the late execution there, and that he [the ambassador] would be very loath to credit reports; that it would please their majesties to send him the very truth; to the end he might accordingly advertise the queen’s majesty. The answer of the queen-mother was, that the king and she gave special command, that good regard were had of him, and all the English, as a thing that tended to the preservation of good amity between the king and the queen’s majesty. And that if he could devise any better means for his greater safeguard, he would give them understanding thereof. To the second message, she said, that monsieur La Mot, the French ambassador, had, she doubted not, advertised the queen’s majesty of the late accidents there. Nevertheless, to gratify him, she would cause secretary Pinart to send him an abstract of that which the king before had sent to his ambassador there resident. This abstract Walsingham received, and sent it to Smith enclosed in this letter, wherein he informed him of all this. And added, that the duke of Nevers had shewed himself much affected to the English nation; who spared not to come and visit Walsingham in his own person, with offer of all kind courtesy, not only to him, but to divers other English gentlemen. And besides, entertained three English gentlemen, that otherwise had been in great jeopardy of their lives.

Soon after, viz. the 1st of September, the king (whose business now was to excuse his barbarity as well as he could) sent for the English ambassador, and withal sent two persons of eminency, and a dozen other gentlemen, to conduct him safely. Being come into his presence, he told him, he sent for him to satisfy him of the late execution, whereof, he said, men might judge diversely; and that he had, for the satisfying of the world, caused the process to be made of the admiral, [Coligni murdered in his bed,] and the rest of the conspirators. And that as soon as it should be finished, he would not fail to send it unto her majesty, his good sister; who, he did assure himself, would interpret in good part his doings. He being constrained, to his great grief, to do that which he did for his own safety sake; and which if he had not done, both he himself, his mother, and brethren, had been in danger of their lives. And that he desired nothing more than to continue, or rather increase, amity with her majesty. And therefore hoped, that she would not take occasion, upon this late proceeding, to suspect the contrary. To which Walsingham gave a prudent and agreeable answer to the king. And then he made the king acquainted, that three of this nation were slain, and that divers were spoiled. For which, when the king shewed himself to be very sorry, and said, that if the offenders of that party could be produced, there should be exemplary justice used, Walsingham said, it would be hard to produce them, the disorder being, so general, and the sword being committed to the common people.

Afterwards the queen-mother, to disguise the matter, sent a writing to him, to be sent to the queen, expressing the summary of this fact: which seemed to be described in a disguised method, to cover the execrable manner thereof. And being in her presence, she shewed him, that the king’s meaning was, that the heads of the conspirators being now taken away, to continue the edicts, and that every man should live in repose and liberty of his conscience. But this was only still to blind the poor protestants, that they being now secure, might in greater numbers fall into the hands of the butchers, and not stand upon their own guard, nor to reverge themselves.

For Walsingham, in his correspondence with secretary Smith, let him understand, in a letter dated September 13, that albeit it was shewn him, that the heads being taken away, the meaner sort should enjoy, by virtue of the edicts, both lives and goods, and liberty of their consciences; which notwithstanding also was assured by print, [which print he enclosed in his letter,] yet nothing thereof was performed; but all extremity used. Which manner of proceeding was by the catholics themselves utterly condemned, as he added. And that they desired to depart thence out of such a country, to quit themselves of this strange kind of government; for that they saw none could here assure themselves either of goods or life.

He further gave him intelligence: That even still at Lions, Bourdeaux, and Orleans, great and most barbarous cruelties had been executed. And that at Orleans divers of the Almains had been slain and spoiled. The most part of them put to the ransom. For that since justice took not place there, they forbore to require redress, but departed thence with great desire of revenge. And further, that they were preparing the Bastile for some persons of quality: and it was thought it was for the prince of Conde and his brethren. Marshal Montmorancy was commanded, as it was said, to keep his house, and to forbear to make any assembly.

The news of this cruelty was soon brought to England by several first, that escaped from Diep; bringing the news of the admiral’s murder, with a great multitude of the religion, on the 24th of August, in a most cruel sort: as upon the first intelligence thereof the lord treasurer, the earl of Leicester, and others of the privy council, wrote, September 9, unto Walsingham; and that it gave to her majesty no small cause of grief: and so much the more, in that she could hear no manner of certainty thereof from him. Of whose person also in such a horrid time, her majesty was very careful. And notwithstanding the French ambassador affirmed to her, that he was in safety, she was not quiet in mind for him, until his own servant came, who had stayed long in Bulloin for a wind.

In the mean time the king, as soon as might be, ordered La Mot to represent this bloody fact of his, as fair as might be; namely, that he was of necessity, for safeguard of his life, forced to cause such execution to be done upon the admiral and his accomplices: for that he and they had conspired his death. Of which matter the king was very well able to make a verification. And that her majesty should shortly see, by the process of the admiral then in making. And that nothing was meant by the king against the cause of religion.

For thus he related the matter to the queen and council, when he came to the court; that when his master the king heard that the admiral was wounded, (which he was two days before, being shot out of a window,) he was greatly grieved thereat, and that he determined to have done due justice upon the authors of it. In which mind he continued until Saturday, [two days after,] late at night. At which time advertisement was given him, that the admiral and his friends had concluded not to expect the order of the king for the punishment of the fact, but would avenge themselves; and that they would certainly seize the person of the king, queen-mother, and his brethren: and so his person and theirs should be in danger, and a new war should thereby be begun. And to make this to be true in the king’s sight, it was also informed, that some such as were of this confederacy with the admiral had for conscience sake disclosed the same; and that it was made the more probable to the king, by reason of certain bold speeches used by Teligny [the admiral’s son-in-law] to the king. Whereupon, said the ambassador, the king was so daunted with the present fear of his own person, and his mother, and his brethren, and of the imminent danger of a new civil war; and being thus overcome with this extremity, and having no time long to deliberate thereupon, (scarce the space of an hour,) he was in this manner forced to yield to another extremity; which was, to suffer the parties that were enemies to the admiral to proceed to the execution of him, although not with such a general fury as was used.

After the ambassador had made this fair story, he prayed the queen to shew her compassion of the king, rather than to condemn him, making great assurance of the king’s in-nocency herein; for the intention of his own part being only for his defence and safety, against the perils discovered to him by the informers. And that the king might find comfort of her, in condoling with him for this so miserable and lamentable an accident.

But all this was but a second invention to palliate this crime, and a purpose of committing more. For the king’s first report of it to the queen, by his own letters, was quite different; whereby the English court concluded all to be but fable, with intent to put a false covering over that horrible fact. For thus did the lord Burghley declare the matter in his correspondence with Walsingham. “The French ambassador, in his negotiation, did seek to persuade us, that the king was forced, for safety of his own life, to cause that execution to be done as it was; and that thereof we should see the proofs by the admiral’s process. And then added, You may imagine how hard a thing it is for us to be persuaded against our natural senses. And how they will accord these two jars, we know not: for the king’s letters first written after the admiral’s death did declare it to be done in manner of sedition, and privately, by the house of Guise; who were afraid that the admiral and his friends would pursue against them the avenge for his hurt, [by shooting him.] And that the king’s own guard [which he sent to be] about the admiral, was forced; and the king himself driven to hold the guards about him in the Louvre for his defence. And now yet it must needs be notified, that the king did, for his own security, cause the execution to be done.”

But this latter pretence the aforesaid privy counsellors, in their letter, soon acquainted Walsingham with; namely, how that ambassador disguised the black business, and made a fair tale of the admiral’s intention to seize the king, the queen-mother, and his brethren. The said counsellors did then shew him, how very wisely and princely the queen answered the ambassador, viz. to this effect: “That although upon the first report of the general murder of so many, being all under his protection in the principal city, it was very hard to conceive well of the king, yet it had been her former opinion of the singular integrity of his actions; and namely, of his many outward favours that he had, since the time of the admiral’s coming to his presence, shewed him and his friends, that howsoever this fact of itself, with the circumstances of so many horrible murders, did outwardly charge the king with all manner of dishonour that might touch a prince; yet she, particularly for reverence of his princely state, for her love she bare him; and finally, for that she had not yet received the information from him, did determine with herself not to pronounce any evil judgment of the king, nor yet to conceive that which the most part of all others did conceive of him. “But now that she had heard (as she proceeded) by him, the ambassador, in what sort the king had willed him to declare the process thereof, she did much desire the consideration of the king’s honour, and the continuance of the amity with him. And that she most heartily willed that he might so use the matter in time, as the world might find him excusable in one of these two sorts; that is, that either it might be made manifest to indifferent persons, (that is, to such as were not known to have borne deadly malice to the admiral and his party, now murdered,) that if the confirmation that was given to the king, of the admiral’s evil intention and conspiracy against him, were grounded upon truth, and not upon malice or pretext, and if the information might be verified, then might the king be excused in some part, both towards God and the world, in permitting the admiral’s enemies by force to prevent his enterprises.

Although, indeed, the same informations had been true, yet the manner of the cruelty used (as she went on well) could not be allowed in any kingdom or government; and least in that place where the king might, by order of justice, have done due execution, both to the admiral and all others that should have proved offenders. For (as she said) it could not be denied, but the same force that murdered so many multitudes, might more easily have attached them all, or the principals; and brought them to answer to justice, when the king would. And of all other the admiral, being on his bed, lamed both on his right hand and left arm, lying in danger under the care of chirurgeons; being also guarded about his private house with a number of the king’s guards, and so might have been, by a word of the king’s mouth, brought to any place, to have answered, when and how the king should have thought meet. “But the fault thereof, (as she continued,) as to the disorder of proceeding, however the information had been true, she forbore to impute to the king; but left the same to the burden of others about him, whose age and knowledge ought in such a case to have foreseen how offenders ought to be punished with the sword of the prince, and not with the bloody swords of murderers, being also the mortal enemies of the party murdered. The information whereof, for the recovery of the king’s honour, (which was by the facts of others herein greatly touched,) she left to the king to be considered, and willed him opportunity to do what should be to God’s honour and to his own praise. “But on the other side, (as the queen more closely suggested,) if such information, so suddenly given to the king against the admiral, should not be duly and manifestly, without subornation, proved true, (as therein surely the manner of the circumstances did lead all indifferent persons to think the same not only falsely forged, of private deadly malice to the admiral and his party, but also perilously devised, to weaken the king’s estate, and to deprive him of the great honour and surety that daily was growing unto him by counsels or services of the said admiral, and his friends, now murdered,) her majesty then found the cause of so great importance to be pitied; wishing him to have grace to use his power, by faithful counsellors and servants, to make an example to the world of the same manner of punishment on such detestable traitorous attempts: whereby his honour, which was then much blemished, might be saved; but principally himself and his person and surety be in good time provided for. And further, she added, that if it should please him therein to require the use of her advice, and of her assistance, she should not fail but to shew herself in this time a perfect friend to him, by all good means that were in her power.”

Then particularly, as to the admiral, she subjoined, “That she was very sorry for his death, as for one whom she thought a very good minister to continue amity between them two.

And for the rest of the noblemen, she had reason to bewail them for the like cause. And that as he, the French ambassador, could well tell, she could never allow of the taking up of arms contrary to the king’s commandment. But now perceiving of the king’s receiving them to grace, and taking them to his protection, and that it was by consequence of things manifest, that the taking of arms was not against the king’s state or person, but to defend themselves in the profession of their religion, according to the king’s own edicts and grants, she did greatly lament their deaths; and that she did surely persuade herself, that if the king should not use his power to make some amends for so much blood, so horridly shed, God, who saw the hearts of all, as well princes as others, would shew his justice in time and place; when his honour should therein be glorified, as the author of all justice, and the revenger of all bloodshedding of the innocent.”

I could not abridge this noble and admirable admonition of the queen, to that king’s ambassador, shewing both her wisdom and piety, and intimating this treachery to be too broad to be covered from her by any pretences; and forewarning that king of divine justice and revenge; which, indeed, as a prophecy, fell upon him most remarkably but the next year.

It may be observed here, by the way, that when the queen had desired for her satisfaction that she might understand particularly the conspiracy of the admiral, which was made the ground of the massacre; and which both the queen-mother and the king had promised, viz. that the process against him should be transmitted to her, as was related before; it was not done October 8, pretending it was not yet ready. And then Brulart, that came from the king to Wal-singham, told him, it should be sent to the queen as soon as it was finished; though, he added, the king had hoped, that without further suspense she would have given credit to him, as he would have done in the like case to her.

It would be too tedious to relate all the particulars of this massacre. Only that this age may have some idea of such a never-to-be-forgotten wickedness, brought about by popish zealots, take it from a French historian, that writ the history of France, from the reign of Henry II. to Henry IV. French kings, translated into English. The beginning of it was thus: “The palace clock struck. Then a noise was heard about the streets of Paris, that the Hugonots were in arms, (they being in their beds,) and meant to kill the king, &c. The gentlemen, officers of the chamber, governors, tutors, and household servants of the king of Navarr and prince of Conde, were driven out of their chambers, where they slept, in the Louvre; and being in the court, massacred in the king’s presence. The like was done to the lords and gentlemen that lay about the admiral’s lodgings; and then throughout the town, in such sort, that the num-her slain that Sunday night, and the two days ensuing, within the city of Paris and the suburbs, was esteemed to be about 10,000 persons; lords, gentlemen, pages, servants, and of all sorts; justices, scholars, lawyers, physicians, merchants, artificers, women, maids, boys; not sparing little children in the cradles, or in their mothers bellies.”

The courtiers of the king’s guard, and strangers, that massacred the gentlemen belonging to the king of Navarr and prince of Conde, said, that in one day, by weapons, they had ended those processes, which pen, paper, sentences of justice, and open war, could not find the means to execute in twelve years space. These honourable lords and gentlemen protestants, slanderously accused of conspiracy and practice against the king, being stark naked, thinking only upon their rest, scarce awakened, unarmed, in the hands of infinite cruel, crafty, and treacherous enemies, not having so much leisure as to breathe, were slain, some in their beds, others upon the roofs of houses, and in whatever other place they might be found.

The admiral’s head was carried and presented to the king and to the queenmother; and then embalmed, and sent to Rome, to the pope, and the cardinal of Lorain. The common people cut off his hands and his privy members, and drew his body for the space of three days about the city.

Which done, it was borne to the gibbet of Montfaucon, and there hanged by the feet. “Let the reader herein consider, (saith that French author,) how strange and horrible a thing it was in a great town, to see at least 60,000 men, with pistols, pikes, courtlasses, poniards, knives, and other such bloody instruments, run, swearing, and blaspheming the sacred majesty of God, through the streets, and into the houses; where most cruelly they massacred all whosoever they met, without regard of estate, condition, sex, or age. The streets paved with bodies cut and hewed in pieces; the gates and entries of houses, palaces, and public places, dyed with blood; shoutings and hallooings of the murderers, mixed with continual noises of pistols and calivers discharged; the pitiful cries and shrieks of those that were murdered; slain bodies cast out at windows upon the stones, drawn through the dirt, with strange noises and whistlings; breaking of floors and windows with bills and stones, and other furies; the spoiling and sacking of houses; carts, some carrying away the spoils, and others the dead bodies, which were thrown into the river of Seine, all now red with blood, which ran out of the town, and from the king’s own palace.”

And hence the aforesaid writer makes this observation: “Since that time, by that which happened to that French king, Charles IX. his brother and successor, his mother, his bastardbrother, the house of Guise, the town of Paris, and all the realm of France, in the space of twenty years after this massacre, it sufficiently appeared, that God revengeth the blood of innocents, and that their death is precious in his sight.”

But this slaughter of those of the religion ended not so; for there was nothing meant but extremity towards them. On the 14th of September, as the ambassador there wrote to secretary Smith, the young princess of Conde was constrained to go to mass, being threatened otherwise to go to prison; and so consequently to be made away with. The prince of Conde yielded also to hear mass upon Sunday ensuing, being otherwise threatened to go to the Bastile; where he would be not like long to abide. And yet the Friday before, the queen-mother told him, [Walsingham,] nobody’s conscience — — [ so writ undoubtedly to be filled up in words at length, after this manner,] should be con-attained or forced. For, said she, here is the king of Navarr, the prince of Conde, and divers others in this court, that live with liberty of conscience, and so shall continue. And then, after some ciphers, Walsingham adds, “And therefore I hope her majesty will stand upon her guard, and strengthen herself with the amity of the protestant princes of Germany: who, as he heard, were awakened, and marvellously stomached this late cruelty; and thought that the danger thereof would reach to themselves, if they did not seek to prevent it.”

And then by some other ciphers he seems to reflect upon the queen of Scots, and the queen’s danger by means of her. And advises, that she would not suffer herself to be abused by her fair speech, having so late experience of her faithless dealing; and that when once the king was possessed of Rochel, which he hoped to have shortly, Strozzi was then to go directly for Scotland.

And indeed this warning the English court took; and upon this news immediately put itself into a posture of de-fence, reckoning that this practice looked over hither. Thus the lord treasurer piously and providently spake to his correspondent in France: “I see the Devil is suffered by Almighty God for our sins to be strong in following the persecution of Christ’s members. We are vigilant in our own defence against such treacherous attempts as have lately been put in use there, in France. And also call ourselves to repentance. A national fast being appointed on this occasion. All the seacoast was put in defence, and the queen’s navy sent to sea with speed: which was so to continue, until they saw further whereunto to trust.”

And this was to secure themselves against a fleet preparing by Strozzi, (as Walsingham had informed.) Although the French ambassador told the court, that the king willed him to assure her majesty, that his navy should not any ways endanger her. On which that wise lord said, We have great cause in these times to doubt all fair speeches.

To shew further the extremity used towards the Hugonots, Walsingham gave intelligence, that all their lands (amounting to many millions) were to be sold, and employed in the conquests of countries. But he added, that he hoped in God it would prove an account without the host; if God do not blind the eyes of the princes of the world: who, joining together, should be able to make their parts good against any of those that had will to do them harm.

Nay, one Roulart, a catholic, canon of Notre Dame, and also a counsellor in the parliament, uttering certain speeches in mislike of these lawless kind of proceedings without justice, was apprehended, and committed to prison; and in prison murdered, as disorderly as any of the rest: wherewith divers of the catholics themselves were offended. On which occasion Walsingham reported, that this manner of proceeding bred general mistrust in them of the nobility, and every man feared God’s vengeance.

CHAPTER 18.

The motion renewed for the marriage. Walsingham declares his scruples to that court. An interview desired between the queenmother and queen Elizabeth. The jealousy conceived thereof.

Declined. The French’s dissimulation. Walsingham’s letter thereupon. The resentments of the English court. Still more bloodshed. The king hurt. Two put to death as conspirators: unjustly. The French king sends to the queen to christen his daughter. Her excellent answer. England a harbour for the persecuted French protestants. The queen protects them. BUT notwithstanding this cruel execution, the king and the queen-mother were soon after for putting forward the marriage between duke d’Alencon and the queen; and called upon the English ambassador to further it; and in order to that, for an interview. But he shewed what little stomach he had now thereunto. And the queen-mother asking him the reason, he replied, that this last strange accident had bred in men discourses, opinions, and mistrusts; among the which he was not free from his doubts and suspicions.

And that touching the scruples he had of the king’s and her sincere meaning in respect of the marriage, he had three reasons, as he frankly told them, that moved him thereunto.

First, the violating of the late edict, [whereby the king granted the Hugonots the free use of their religion,] and the present severity used against those of the religion. Secondly, the strange dealing in the first match propounded [with his other brother, the duke d’Anjou.] And thirdly, certain discourses then given out concerning conquering England and Ireland.

Touching the first, he shewed the queen-mother, that the chiefest cause that moved the queen, his mistress, to make account of the amity of that crown was, that the king suffered certain of his subjects to enjoy, by virtue of his edict, the exercise of the same religion her majesty professed. Which was, he said, the chiefest ground of the league.

Which being taken away, that amity could not but grow doubtful. And that the matter of an interview was suspected but to serve for an entertainment.

To the second, he shewed how this late accident gave vehement suspicions, that the first match propounded was but a kind of entertainment, to abuse those of the religion. And that the discourses, though they did but move mean personages, (and he hoped their majesties were free from any such intention,) yet the strangeness of the late accident could not altogether rest free from it.

After she had made him some reply, he added, that he feared this late severity executed there, in Paris, would make all princes of the religion to repute the same a general denunciation of war against them; and which he feared would prove as bloody as ever war that happened; whereof he thought the benefit would chiefly grow to the Turk.

And further, the queen instructed him to declare her mind now to that king on this juncture; that for the king to destroy and utterly root out of his realm all those of that religion that she professed, and to desire her in marriage for his brother [at this time,] must needs seem to her at the first a thing very repugnant in itself; especially, having before confirmed that liberty to them of that religion, by an edict of his, perpetual and irrevocable.

But to look a little more upon the interview before mentioned.

Notwithstanding the late bloody business, the queen-mother had the confidence, but the next month, viz. in September, and almost in the midst of the tragedies in France, to propound this interview between queen Elizabeth and herself; hoping that by speeches with her to do more in forwarding this match with her younger son, than by any other way of ambassage; and to make a quicker despatch. And for that end, the cunning and intriguing queen offered to come with her son as far as Calais or Bulloign; and queen Elizabeth to come to Dover. But she began now justly to be more wary and suspicious of the French. And so in her instruction, wrote this month to her ambassador, she signified; directing him to tell the king, that she must needs deal plainly, that this murdering of the admiral, and of so general slaughter of them of the religion, had made such alteration in her majesty, and moved such doubts in her mind, that she knew not how to interpret of the offers of this marriage and of this interview; especially, since the king also had said nothing concerning it.

The queen-mother’s motion was, that they might have a communication upon the sea between Dover and Calais, or Bulloign; a matter that seemed strange to the queen; and the more, since the French ambassador had moved the queen, that the queen-mother, with her son, was willing to come into the realm at such place, and with such numbers, as her majesty should allow. And that the queen had said, she would be better advised by her own ambassador; who should have charge afterwards to understand her mind and the king’s. And that upon knowledge thereof, she herself would come to a further resolution.

In short, the queen suspected treachery herein. For the king at this time kept a great navy and army near Bur-deaux and Rochel, under the command of Strozzi. Whereby her majesty’s merchants, who were wont all the year, and especially about this time [of vintage,] to traffic that way for wines and other commodities, divers of them had been of late spoiled thereabouts by Strozzi’s band, not only of victuals and munition, but of money and merchandises, and some of them also of their lives. And therefore the queen bade her ambassador to require the king to let her understand what the meaning might be of that navy.

In the next month, viz. October, a motion was made again by the queenmother of France, for an interview to be before the twentieth of that month; and the place to be the isle of Jersey. Which the lord Burghley, by word of mouth, told the ambassador, seemed to her majesty to be so strange, both for time and place, as that if the ambassador had not shewed the letters from the queen there and the queen-mother to that effect, she should either not have believed it, or concluded that the ambassador had mistaken the same.

Thus plainly did she shew her disgust and just jealousy of these invitations. “For,” as the said lord by the queen’s order proceeded with that ambassador, “the 20th of October was not fourteen days off from the time of the motion, nor one month from the date of the king’s letter to that purpose. And Jersey was a place so far distant, as never king of this land would venture to sail unto, for many causes; nor yet any merchant would take upon him to pass thither almost in that time. Besides, that the late proceedings in France, to the destruction of all sorts of her majesty’s religion, (which also was not ceased, as the queen under-stood,) could not but argue this manner of motion very absurd: and besides would engender in the subjects of this realm such conceits, as it were a dangerous thing for counsellors to be so careless of their prince as to give ear to such motions. And that it was stranger, now to make this motion, when the French ambassador did say at Reading to the queen’s majesty there, that the queen-mother was content to come into any place of this realm: which was now strangely changed, that the queen’s majesty should come over her own seas to the coast of France.” All this looked as if the French, could they have got the queen upon the sea, had intended to entrap her.

For indeed, by this time, the French dissimulation became more and more discovered. This Walsingham, that then was among them, shewed in his letters sent over; that the more he observed their doings there, the more his jealousy increased of their evil meaning. And that they never spake more fair to the admiral than a few days before he died. Nothing was demanded by him that was not granted. Insomuch, that Tiligni said to a gentleman, a friend of his, a few days before the execution, that their liberal granting of requests without any denial, did make him to suspect some unsound and hollow meaning; and thereupon to allege an Italian proverb to that purpose. He added, that the French never used fairer words than now they did, nor greater protestation of amity. And that because it was more than was accustomed, and being now at such a time as the English had cause to suspect the contrary, he could not but be jealous of her majesty’s safety.

The same ambassador (who had been very apt to think the best of the French court, and the benefit accruing to England by friendship with it) speaks his judgment now in another strain, in a letter to the queen’s council. “He confessed he was deceived by the dissimulation of that court.

That he was sorry he could not yield that assurance of amity that heretofore he had done; wherein he might seem to have dealt over confidently. But he knew their honours would consider, that his error in that behalf was common in a great many wiser than himself.

And that now there was there [at the court] neither regard either to word, writing, or edict, were it never so solemnly published; nor to any protestation made heretofore to foreign princes for the performance of the same; seeing the king prosecuted that religion with all extremity that her majesty professed; and was now like to be an instrument to execute any thing by that people offered unto him, to the prejudice of her majesty; seeing that they now that possessed his ears were sworn enemies to her majesty; and that the nourishers of the late amity were separated from him; seeing that the king’s own conscience (so common a companion is fear with tyranny) made him to repute all those of the religion, as well at home as abroad, his enemies; and so, consequently, not to wish one of them alive: he left it to their honours now to judge what account they might make of the amity with that crown. And that, if he might without presumption or offence say his opinion, considering how things presently stood, he thought it less peril to live with them as enemies than as friends.”

Again: “The cruelty here executed is void of all just defence,” writeth the same to the lord Burghley; “and therefore in God’s just judgment is like to receive just punishment. And if the same doth not happen so soon as we desire, our sins are the let They here are so far imbrued in blood, as there is no end of their cruelty. For no town escapeth, where any of the religion is found, without general murdering and sacking of them. And yet they protest all this to be done against their wills, though it is evident it is done by their commandment.”

Again, how much in danger the queen was by this hypocrisy, which was not before discovered, thus he subjoined; “That he had not heretofore been so ready to commend their sincerity as he was forced now to set down their infidelity. Surely I cannot see, that all their fair speeches and friendly offers tend to any other end but to abuse . Adding, that it was the opinion there of all men of judgment, that her majesty was to look for any mischief, that either Spain or that country [i.e. France] could yield. And therefore, that if she should now seek to quiet herself, [by not preparing for her own defence, but sitting still,] they did not see any reason for her to hope to keep the crown upon her head.”

But now at length let us see the resentment of our court, and of the wise men about the queen. Secretary Smith expressed his thoughts in this manner: “If the admiral, and all those murdered on the bloody Bartholomew-day, were guilty, why were they not apprehended, imprisoned, interrogated, and judged? Is this the manner to handle men, either culpable or suspected? But grant they were guilty that dreamt treason that night in their sleep, what did the innocent men, women, and children at Lyons? What did the sucking children and their mothers at Roan deserve? at Caen? at Rochel? Will God, think you, still sleep? Will not their blood ask vengeance? Shall not the earth be accursed, that hath sucked up the innocent blood poured out like water upon it?..... I am glad,” added he, “you shall come home; and would wish you out of that country, so contaminate with innocent blood, that the sun cannot look upon it but to prognosticate the wrath and vengeance of God.”

The earl of Leicester related the news of this massacre in a letter to the earl of Shrewsbury, dated September 6, with his detestation of it, to this tenor: “That he doubted not but his lordship had been advertised at large of the tragical news out of France; which had been used with that cruelty, that he thought no Christian, since the heathen time, had heard of the like. And that it was the more horrible, for that it seemed it was done with the consent of that prince, who had given his faith, and laid his honour in pledge for the contrary before. But the same God, proceeded he, that had suffered this punishment to fall upon his people for their own sins, would find time to revenge it upon his enemies for his own cause sake. God defend our mistress from the hidden practices laid for her, among these open facts committed, so nearly to touch her. For she, as he added, is the fountain and the well-spring of the griefs that procure this malice.

And though others smart, yet she is the mark they shoot at. And so must she think; and accordingly must she provide. Or else all will be naught. But his trust was, that the same Lord that had all this while preserved her, would also put into her heart to do that which should be best for her own and her people’s safety, &c. Dated from Woodstock.”

These fearful slaughters of the king’s subjects continued from one city and town to another. Near a month after that at Paris, report came to court, that there was a general effusion of blood at Roan, of all that could be imagined protestants; so that the channels of the streets ran down with blood. And this happened there when the English court thought all the bloody work was done. The same letters certified, that Diep (where many Englishmen and merchants were) was kept close; and the same execution of the true Christians (as Smith writ to Walsingham) expected there.

Notwithstanding Sigoigne [the governor of that place] did warrant all the English to be out of danger, and encouraged them not to be afraid. “But,” said Smith, “what warrant can the French make, now seals and words of princes are but traps to catch innocents, and bring them to the butchery?

And indeed the king was now grown so bloody-minded, as they that advised him at first to these bloody courses did repent, (as Walsingham wrote,) and did fear, that the old saying would prove true in respect of themselves, Malum consilium consultori pessimum. And every body looked out for some dreadful accident to happen to him; and reckoned it some plague of what would follow, that in the month of December the king was hurt by another man’s sword; receiving a little hurt in his left arm.

Which was not great; but that every small hurt is great to a prince; as Walsingham said: and he might have added, a token of more of his blood to be shed, And this passage is worthy to be added to that king’s horrible guilt of iniquity and bloodshed, related also by the English ambassador. That to make the pretended plot seem the truer, they added the blood of two innocent persons, protestants, named Bricquemont and Cavannes; who, in the month of October, underwent a formal trial of justice; as persons that had been concerned in the late conspiracy. And were executed on the 22d day of that month, being the same day that the queen of France was brought to bed of a daughter. Whose nativity, as that ambassador observed, was consecrated with blood. The former (who was one of the king’s eldest soldiers) was asked by the under-provost, who was sent to him, to know if he could say any thing touching the late conjuration; which if he would confess, he should save his life: whereunto he said, that the king had never a more faithful nor truer subject. But this I know, added he, proceedeth not of himself, but of evil counsellors about him. And so lifting up his eyes to heaven, he said,” O my God! at whose tribunal seat I stand, and whose face I hope shortly to see, thou knowest well, that I know nothing; nor did not so much as once think of any conjuration against the king, nor against the estate. Though contrariwise they have untruly put the same in my process. But I beseech my God, that he will pardon the king, and all those that have been the cause of this my unjust death, even as I desire pardon at thy hand for “my sins and offences.” He would have spoken to the king, (who was present at this spectacle,) and said he had somewhat to utter unto him. But he said, he saw he might not use any further speeches. And so shrunk up his shoulders. He was a gentleman, and yet was hanged: a thing very rare in France; especially, he being reputed of his enemies to be innocent of the thing that had been laid to his charge.

His death was bewailed of many of the catholics that were beholders of the same. As were also the king, the queen-mother, the king of Navarr, with the king’s brethren, and prince of Conde. Which was generally misliked; as a thing unworthy of the heads of justice to be at the execution of justice.

They were hanged about five or six in the evening by torchlight.

It is remarkable also what Walsingham writ into England concerning this matter unto the lord Burghley, that they caused these two, a little before their deaths, to subscribe certain blanks. Which they filled up with such matter as might best prove that there was such a pretended conspiracy.

Which blanks so filled up, they sent by two messengers into Germany, to shew unto some princes there, for the better justifying of the late execution.

Another piece of French courtship of the queen, at this wretched time, was their invitation of her to christen the French king’s daughter. It was the beginning of November, that the French ambassador sent word to the lord iBurghley, that the French queen was brought to bed of a daughter; and to know whether her majesty would christen it with her own name; and to send either the earl of Leicester thither or the lord Burghley, for that purpose, as her proxy. Perhaps it was to catch one of those chief counsellors of the queen’s. But the prudent answer the queen gave was, that she would not desire to christen it; nor would she send either of those lords. But that if the queen would desire her to be godmother, she would not refuse it; and would send some person qualified. The king afterwards sent an agent to invite her to be gossip with the empress and the duke of Savoy. But the ceremony was not performed before the month of January.

The king, for the greater pretended honour to the queen, sendeth in December, Mauvesire, ambassador to her, first, for continuance of amity; secondly, to be godmother to the infant, his daughter; and lastly, to pursue the request of marriage with the duke d’Alencon. The answer she then made by her ambassador there (to round him in the ear again by a second message, for his cruelty, and the many aggravations of it) was to this tenor: “That she was sorry to hear what she had heard of her good brother, (the which sprung from her good-will to that amity.) First, that great slaughter made in France, of noblemen and gentlemen, unconvicted, and untried, so suddenly, as it was said, at his command, seemed so much to touch the honour of her good brother, as she could not but with lamentation, and with tears of her heart, hear it of a prince so near allied unto her, and in a chain of indissoluble love knit unto her by league and oath. That being after exposed by a conspiracy and treason wrought against her good brother’s person, (which whether it were true or false, being in another prince’s kingdom and jurisdiction, where she had nothing to do, she minded not to be curious, yet that,) they were not brought to answer to law and judgment, before they were executed, she heard it marvellously ill taken; as a thing of a terrible and dangerous example. And was sorry that her good brother was so ready to condescend to any such counsel, whose nature she took to be more humane and noble. But that when more was added unto it; that when women, children, maids, young infants, and sucking babes, were at the same time murdered, and cast into the river; and that liberty of execution was given to the vilest and basest sort of the populace, without punishment or revenge of such cruelty, done afterwards by law upon such cruel murderers of such: this increased her grief and sorrow in her good brother’s behalf; that he should suffer himself to be led by such inhuman counsellors. “And now, sithence it did appear by all doings, both by the edicts and otherwise, that the rigour was used only against them of the religion reformed, whether they were of any conspiracy or no; and that, contrary to the edict of pacification so often repeated, they of the reformed religion were either driven to fly, or die, or to recant, or lose their offices; whereby it did appear by all accords now used by her good brother, that his scope and intent did tend only to subvert that religion that she did profess, and to root it out of the realm. At the least, all the strangers of all nations and religions did so interpret it. As might appear by the triumphs and rejoicings, set out, as well in the realm of France as in others. Which made, that it must needs seem strange, both to her and to all others, that her good brother should require her to be godmother to his dear child, she being of that religion which he did now persecute, and could not abide within his realm. And that if she should believe the persuasion of others, and the opinion of all strangers her friends, who were not her subjects, she should in no case condescend to any association in that or any other matter. “But as she had always hitherto, as she concluded, had a special love to her good brother in his younger age, and a desire to the continuation of his good estate and quietness, which she had indeed manifestly shewed, never seeking any advantage of trouble against him, &c.” [And so going on with much douceur, she endeth:] “That notwithstanding that doubt and impediment before mentioned, she intended to send a worthy personage, a nobleman of her realm, to repair to his court, to visit the king, her good brother, and the queen-mother; and to do that office which was required. Wishing that these spiritual alliances might be to their comfort, and to the conservation of the amity begun between them.”

England was now very hospitable to such of the religion as could escape, and had got over hither. And among the rest one was a great nobleman of France; viz. the vidame of Chartres. For whom the queen had a great sense of pity. Insomuch that secretary Smith uttered his tenderness also, by acquainting the queen’s ambassador there, that it did him good to see the princely compassion that was in her majesty towards the poor vidame, who was escaped by good fortune into England. For whom the queen had, at his humble and lamentable suit, written to the king in his favour. Which he bade her ambassador deliver with as good words as he might; and to require his answer.

To which letter the king gave this answer, sending the message by her said ambassador, that as he was glad any way to gratify her majesty, so he could not grant this her request, without touch of his honour, to suffer any of his subjects to live in a foreign country, without a kind of defiance of his sincerity, &c. Yet he could, for gratifying her majesty, be content that the vidame should return home, and enjoy his livings there, with such surety as he should not have occasion to doubt his safety.

But the vidame dared not to trust himself there, notwithstanding this protestation; his hypocrisy by this time being well seen through. And the French protestants fly still to England on all opportunities. Which occasioned the French king to demand, that the queen should admonish, or rather command them to avoid the realm, as rebels to the French king.

Upon which the queen gave the earl of Worcester (who was then her ambassador there) these instructions, to return to that king in answer: “That she did not understand of any rebellion they were ever privy to; and that she could perceive nothing but that they were well affected to their prince. But when such common murdering and slaughter was made throughout France, of those who professed the same religion, that it was natural for every man to flee for his own defence, and for the safety of his life. And that it was the privilege of all realms, to receive such woful and miserable persons as did flee to it only for defence of their lives. And that as for their return, she instructed him to say, that the chiefest of them had been spoken unto; and they made their answer, that the same rage of their enemies, which made them first to flee hither, did still continue the cause of their tarrying here. For as they did then kill with fury, as it might appear, the greatest number of those that were killed, without the commandment or avow of the king; so it was most like they would execute still their malice, if the persons were there.

Against whom it was then, and yet was inflamed, notwithstanding any letters declaratory, or other prohibition by the king. As it was manifest and notorious, that very many had been publicly, and were almost daily slain and murdered in France, that were of their religion, sith these contrary edicts were published and cried by sound of trumpet. “And that therefore, until they might see, that the quiet of the realm were better established, the fury of the people and the bloody murderers appeased; they would live here, and obey the king’s edicts. That they thought themselves unsure there, and had prayed the queen of her mercy to have compassion on their misery. And if so be the king would suffer them to enjoy their revenues, whether they remained here, or went into any other count-try, the earl was instructed to say, that she supposed they would be as faithful subjects to him as any other in the realm. For others, she espoused none of them. And that if she could perceive at any time, that they were otherwise minded, or should attempt any thing for the disquietment of his person or realm, she would not suffer them to remain within her realm.”

The better sort of the queen’s subjects were very kind unto these poor protestants; and glad to see them retired unto more safety in this country.

But another sort (divers of the common people and rabble, too many of them) behaved themselves otherwise towards these afflicted strangers, men and women, who grudged at their coming hither, and would call them by no other denomination than French dogs. This a French author sometime afterward took notice of in print; to the disparagement of the English nation, and their insensibleness of the misery of others that suffered for righteousness’ sake. But George Abbot, D. D. afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, could not let this reflection pass, without taking notice of it in one of his morning lectures preached at Oxford; vindicating our kingdom from a charge that lay only upon some of the meaner and worst sort.

Speaking thus upon this occasion; “How that it grieved his soul at the unkindness of our nation, (those of the common sort,) that had, by occasion of the handling of their last great massacre, noted it to posterity, that by a most inhospitable kind of phrase, our English used to term them no better than French dogs, that fled hither for religion, and their conscience sake. To which the preacher joined also the many conspiracies, which by some of the meaner people in one city of this land, [i. e. London,] had been oftentimes intended against outlandish folks, [in risings and insurrections against them.] But those, said he, that were wise and godly, used those aliens as brethren: considering their distresses with a lively fellow-feeling; holding it an unspeakable blessedness, that this little island of ours should not only be a temple to serve God in for ourselves, but an harbour for the weatherbeaten, a sanctuary to the stranger, wherein he might truly honour the Lord; remembering the precise charge which God gave to the Israelites, to deal well with all strangers; because the time once was, when themselves were strangers in that cruel land of Egypt: and not forgetting, that other nations, to their immortal praise, were a refuge to the English in their last bloody persecution in queen Mary’s days: and in brief, recount,ing, that by a mutual vicissitude of God’s chastisements, their case might be our case. Which clay, he prayed, the Lord might long keep from us.”

It was near this time, that another of our authors could not refrain his pen from reproaching those of this nation (or at least many of them) for this inhospitable temper; which he called, “the inveterate fierceness and cankered malice” of the English nation against foreigners and strangers. “It is,” saith he, “worthy the consideration, to call to memory what great tragedies have been stirred in this realm, by this our natural inhospitality and disdain of strangers, both in the time of king John, Henry his son, king Edward II. king Henry VI. and in the days of later memory, &c. wishing, that whatsoever note of infamy we have heretofore contracted among foreign writers, by this our ferocity against aliens, that now at the last, having the light of the gospel before our eyes, and the persecuted parts of the afflicted church as guests and strangers in our country, we so behave ourselves towards them, as we may both utterly rub out the old blemish, and from henceforth stay the heavy hand of just Jupiter hospitalis.

Which otherwise must needs light upon such stubborn and uncharitable churlishness.”

CHAPTER 19.

The earl of Worcester goes into France to assist at the christening of the French king’s daughter. The earl a Roman catholic; but loyal. The protestants fly to Ro-chel; and hold it against the French army. The new star in Cassiopeia. Divers of the murderers slain before Rochel. Rochel still holds out. Some others of the murderers slain. Some English offer to raise an army to go to Rochel. Books set forth to palliate the massacre. How ‘the Scots resent the massacre. Now more inclinable to an amity with England. France false to England in Scottish affairs; and to the religion. That king and Spain privately conspire. A plot hatching to invade England. The pope’s legate in France practising.

THE earl of Worcester was now (in the month of January) in France, sent thither by the queen, in the quality of her ambassador, partly to be her proxy, to stand in her room for godmother to the French king’s daughter, as she had promised, and partly to concert the matter of duke d’Alencon.

Being arrived, he was magnificently entertained at that court. But it is to be noted, that in the queen’s instructions, she would not suffer the earl to be present at the mass, when the child was to be christened, though he were a papist himself, and a favourer of the queen of Scots, otherwise a good simple gentleman, (as Leicester gave his character to Walsingham.) For thus ran the instructions: “If the emperor’s ambassador hold the child himself, you may also do it. But that if you shall perceive, that any device or other sinister means shall be gone about to bring you to their mass, or any other superstitious ceremony, which the order of our realm doth not allow, you shall not consent, nor assist in it; but rather absent yourself. And understanding that before, he should with honourable excuse require the queen-mother, that the queen of Navarr (to whom she had in this case written her special letters) should be her deputy for him. Or in the absence or let of her, any other princess or noblewoman; whom it should please the queen-mother to appoint to it.”

The child was named Mary Elizabeth, the empress and the queen’s majesty both giving the name; as the earl of Leicester wrote to the earl of Shrewsbury, in his correspondence, among other things. One more whereof was, the accident that befell the said earl of Worcester in his voyage to France. Where, near Bulloign, where he landed, he was robbed by pirates; who were very numerous at that time upon the seas, and had taken many merchants’ ships: which caused the queen to set forth some of her fleet to take and disperse them. The success of which (as the same earl wrote) was, that in the Downs, Mr. Holdstock, that went out for the admiral, and had taken on him that charge, had taken seven great piratical ships; and in them four hundred men: and in the west there were three or four more such ships taken. So that in short he trusted the sea should be scoured; and hoped they that robbed the earl were some of them.

The queen had prudently fixed upon this earl for this honourable ambassage, a person of great honour, and of the Roman catholic religion, as one like to be the more acceptable to that court: for notwithstanding the slight character Leicester gave of him, the lord Burghley recommending him to Walsingham, in order to his reception of him, when he should come to Paris, told him, that he should find him a nobleman of great gentleness and thankfulness. And that he should see good reason to shew him all good offices and favours. And adding, that in very truth, [such was his merits,] that he loved him dearly. And this passage is remarkable of him, that though he were of the Romish religion, such was his loyalty and love to the queen, that being come to Paris, the countess of Northumberland, who was his sister, sent unto him a messenger, signifying her intent to visit him. This he made Walsingham privy to. And though she were so nearly related to him, yet in respect of his dutiful carriage towards her majesty, he did look upon her but as a mere stranger; and so meant, he said, to do, until such time as her peace was made. Nor would he so much as vouchsafe to give ear to any messenger or message from her. And therefore willed the messenger to forbear to repair unto him. And so did Charles Somerset [his brother, as I suppose] behave himself in regard of the message brought to him, utterly refusing to speak with the bringer. This Walsingham signified to the said lord Burghley.

But now to see a little the issue and event of these cruel and unjust counsels of France; and what troubles it drew upon itself presently; according to accounts of them written in private letters of our own statesmen. Many of the protestants, in the midst of these slaughters, fled away, and got to Rochel; which they kept, and defended themselves there; and held out, and raised considerable forces at Lan-guedoc; while the king was troubled to raise men against them: for at a diet in Switzerland they agreed to allow no man to be sent as a soldier to France; fearing to be served as they had served the protestants there. And the Germans (whence also they used to have their supply of men for the wars) answered the king’s messengers roughly; who were sent to raise men there; according to Walsingham’s intelligence sent hither.

The Rochellers took the isle of Ree in December; whereby they had the haven free, and might receive such suc-cours as came unto them by sea.

Divers English also came thither, to give them their assistance. Insomuch as, in January, Mauvesire let the English ambassador at Paris understand, that the king was informed, there should be certain ships (to the number of fourteen) preparing to repair to Rochel. And that though Frenchmen and Flemings bare the name of them, yet they were not unfurnished of some English mariners. And that therefore the king and queen-mother desired the queen would give order for the restraint of them.

In February secretary Smith wrote to the earl of Shrewsbury, that the French king made great preparations for the besieging of Rochel; but made no great haste thither, [for want, as it seems, of men.] And that when they came before it, to besiege it, the Rochellers gave them divers overthrows.

And that all kinds of victuals were extremely scarce in France. So that great suit was made for some wheat from hence.

The French court was much aggrieved, as well in this as in other matters: that things framed so untowardly, and went backward with them, as Walsingham made his observation; and the wisest sort sticked not to say, that the greatest troubles were now but a beginning. And if it should prove true that was written out of Germany, that the marquis of Brandenburgh was like to be chosen king of Poland, they might perhaps have just cause to repent their late dealings. But however, added that same ambassador, that it fell out so, that we should see that God would work somewhat, whereby it might appear that the blood of his saints was dear to him. And then added, as it were prophetically; “Perhaps we did build too much upon the courage and wisdom of them that be dead, [viz. the admiral, &c.] but God can raise up stones to set forth his glory. So that we need not doubt to see his revenge, unless our sins be the let.” Thus did that good man portend what indeed came to pass soon after.

And so did another, namely, secretary Smith, (in abhorrence of the thoughts of this enormous act,) express his mind upon the appearance of a new star, in his letter to Walsingham, dated December 11, writing, “ That he was sure he had heard of, and did think he had seen the new star comet, but without beard or tail. Which had appeared these three weeks on the back-side of the star of Cassiopeia, and on the edge of the Via Lactea. The bigness whereof was between the bigness of Jupiter and Venus; and kept there to his appearance; he having no instrument to observe it; and because of the cold weather also was dark. Which also observed the precise order of the fixed stars, such an one, he said, he had never observed, [who yet was a great astronomer,] nor read of. And prayed Walsingham to let him know what the wise men of Paris judged upon it. He knew, he said, they would not think it the admiral’s soul; as the Romans did of the comet, next appearing after the murder of Julius Caesar, that it was his soul. But it may be, added Smith, it may be Astraea, now peeping out afar off in the north, to see what revenge shall be done upon so much innocent blood shed in France at a marriage banquet, and reresuppers after it.”

But upon so wondrous a phenomenon, what further observations the learned Smith made, and what his inquiries were, may be seen in his Life written by me.

Rochel still in the month of March was held by the protestants, and bravely was maintained of them against all the forces of the French king hitherto.

And two of the chiefest executors of the late murder in Paris were slain in a skirmish happening between the king’s camp and those of Rom chel, viz. duke d’Aumale and Schaviger. The queen’s ambassador sent a messenger on purpose to relate to her the particularities thereof. And had this passage in his letter concerning this remarkable just bloodshed upon the shed-ders of blood, that God of that good beginning gave them some hopes, that the blood of the innocent should not be unrevenged. The marshal Tavannes, one of the greatest persecutors at the massacre, died the next year, eaten up of lice. And one Besme, who murdered the admiral Coligni, had the same year his thigh shot off with a cannon at this siege: as Dr. Dale, ambassador there at Paris, in the year 1573, wrote to the earl of Sussex.

Many of the English nation, both noblemen and gentlemen of antienty, and great quality, offered now at their own charge to find an army of 20,000 foot and 2,000 horse, for six months in Gascoine. And so earnest they were, that it was already known to themselves both where the men were to be had, and the money too. And they only desired a permission from the queen. And the queen had much ado to detain them from adventuring themselves thither; shewing herself much offended therewith; and that with great charge under pain of her high indignation. This the lord treasurer signified to Walsingham; and that this was told the French ambassador.

Who confessed he had understanding of the same; and was constrained to confess how much his master was bound unto her majesty. This also the said lord treasurer writ to Walsingham, and told him withal, that he might notify it to the king, and amplify it; for that it was true, and meet to be uttered.

Thus did these wicked counsels and courses begin to create work and trouble enough for France. And one part of their labour was still to smother the villainy with lies. Books were set forth for that purpose. A lewd letter was written by one Carpenter, an apostate, in defence of the late doings, (which Walsingham sent to the lord treasurer;) written originally in Latin, and then translated into French. Divers of them in Latin were spread studiously into Germany. But the author’s lewdness was so well known, as it would but little help their cause. They were also sent into Poland; labour being now made for monsieur, the king’s brother, to be chosen king there; for the bishop of Valence had writ, that the late accident would be one of the greatest lets to that they were seeking for.

Scotland was now in civil wars; the queen of Scots’ party on one hand, and that of the kirk (who had set up her young son for king) on the other, labouring to overpower each other. It was now queen Elizabeth’s care to set both parties at peace with each other: which in the month of August she had pretty well effected. Both parties (as secretary Smith informed Walsingham in their correspondence) had subscribed and sealed to it: and both likewise had written letters of thanks to her for the pains taken by the marshal of Berwic, [Drury:] and likewise professed to stand to that order; which was very honourable both to the French king, and the queen, and not dishonourable to the Scotch king, viz. that in his infancy such a noble person should accord to make quietness in that realm. But however, this abstinence from war was not so well kept by the king’s party as reason would; the town of Edinburgh being wholly at the direction of the regent; and contrary to the covenant, he kept the men of war there. Whereof they of the castle complained; as the lord treasurer soon after informed the said Walsingham.

But now, a little time after, let us look over into Scotland again, and see what effects this French massacre had upon them; otherwise before not very friendly to England. It opened their eyes, and they began to abhor the French, and to abate the good opinion of them, or trust to have any help from them. The lord Levingston, and divers other Scotch gentlemen, were now in France soliciting their cause there. But seeing no way to enjoy the liberty of their conscience, desired passports of the English ambassador there, to return home. Wherein he was less difficult to grant their desire than before he was, since they seemed, as he saw upon the late accident, to desire most perfect amity between the two crowns of England and Scotland in respect of the common cause of religion.

And the said ambassador did suppose, that by their passing by that way, [viz. by England,] and receiving good entertainment at her majesty’s hand, they would rather do good than harm at home; that is, by making them in their country understand what had passed in France; and the danger that was like to follow without perfect union between the said crowns. Adding, that some of the wisest sort that were there, [in France,] and that were before enemies, and now become friends, did wish that her majesty would seek to make reconciliation between earl Morton and lord Liddington; and that she, by some pension, make both him and others assured to her. And that they thought, that by disbursing 2 or 3000l . a year, she might save the disbursing of many thousands; besides the avoiding of many dangerous practices that were like to grow that way; viz. from Scotland. Walsingham backed all this with the consideration of the circumstances of the present time; which rendered this device reasonable.

To which advice, I find secretary Smith, in the month of October, giving this answer from Windsor, in approbation thereof, that the Scots were awakened by those beacons in France; and that the lords in Scotland drew nearer and nearer to accord. So that now it was rather in hope than in despair, [as it was before.] And that these cruelties in France had helped not a little; and now continuing, would much more. And that he [Walsingham] had given good advice, that all Scotchmen should not be stayed [that were minded to come home from France, where they were practising.] And lastly, he added, that some of the late commissioners [about Scottish affairs with England] had given the rest in Scotland a good..... [jog] to make them awake.

What little confidence the queen might put in her late league with France, did before now appear in their underhand dealings in Scottish matters.

Messengers, that were Englishmen, often came to Paris from Spain and Flanders, to transact matters privately, to blow the coals in Scotland against the queen of England. Standen, (of whom before,) in the month of November, arrived at Paris in post out of’ Flanders; and stayed there only five days, having daily conference with the Scottish ambassador; together with another Englishman of the same strain, one Liggons, who at his return (which was by post) accompanied him into Flanders. Whereby a Scottish man there, that wished continuance of quiet in his own country, feared hereby that there was some dangerous practice in hand. And William Seers, another Englishman, and servant to the earl of Westmoreland, (that headed the rebellion in the north,) arrived there, at Paris, likewise, November 24, sent thither by the said earl. Immediately upon his arrival, Viracque went with him to the court. And he reported, that in the north country and York, to the borders, all the whole country was at the earl’s devotion. So that a few men employed there by the king, [the French king, to whom this message was brought,] might assure him, that her majesty [queen Elizabeth] should be kept so occupied, as she should have no leisure to send any supply to Rochel: which was suspected by France.

And the French also in the mean time laboured to keep up distractions in Scotland; thereby to consult the better for the Scottish queen’s advantage, now in hold in England. It was observed by Walsingham, in this month of November, that the Scottish ambassador did daily repair to the court, and had often conference with the queen-mother at an extraordinary time in the morning; whenas commonly no ambassador had access but in the afternoon. And that before, in talk apart with his friends, he said, that if the troubles of Scotland had not been, his mistress had been at liberty, and perhaps had enjoyed a better crown than Scotland was. And said further, that if his mistress had as many good friends in Scotland as she had in England, she had not long remained in prison, as she did. And knitting up all in the end of this relation, he concluded, Thus you see, said he, what a dangerous guest her majesty har-boureth. Insomuch that the said Walsingham asserted, that the French also had a secret understanding with the Spaniard, in order to the destroying of the religion every where; saying, Surely there is a great mischief a brewing. And that he was assured, that within these eight days [I] [meaning by that cipher, probably, the French king] protested, that he would never be quiet as long as the exercise of religion continued in any place of Christendom. He added, that he knew further particularly, that their king had said, he would never forget Newhaven, until revenge were made: so that the said Walsingham professed, that he never knew so deep a dissembler as that king. And that he was sure, that the murder of the admiral should have been executed at Blois, [where the league of peace and amity was made, and the greatest friendship pretended,] but that they saw him too well accompanied [to be assassinated there.] Yet his further intelligence was, that it was agreed, that both he and Spain should, for avoiding of suspicion of the legate’s coming, entertain the [3] [queen Elizabeth’s ambassador, as that cipher seems to import] with good words; and that Spain should make some show, to be glad to come to some accord.

That king, by these his practices, received another disappointment of a desire he made to the queen; by her distrusting him, and not daring to venture upon his word; a mortification to him. For when, in October, the French ambassador signified to the queen, that it was his desire that she would send over either the lord treasurer or the earl of Leicester, to confirm the league on the queen’s side, that was made between him and her; the answer was, “ That the queen was sorry that there was such an alteration of occasion of doing such an office: for as her majesty before had intention to have sent either one of them, or such other as should have been as agreeable to the king; so now there was to all the world one great cause, that her majesty might not with honour, nor with law of nature, send any whom she loved, to be in danger, as it seemed they might be, though the king had never so good a meaning: for by the death of so many, whom the king did not avow, nor yet punished the murderers, what could strangers expect; especially, when the king pretended, as by his own letters it appeared, that it was the fury of the catholics against those of the religion?”

It is very likely these prime counsellors of the queen were designed to be butchered, could they by this wile have got them there.

The secret ill designs of France against the queen did now appear more and more. And their favour to the Scottish queen was learned, notwithstanding their hypocritical pretences, and concealments of their minds. The vigilant Walsingham gave private intelligence, that January 19 there was a great secret council, (present only the cardinal of Lorain and two others,) for delivering that queen: which was, that they should for the present maintain peace with those of the religion at Rochel and other places; because, until such time as England might be kept occupied, there could grow no thorough redress in France without hazarding the whole state; therefore it was requisite to yield to them of Rochel. After that was done, the marquis of Maine should bring a thousand shot into Scotland, in respect that he was the queen of Scots’ kinsman; (but this to be disavowed by the king.) And so to join the queen’s party. And then to repair to Edinburgh; where Lidding-ton and George Kirkaldy had promised to deliver up the castle to such as the king should appoint; upon recompence to receive some living there in France. And there a sufficient garrison should fortify other important places, beside Dundee, and at Haymouth. This done, the duke of Guise should come over with forces to procure the delivery of the queen of Scots. And such of that queen’s friends that were in England would incontinent take arms. Who gave out to them in France, that her party and forces were so great, that having good leaders and munition, they should be able to make their party good enough, and to deliver that queen, in despite of her majesty.

The pope’s legate now in France opened the scene still more, it being learned by the industrious English ambassador there, that among other articles of his instructions, (as the said ambassador wrote over, December 28,) he was commanded earnestly to commend the queen of Scots’ case to the king, and to devise with him some means for her deliverance. Whereby it might come to pass, that England might be reduced to the catholic faith.

The Scottish ambassador had more often recourse to him than any other ambassador there: which made the English ambassador, as he said, the rather to doubt some practice. And Hamilton, brother to him that killed the regent in Scotland, sent this message to duke Chasteauherault, viz. to do what he might to keep the castle of Edinburgh, and to maintain his party, until Whitsuntide next; assuring him, that by that time they should have assistance, both from the pope, Spain, and that crown [of France.] This intelligence Walsingham had from the messenger himself, who was to carry it: as he wrote to the lord treasurer: that the party himself that was to do this message made him acquainted with it, who was then departed toward Scotland: and had promised to declare no less to Mr. Randolph, [the queen’s agent in Scotland,] who knew him. Perhaps this messenger was Steward, a Scot, that Walsingham sometimes mentioned in his letters.

CHAPTER 20.

A libel printed in France against the state of England. The queen would see duke d’Alencon: who still courte her. Her resolutions.

The Scots move for a league with queen Elizabeth. The Papists hope for a golden day. Massmongers practise conjuring. Several of them taken, and sent up. The disciplinarians busy. Admonition to the parliament. Divers deprived upon the act 13. Eliz. Divers disaffected to the government of the church. Chark, of Peterhouse, expelled for a clerum at St. Mary’s. His appeal to the chancellor of the university. Dering, reader of St. Paul’s, writes a reflecting letter to the lord Burghley. His answer to it. And Dering’s vindication of what he had writ.

WHAT else, but French ill-will to England, could be gathered from a most malicious lying book, that was now printed in France, about the month of January; aiming chiefly against the queen’s two great ministers, viz. the lord keeper of the great seal, and the lord high treasurer: wrote by some French rancorous person, having his instructions from some crafty rebellious papist of England. Who, though he meant it maliciously against the whole state, yet he vented his choler and despite chiefly against those two, by nicknames. The good lord Burghley, lord treasurer, was so moved at his slander, that he uttered these words: “God amend his spirit, and confound his malice. And for my part, if I have any such malicious or malignant spirit, God presently so confound my body to ashes, and my soul to perpetual torment in hell.”

The subject of this book was concerning the queen of Scots, and the case of the duke of Norfolk. Concerning the former, it would be said by her friends in France, that it was but reason that answer should be made to such books as were published for the condemning of that queen. But to have the duke of Norfolk’s case brought in question [a subject of England, and condemned by public justice] by those that were counsellors to the queen, to be so maliciously and falsely calumniated, might not well stand with the terms of the amity professed: as that lord wrote to the English ambassador. Who had a great mind to understand who the author was.

And desired him to make his inquiry: adding, that if by means of the printer it might be found out, he would bestow a reward upon the discovery. But that if it could not, then he wished that some means might be used, as of himself, to the queen-mother, that the print might be destroyed. For that otherwise they should think themselves, considering the places they held in this estate, not well considered by that estate. He added, that this licentiousness, to inveigh against men by name in printed books, who did not themselves use by books to provoke any, was in all good estates intolerable. And then he added, by way of protestation of the integrity and faithfulness of both their services: “God,” said he, “send this estate no worse meaning servants, in all respects, than we two have been. Who indeed have not spared labour nor care to serve our queen and country. And if we had not, we might truly avow, neither our queen nor country had enjoyed that common repose that it hath done.”

The courtships of duke d’Alencon still went on notwithstanding; it being now the month of March, when the queen’s resolutions about it, (as the lord treasurer imparted to her ambassador in France, in order to his acquainting the king and the queen-mother therewith,) were, that she could not consent any person to be her husband, that with her authority and assent should use any manner of religion in open exercise, that was in her conscience contrary and repugnant to the direct word of Almighty God: and so consequently prohibited by the laws of the realm. And that she could not accord to take any person to her husband, whom she should not first see. That if therefore monsieur le Duc would obtain her for his wife without sight of him, her majesty could not so be had. And yet, that she was very loath, that he should think that she desired his coming, but as himself should find it meet, by the advice of the king his brother and the queen-mother. To whom she remitted the consideration thereof: with this assurance, that she meant in good faith to marry with him, if upon his sight the one might like of the other. And that for the cause of religion, he and she might so accord, as that which he should demand were assented to, without offence of her conscience, and without trouble of her estate. And that that point of religion was thought meetest to be left at large, to be communed upon between themselves. So as if it should mishap, that if one of them might not fall in like of the other, as to a conclusion of marriage, that the refusal, or breaking up, might be imputed to the cause of religion.

And so either party might honourably be discharged to the world, and no occasion grow thereby of unkindness between them.

The business then coming to this issue, the duke’s person was a stay to the match, he being, it seems, no very person. able man, whereof take this account from the queen’s ambassador himself; who, when the lord Burghley had requested him to shew what his private opinion was of that marriage, gave him this answer: “That the great impediment he found was the contentment of the eye. That gentleman,” he said, “was void of any good favour, besides the blemish of the small-pox. Adding, that when he weighed the same with the delicacy of her majesty’s eye; and considering also, that there were some about her in credit, who (in respect of their particular interests, haying neither regard unto her majesty, nor to the preser-ration of our country from ruin) would rather increase the misliking, by defacing of him, than by dutifully laying before her the necessity of her marriage: and that in true choice the satisfaction of the ear imported more than that of the eye, and so he hardly thought there would ever grow any liking.”

Now let us look over a little into Scotland: where Randolph was the queen’s ambassador. The late bloody doings in France, and the secret holy league, (which was now discovered,) to extirpate the true religion, wheresoever it had taken root, made those that had the government of the kirk of Scotland to open their eyes. Who, in October, made and finished certain articles entitled, Articles of the ministry, barons, and commissioners of the rearmed kirk in Scotland, in their assembly: given at Edinburgh, the 20th day of October; to be presented to the king’s majesty, our sovereign lord, by the council, nobility, and states of his highness’s realm, when they shall be conveniate. I shall only set down here the preamble to the said articles, and the conclusion, which do concern entering into a league with queen Elizabeth, (the rest relating to their government of the state and church of that kingdom.) It beginneth; “Understanding the treasonable cruelty and fearful persecution begun, and intended to be executed against the professors of God’s true religion over all Christendom, according to the bloody decrees of the council of Trent; and assembled at command and desire of your highness’s letters, to consider of the common danger, and advise upon the remedies, we have collected certain heads and articles, to be presented to your majesty, and to your honourable council and estates for this your realm; most humbly requiring the same to be considered. And if they shall find the same to tend to the advancement of God’s glory, your majesty’s obedience, and the surety of your highness, and us, all your good subjects, professors of the same true religion; that then the same articles may be allowed of, &c. “Lastly, seeing the enemies of God’s truth are conjured to suppress the same, and all professors thereof; and that all leeful means of defence are allowed; that there may be motion made for a league between your highness and the queen’s majesty of England, your realms and dominions, for resisting of the cruelty and treason of the papists. And that her majesty may be also moved to draw into the same league other professors of the said true religion in other countries. And that there be solempne bands among the professors of the religion within the realm, to join for resisting of the common enemy. And if they be found negligent, to be esteemed false friends, and excommunication to pass against them therefore.”

For matters more domestic, and to come nearer home, and within our own territories, I begin with the papists: who were now very busy, and entertained great hopes of the golden day, as they called the restoration of the old religion into this nation, and the deprivation of queen Elizabeth, and I know not what. They talked much of a great revolution about this year, and a turning back to popery again. And they would usually say, they hoped for a day. There was a piece of poetry (such as it is) that went about in print near this time, called, The practice of the Devil. Wherein the Devil is brought in speaking thus, concerning the emissaries of Rome:

But now, alas! their cloyning is so spyed, That there’s no way but fly quite ore the seas.

In England but a few in respect I can hide, The gospel so bewrayed their obscured knavery, But yet some do escape by the means of hypocrisy.

And bears it out braglie, and little wil say, But few words is best: they hope for a day. And those that are fled out of country’s soyle, Have friendship privily to their contentation:

And watch for the vintage to come to some spoile, Greeting by letters their whole generation, By subtil ciphering; which is their demonstration.

Alluring the rest to stand to their hope, That the day is coming, to have again their pope.

And a little after, the same foul spirit is personated, giving his counsel to these sworn creatures of the pope, with their golden expectation.

Practise, prate, and conjure, play Sylvester’s part, Or Hildebrand, that Helhound most execrable:

Poison prince or king, and consume them by art, As divers have been stirred by the Romish rable:

Flatter. ly, and cogg at every man’s table; Having blind prophesies, and whisper in their ear, That ere long they shal have great change of this geare.

Among the rest of the methods made use of by the priests and Jesuits, to amuse their proselytes, as this author mentioneth, one was conjuring. A nest of these conjuring massmongers was discovered now in the north parts by the diligence of Gilbert earl of Shrewsbury, lord president of the north, and keeper of the Scotch queen; amounting to a great number, that is, such massing priests, as commonly used conjuration, to foretell and make the people believe this golden day. The said lord president had employed two diligent persons, whose names were Pain and Peg, to find them out. The lords of the council, by letters from secretary Smith, returned him their most hearty thanks. And the queen also, as he wrote, had heard of his careful ordering of those matters, with great contentation to her highness. And that those matters touching the massing, and such disorders, were referred to the archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the great commission ecclesiastical. And that which should appear, by examination, to touch the state and the prince, was to be referred again to the lords of the council.

But to know more perfectly who these conjurers were, and to what their conjuration tended, take the earl’s letter, dated Feb. 1, from Sheffield castle, sent to the privy council concerning them. Which was to this purport: “That he had sent up to them one Avery Kellet, servant unto Rowland Lacon of Willy in Bridgenorth, esq. who had sent him to the said earl, being thereto required by his servant, that had searched for him upon his commandment. That this Avery, upon his examination of him at the first, would needs seem to be simply plain, and utterly both innocent and ignorant of any lewd doings or practice, either by himself or by any other person. But after sharper imprisonment for one night, he confessed that he was a dealer with the conjurers; and that he brought several books of that art unto John Revel, which the conjuring scholars, called Palmer and Falconer, and Skinner the priest, did occupy in their practice at the said Revel’s house. And he said further, that they conjured for divers causes; viz. for hidden money; for helping the diseased; for knowing some secret place to hide them; and to have certain knowledge also touching the state of this realm. And hereby the said earl did gather, that this Avery could declare some further matter needful to be discovered. That therefore, considering his being there might do more service by conference with other examinations, than he could do in those parts, [where he was taken,] by trying the more speedily those practices; he thought meet not to stay him any longer, but forthwith thus to send him to be used there, according to their lordships’ wisdoms. “He signified also, that he had given order for further search and apprehension of such others, as he was informed of, suspected to be doers, or privy to the said practice. Subscribed, Yours at commandment to my power, “G. Shrewsbury.” And no wonder these northern parts were so replenished with such popishly affected people, since the late rebellion, which sprang hence. They were observed to be so many now in Yorkshire, and their numbers still so formidable there, that one Mr. Wharton of Rippon, a worthy gentleman, and apprehensive of the danger arising hence, (whereof he had felt the smart before,) thought convenient to write to the lord treasurer at large concerning it: with his earnest advice, (the gentlemen in those parts being either too weak to take them up, or disperse them, or too well al-fected towards them, or related to them, to do it,) that for the more effectual watching that country, and clearing it of such false subjects, some active men of the queen’s council in the south should be sent down thither: the same gentleman offering freely his own service therein, and to come up and give his information. The letter will shew these things, and the like, more at length; and is well worth preserving. It ran to this tenor: “That it might please his good lordship to be advertised, that when he considered how honourably the estate imperial of this most noble region, ever since the beginning of the queen’s majesty’s most gracious reign, (which he beseeched God long to continue,) had been most prudently and politicly governed, and also most godly and virtuously directed, to the advancement of God’s true glory, and the singular consolation and comfort of all her grace’s faithful and obedient subjects, until then of late, that in those north parts a wicked company or rabblement of notorious, malicious traitors, against all loyalty, and their bounden duties and allegiance, and the great annoying and disturbance of our common peace, committed and tirred up an unnatural, odious, and a most detestable rebellion. The original whereof was ambition, with irapatient poverty, secretly maligning and repining at the worthy vocation of others, placed in higher authority. “And that albeit God had poured down upon them his just vengeance, and had supplanted and overthrown their wicked devices and practices, to the perpetual infamy and extinct of blood for ever; and to the terrible example of all others, to attempt the like heinous offence; yet was there a remnant there, which were vehemently to be suspected to be singular favourers and privy supporters of that naughty seditious company. “For consanguinity and affinity, with hope for a day, bore there such a stir and a sway, that by means thereof divers good subjects and well-willers were pessuntate, and clear out of countenance in these parties: and all and singular good and politic orders and directions, set forth by proclamation against the maintainers and supporters of the rebellious fugitives, little or nothing at all regarded, or in any way executed. “Wherefore he had thought it his bounden duty, both forenempst God, and in discharge of his natural subjection towards his prince, to signify unto his honour, that it would please the queen’s majesty, by his lordship’s accustomed good counsel, and others with whom he might best like, to impart the contents of this his letter; to place there immediately, by a special commission, some of her honourable, most trusty, and dearest friends and counsellors, in the south parts: by whose better industry and vigilant regard our crooked natures (said he) may be the more aptly bridled and abandoned: a nest of lurking traitors weeded out, and the secret supporters and favourites discovered, and brought to light. That there was no doubt, but that their common peace (which then stood in great peril) should not only thereby be the more firmly established and preserved, but also that the queen’s majesty, his lordship, and others of her faithful nobility, with her poor and loving subjects, should reign and live together in more quiet and better security. “My lord, (proceeded he,) remember the effect and familiar example of these two old verses following: Principiis obsta; sero medicina paratur, Cum mala per longas convaluere moras. “And further, that it might please his lordship to understand, that if his own health were gud; or that his habi-lity were such as it was before that rusty and haulty traitor, Richard Norton, had brought him to extreme poverty, he would not have made this his letter to have been an instrument, or a spokesman unto his honour in this behalf: but his assured expectation and trust was, that his lordship would vouchsafe to take and receive this his advertisement in gud part; as unfolded out of the bosom of a faithful and obedient subject. And that whensoever it should be his pleasure to send his commandment for him, to come before his honour, for further intelligence, touching the cankered state of that country, infected with the poison of disloyalty, or otherwise, in these cases to direct him, to the lord president, or vice-president of the queen’s majesty’s council in those north parts, he would prepare himself to the uttermost of his power, to give his diligent attendance; and not to leave any person untouched to his knowledge, either with commendation or reproach, as he or they had justly deserved.”

He sent to his lordship also herewith enclosed, “certain instructions by way of information, against divers persons, to be put in execution, as should stand with his pleasure, and other his most singular gud lords of the queen’s grace’s most honourable privy council. But he thought it very necessary, that the houses [of these] should be diligently searched by faithful and trusty commissioners, and the said persons thoroughly examined. For that there was great presumption of their evil practices and behavi-ours; and great possibility to find in their houses divers letters directed unto them from divers their friends, now beyond the seas.”

And then applying to the lord treasurer concerning himself, and the danger he was like to incur by this faithful intelligence, should it be known, he added; “My lord, as I have made a singular choice to open these matters unto your honour before any other, as unto such a worthy magistrate, in whom I have reposed my only confidence and trust, so do I likewise most humbly crave your good lordship, that for my faithful and further just service hereafter, I may not only enjoy, and have from time to time, gud countenance, aid, and friendship, by your gud lordship’s means, as that I need not to fear the violent hands and privy malicious practices of such evil disposed persons, as will not forget (for this mine advertisement) to seek by all means possible to persecute me with secret extremities: but also, that it please your gud lordship to write your friendly letters in my behalf unto the lord president or vice-president of the queen’s highness’s council in these parties. So that I in the mean time enjoy and have such his good countenance and friendship, as may be a terror for mine adversaries to attempt any matter unlawfully against me. For otherwise, as he gave the reason, he should be either enforced to seek a receptacle for his poor wife and children in the other country; or else to remain there with continual fear of bodily harm, comforting himself with this saying of Horace, Duke et decorum est pro patria mori.” And then concluding his handsome, well-penned, loyal letter with these words: “And thus most humbly craving pardon for this my bold writing to your gud lordship, I beseech the Almighty so to prosper all your doings, as may tend to the continual advancement of your honourable estate. From my poor house at Ryppon, the 9th day of December, 1572.

Your gud lordship humbly to use, and command, during his life, “William Whartone.” The disciplinarians, another sort of men, friends indeed to the reformed religion in this land, but very ill affected to some of the constitutions and practices of it; these were also now creating trouble and disturbance here; labouring for a still further reformation. The book called The admonition to the parliament, that now came forth, and spread abroad still more the next year, shewed their discontents, and what they would have reformed, or rather what they would have quite cast away, and abandoned in this church. Which book, with the answer, hath been at large accounted for, in the Life of the learned and excellent Dr. Whitgift, archbishop of Canterbury; to which I refer the reader. I shall add here to all the rest, an extract taken out of the said Admonition, “containing such slanderous and unseemly terms, as there, by the authors thereof, against the orders of the church of England, and state of the realm that now is, are uttered.” Those are all drawn and written out fair by archbishop Parker’s secretary, but, as it seems probable, gathered by the archbishop himself; each folio, page, and line, where such obnoxious passages are, set down: and that perhaps for the better direction of Dr. Whitgift, to take particular notice of in his answer; who was employed therein by that archbishop. The treatise itself they entitled, A view of popish abuses yet remaining’: which is in two parts. The notes whereof throughout, in the reflections and charges made therein upon the church and the practice thereof, are set down in the said MS. For which I refer the reader to the Appendix, being somewhat too long to insert here.

Some of these hot new discipline-men were now committed to Newgate.

Their fault was, that they had offered something to the parliament, earnestly condemning the present settlement of religion in discipline and worship, and exciting to a further reformation; especially reproaching the calling of bishops, as well as divers other matters in the religion observed, in very abusive terms. This book, I make no doubt, was the same with the Admonition aforesaid. Two of these were taken up and imprisoned, namely, Field and Wilcox, for offering this seditious book to the parliament. In vindication of themselves, and petitioning for their liberty, they wrote a well-penned letter in Latin in the month of September to the lord treasurer Burghley: but rather vindicating than blaming themselves for what they had done.

Wherein they write, “That they confided in his singular benevolence, which moved them to write, with a firm trust both of obtaining their liberty, and of propagating the truth. They were sensible, (how unjustly soever,) they were spoken against among the nobility by evil men, and how (a thing more horrid) the truth of God was slandered by many. But let truth, (as they proceed,) that seeks no corners, speak for itself; and commending to him their innocency, and the equity of their cause, they very earnestly beseeched him to favour it. That they had indeed lately writ a book, requiring the reformation of horrid abuses; with that intent, that sincere religion, being freed from popish superstition, might be restored by the whole parliament, with the queen’s approbation. But by themselves they attempted neither to cor-feet nor change any thing; but referred all to their judgments, according as so great a matter called for. Hoping by this means, that the peace of the church, and the reconciliation of brethren at difference, (a thing to be lamented,) might be restored. “And that by this ecclesiastical hierarchy, not consonant to the word of God, they had seen a sad schism in the church, disturbances daily stirred up among the godly: that most sweet peace, that ought to be among those that profess one and the same religion, was destroyed. That in the mean time they said nothing of the contempt of good learning, the corruption of the more sincere religion, the depraving of the ministry, the increase of sin, and the like, occasioned hereby. All which they reckoned a sufficient justification of their writing. They added, that concerning these abuses, by them mentioned, all the foreign churches of the purer reformation, and the writings of men most eminent for learning, did unanimously acknowledge and own to be very foul.” For the rest I refer the reader to the whole letter in the Appendix, transcribed from the original.

Divers of the clergy of this sort, (and perhaps some secret papists too,) that had benefices and preferments in the church, were now deprived, for not subscribing to the Articles of Religion, according to a statute 13 Elizab. entitled, An act to reform certain disorders touching ministers of the church. Whereby all such as had livings, or ecclesiasti cal preferments, were to subscribe the Articles of Religion, agreed upon in the convocation, anno 1562, and confirmed by the queen’s authority: and order therein provided for their reading the said Articles, and for declaring their as sent thereunto, in their parish churches. I find these de prived in the diocese of Bath and Wells. March 21, one Printost, or Printer, was presented to the church of Dun kerton, by deprivation of the incumbent for not subscribing the Articles. And June 7, one John Haunce, Incumbent of the church of Waysford, was deprived of the same; and Edward Bremal, alias Cabel, came in his room. October 1, John Gold was instituted to the vicarage of East Cokes, by deprivation of the said John Gold, by virtue of the said act; at the presentation of the dean and chapter of Exon: the said Gold refusing, as it seems, or neglecting to sub scribe in due time: and so undergoing the penalty of depri vation: and afterwards subscribing, admitted again to the said vicarage.

January 24, William Bele, M. A. was presented to the prebend of Schalford, alias Scanford, at the queen’s presentation by lapse: because one Alwood, the then pretended canon and prebendary, was mere laicus, as it is set down. in the register: so esteemed perhaps for having no legal orders, or such as were taken at some private congregation at Antwerp, or elsewhere, as Cartwright and Travers had done: and so that mere laic needed no formal deprivation. And one more I find, viz. Nicholas Rogers obtained the church of Pryston, by the deprivation of Richard Cove, upon the same statute of 13 Eliz. in the presentation of the queen by lapse.

There were these deprived in this diocese of Bath and Wells, for refusal or neglect of subscription to the Articles of Religion. We may hereby guess at the numbers that were deprived through the rest of the dioceses for the same cause. And from thence also, how many there were of the clergy of this land, that were tainted with principles dissonant to those of the church of England, both puritans and favourers of popery, that hitherto had kept their ecclesiastical livings and prebends, till by this statute they were searched out and discovered.

And no wonder those principles of the new discipline disaffected many ministers to the present constitution of the church, since, in this year and some years before, the universities were so heated with these controversies. In Cambridge were, Cartwright, Browning, Brown of Trinity college, Millain of Christ’s, Chark of Peter-house, Dering of Christ’s college, and many of St. John’s, more than any of the rest; who, being men of some learning, had made a strong impression upon many of the younger students. These I have taken notice of elsewhere. Only of two or three of them, I have some other things to add, besides what I have shewn of them already.

Chark, in a clerum at St. Mary’s before the university, had roundly condemned the hierarchy of this church, and the ecclesiastical officers thereof, as we have related in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift, under the year 1572: laying down these two bold positions; Isti status episcopatus, archiepiscopatus, metropolitana-tus, patriarchatus, denique papatus, a Satana in ecclesiam introducti sunt.

Inter ministros ecclesiae non debet alius alio esse superior.

But he having so openly impugned the established order of the church, and so broken the statutes of the university, was convented before the vicechancellor and heads; and in fine, was required to make a public revocation of what he had so publicly asserted, or else to be expelled the university.

And accordingly, some reasonable time was allowed him, to consider what he had to do. But when the time came, and he still refused to comply, he was actually expelled in February. Then did he make his appeal from the judgment of the heads unto the lord Burghley, their high chancellor, in a well-penned epistle, in a good Latin style, and written in a fair hand, desiring by his lordship’s means to be restored. Therein he telleth the reason of his banishment from the university. Non dissimulo, quin argumentis e scriptura, et externa-rum ecclesiarum exemplo adductus, aliquid abesse putem, quo ecclesia nostra, nuper e tenebris vindicata, propius ad splendorem prwtotu>pou carakth~rovpossit accedere, &c.

Upon this letter (which may be read in Archbishop Whit-gift’s Life) the lord Burghley, in compassion to Chark, whom he held a good scholar, and in consideration that he was somewhat hardly dealt withal, (according to the import of Chark’s letter,) wrote to the vice-chancellor, and the rest of the heads in his favour. To whom they gave him so satisfactory an answer, both in respect of their regular proceedings and Chark’s behaviour, that the good chancellor, in his next message despatched to Dr. Byng, his vicechancellor, wrote, “That he was sorry that he was not made privy of Chark’s fancies, as he styled his novel doctrines against the calling of archbishops and bishops, &c. and for the equality of ministers. And that only by his submission to him, with request of mercy to be shewed, he was moved, he said, to wish as he had done. But that now he was ready to forbear to entreat otherwise for him, than that he publicly revoke his slanderous assertions. And that without the doing of which, he was not worthy of favour. And so he prayed the vice-chancellor to impart his meaning to the senate and his collegiates. Written March the 3d, 1572.

Whence it appeared, that there was in the university a combination of disaffected scholars to the church, and they a very strong party. For Chark was, by a consultation of them, appointed to preach the doctrine he did.

Chark’s cause, and the reason of the chancellor’s inclination to have favour shewn him, may appear in a former letter to his vice-chancellor and the heads, upon Chark’s personal application to him, and his relation of his pretended hard usage. Thus writing, Feb. 20, “That where they had expelled Will. Chark, late fellow of Peterhouse, for some speeches used by him in a sermon he lately had ad cle- rum; tending to the disturbing of the quietness and peace of the church, and manifestly contrary to the orders taken for the maintenance of the same peace: that forasmuch as the said Chark had been with him, and partly wisely extenuating his fault, partly very honestly acknowledging that he committed the same by overmuch vehemency of spirit; and faithfully promising never hereafter to deal therein again, or in the like, that might be offensive; and had shewed some good parts of nature, and good gifts to be in him; the which in his [the high chancellor’s] opinion, it were great charity and good wisdom, by gentle usage and persuasion, rather to reduce to be profitable in the church of God, than by sudden cutting him off from the course of his studies utterly to lose: that therefore these were heartily to pray them, the rather for his sake, and for proof of him hereafter, to receive him again into that university, and his fellowship within the college; upon his like promise made to them, not to meddle hereafter in such kind of doctrine. Wherein if they would shew some indulgence for this time, and the rather suppress the memory of his said speech and doctrine, for that it was delivered in the Latin tongue, and not popularly taught, in his judgment they should do well. And so praying them to do, he bade them heartily farewell.”

But afterwards, upon a more particular account of Chark’s behaviour and stiffness before the vice-chancellor and heads, represented to their chancellor, “he remitted him in another letter, dated March the 25th, to be ordered as they should think expedient. And that he had now less respect unto him: for that he found not that submission and conformity in him, whereof he had conceived some opinion at his writing of his letters unto them in his fa-your.” But more of Chark’s business may be read in the Life of Archbishop Parker.

To whom I subjoin the trouble of one Browning, a fellow of Trinity college in the same university; who underwent the censure of that university also, for a sermon of his, preached at St. Mary’s; being one of these novelists.

He was charged for preaching the Novatian heresy. Of whose matter some notice hath been taken in the Life of Archbishop Parker. To which I add, what concern the university’s chancellor had in this business, as well as in that of Chark’s. He had appealed, it seems, to him, for favour against the proceedings of the vice-chancellor and heads against him. But Browning being brought to relent before the chancellor, had revoked his opinions, and made his submission and confession by word of mouth before him and others there present; and subscribed the same. Whereupon the kind chancellor desired the vice-chancellor and the rest of the heads to receive him. Whose letter to them ran in this tenor: “That forasmuch as Browning had, both by his speech before him, and by his confession, subscribed by himself before him, Mr.

Secretary, and Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, did not only affirm, that he was much mistaken: in his sermon, but had promised to give open testimony of his conformity in those points, wherein he was mistaken, at any occasion that shall be offered unto him. He thought good therefore to write unto them in his behalf in a former letter: and now he sent unto them his said confession subscribed, as they might see; to the intent they might make some proof, whether he should continue in that conformity and submission that he pretended there, with his lordship and the rest. Which if he should do with effect, then they should do well to receive him, and cherish him with all good countenance and usage. If not, then he both referred to their discretion the reforming of him; and very carefully commended to their diligence and wisdom the conservation of the peace of God’s church, and the good fame of that university.”

This person seems to overcome this trouble; but fell divers years after into another, with the college and university, for taking his doctor’s degree at Oxford: which is shewn in the Life of Archbishop Parker.

Edward Bering, contemporary with them, was another, and of good learning, who stood thus affected, and made a chief figure in the same university near this time. Of whom some things also have been by me written in another place. This man, by reason of his being a reader in St.

Paul’s, London, and a preacher of a ready utterance, and of great confidence, did also draw away many proselytes. It was therefore thought convenient to silence him from preaching his lecture any more. And so he was the next year, viz. 1573. This man was a great enemy to the order of bishops. He was known to the lord treasurer; and took often the freedom to write unto him, sometimes earnestly stirring him up to favour Cartwright and his opinions, and such as were his followers; and sometimes accusing him for his faults: endeavouring to make that great lord an instrument for the bringing about their purposes. And in the beginning of this year he sent him a letter so indecently writ, and with such rude reflections and charges upon that most pious and wise nobleman, that it did somewhat stir his mild and good nature, as appears in a letter unto him, dated April 8, wherein is seen as well this lord’s modest and Christian deportment, in justifying himself against Dering, as Dering’s principles and lofty spirit. It ran to this tenor: “That since he received from him, in a piece of paper, a biting letter pretended, as by the beginning of a few of his lines appeared, for Mr. Cartwright; whose name he [Dering] reiterated, (willing him not to be in heat at the mention of his name,) he had been in doubt, he said, whether he should, either for wasting of his time, or for nourishing Dering’s humour, make him any answer by letter: but he yielded, as he saw. That for so much as concerned Cartwright, he answered sine excandescentia, (which was Dering’s term to him, that he would not be in a passion at his request,) that his return [back to the university again, from whence he had lately been expelled] would be very grateful to him, and that he, for his part, wished him well. But for his return to the reading of any public lecture there, (which Dering had, it seems, earnestly moved for, to that lord,) he could promise nothing of himself. For he knew no power he had therein: though he knew it to be his duty to further all good learning and quietness in the university; that indecent. contentions might be excluded. “That all the rest of his pamphlet or letter (for he would call it no worse) contained divers ejaculations against him: as making him void both of knowledge and godliness. But if he were such an one, he should be ashamed, he said, to live in the place where he did; and might be accounted a mere pagan, without sense or knowledge of his God. And that, except it pleased God to direct good men to think better of him than he [Dering] did, he should not be in danger of vainglory. That though he would not flatly deny his pronunciations of him, or say that he spake not right; yet that he might be licensed to pray him not by recrimination to charge him, and say, that he justified himself. That, contrary to his hard speeches, through God’s goodness, he affirmed, that he had not, to his knowledge, conceived or held obstinata consilla, [as he seems to have been charged by Dering.] And that further he would say, that through God’s goodness, and through good erudition in his young years, he had beheld the gospel of Christ; not eminus [i. e. at a great distance] now for many years, [as Dering had abusively accused him,] but in very deed, with such inward feeling of God’s mercy by Jesus Christ, and confirmed to him by his sacraments, as he trusted he might say with the church, Pater noster, sanctificetur nomen tuum. And whereas he had pronounced hardly of him, in taxing his religion, [i.e. as it seems, in queen Mary’s days,] this calumniation, or uncharitable reprehension, that it proceeded of any just cause, he utterly denied to him, and all his bolsterers, if any he had in this his licentious liberty of writing what he listed. And that he must bear it with the rest, since he [Dering] wrote tan-quam ex sublimi speculatorio; [so magisterially and loftily.]” He continued his letter to a greater length, with much piety, modesty, and a great government of himself under such unjust provocations from an inferior. And in the end, the worst he said of him, was, “That he wished to himself that which Dering judged he lacked, and to him all that which he seemed to have, and more than by his behaviour he seemed to have, and both of them to require of God, the knower of hearts, to plant in their hearts the true fear of him, and transplant out of their hearts all seeds or roots of vainglory.” The whole letter of so memorable a man deserves well to be read over and preserved. And therefore I have reposited it in the Appendix.

To this moderate letter penned by the good lord treasurer, (who had been so severely and undeservedly reflected on,) Dering in a day or two sends another in answer, so full of stiffness, and so abounding in his own conceit, that we cannot but gather a character of that man’s temper and spirit thence. It was writ in Latin, and too long here to repeat. I have therefore only observed briefly divers passages in it. As where that lord had taken notice of the liberty and boldness he took in his writing, he affirmed, “That in all his letters and business which he ever had with him, he diligently took heed of that, that he did not abuse mercenary praises, either for his own benefit, or that lord’s damage. And that this was all that licence of writing that he so blamed: by which neither of them were the worse. And that his lordship had herein the true cause of that holy liberty which he took; and which he with the highest injury called libidinem et licentiam. That where his lordship conjectured, that his piety seemed so little in Dering’s esteem; he prayed him, that he might look again upon his own letter, and if there were any thing therein so unworthy of his honour, or of Dering’s function, he should be willing to have such rashness of his punished, if he did not under his own hand confess it. And that to asperse his thoughts and cares to be obstinate counsels, such as Satan’s were, and which God would one day destroy, was a greater crime than he acknowledged to be his. “His lordship took it ill that he [Dering] should say, that his lordship did for a great many years evange-lium eminus aspicere, nunc fere diligere, i.e. had looked upon the gospel a great way off, and scarcely had any love now to it: he answered, he did not thereby deny his lordship’s cares above others, to be most ready to propagate the gospel. That he knew, (unless he was much deceived,) that he had done there at court, and how great contest and struggle he had sustained. But, added he, take heed how you think you have here done any thing, so as you ought to do. Set before your eyes your labours, your watchings, your cares, your troubles, your anxieties of your mind. And then [as though all this his pains was only for the aggrandizing and enriching of himself] he asketh him, What at length are the ends to which you devoted your so many heavy tasks? Whether it were not for your heaping up of honours to yourself, and for the increasing of wealth? O! misery, gotten very dearly! So it is, my lord, so it is, if you deny it to eternity. “Whereas the said lord had writ in his letter, that he had dedicated his studies and endeavours to promote the gospel: O! said Dering in his answer, I wish you this light of the gospel of God, which hath, as you say, enlightened you cominus, [i.e. so near,] and inwardly according to the measure of the gift of Christ. And may Christ so shed forth upon you his love, that hereafter you may not eminus [i.e. afar off] look upon it, but also be fervent in spirit.”

And among other reflecting sayings Dering writ, this was one, (in respect of something that was like to be done at the parliament approaching,) Nescio quid alunt monstri, qui infulata authoritate subnixi, sic ambulant, ut evangelium regni e sublimi despiciant; i.e. I know not what monster they breed up, who, upheld by the authority of a mitre, so walk, as looking from on high, in contempt, upon the gospel of the kingdom. For the favourable acceptation of which expression, he prayed his lordship to take heed, how he took his words; and that he should not think he struck at any truly pious man, even though he were a bishop. But to make amends for this short and imperfect account of the former letter, wherein Dering delivered and explained his mind and sense to the said lord, and with as much affected learning as he could, I have put the whole into the Appendix; especially containing several things of remark in it.

CHAPTER 21.

A sermon preached by Cooper, bishop of Lincoln, at Paul’s Cross, in vindication of the church of England and its liturgy. An answer thereto sent to him by some disaffected person. Observations therein made, of bishops maintaining an ignorant ministry. Of the Service-book. Of the titles and honour of the bishops. Of the government of the church. And the applying of some places of scripture.

AND to shew more of the endeavours of the disaffected to the church, and its liturgy and rites, Dr. Cooper, the learned bishop of Lincoln, having made a sermon at St. Paul’s Cross, on Sunday the 27th of June, touching these matters, (occasioned by the book called, An admonition to the parliament,) an answer was soon penned against it; which I have seen in MS. And because I think it was never printed, I shall here exemplify it.

Wherein will be seen the anger of the party against our church’s constitution, and with what arguments they maintained themselves, and what objections were used against it. It is entitled, An answer to certain pieces of a sermon made at Paul’s Cross, &c. by Dr. Cooper, bishop of Lincoln. Who this answerer was, I cannot tell. But that it came to the bishop’s own hands, appears by the address at the beginning, and by a marginal note or two, of the bishop’s own hand; which I shall set down as they occur. It begins thus: “Forasmuch, master Cooper, as your sermon, preached upon Sunday the 27th of June, in anno 1572, did offend many, and among the rest, me, I thought myself bound in conscience to deal with you touching two or three points; leaving other matters to other men, grieved as much as I: who, I know assuredly, will, either by word of mouth or by writing, or both, talk with you concerning the same. But the occasions which moved me to write are these points following; wherein I dissent not a little from you: “I. In your maintaining of an ignorant and unlearned a ministry. “II. In your magnifying of the English Service-book. “III. In your defending of the ungodly titles and unjust lordship of bishops. “IV. In your depraving of that government, which Christ hath left to his church. “V. And last of all, in your wresting and wringing of scriptures from their natural sense and meaning.”

And then his discourse upon each point was as followeth: I. Concerning the first. You seemed to allow and like well of the unlearned company that now is of English ministers; and you seemed in some sort also to dislike them. By the way, take this with you; Conveniet nemini, qui secure dissidet ipse.

You took occasion to treat of this matter, as I suppose, by reason of a little book, entitled, An admonition to the parliament; which wisheth, (as you all yourselves then did,) that every congregation might have a godly, a learned, and a painful preacher. But this seemed unto you impossible: for they are not now to be had, said you. Neither were they at the first to be had, because mutability of religion in king Henry’s days, king Edward’s days, queen Mary’s days, &c. caused many towardly wits to refrain the ministry in the beginning of this queen’s reign; and to commit their studies to physic, to law, to teaching schools, &c. And therefore the bishops were at that time enforced to admit into the ministry ignorant and unlearned persons.

This, so far as I remember, was the effect of your words.

For the proof whereof it had been good for you to have shewed, out of the writings of the Old and New Testament, some plain testimonies or examples, and not to have dealt so carnally as you did: for both it worketh a suspicion in the minds of the hearers concerning your grounded knowledge in divinity, and also declareth that you yourself are but carnal.

For the things uttered by you savoured not of God’s spirit, but of the fleshly reason and worldly policy, one of the greatest enemies that true religion ever had or can have. He that dealeth in such a public place, for the stay of the conscience of the auditory, must leave worldly reason and fleshly policy as very weak grounds, nay, rather no grounds at all, for Christians to stay their faith upon, and flee and stick to the holy scriptures only.

But you then saw, and the rest of your fellow-bishops since understood, that if you should deal that way, your juggling would be espied. And therefore, like crafty michers and subtile foxes, you flee into the dark, (for every one that doeth evil hateth the light,) and are afraid, like heathen and ethnic rhetoricians; to the end that you might bring those good men out of credit with your auditors, contrary to your own consciences, to object unto them horrible and wicked untruths. (As that they should go about to hinder the course of the gospel, and to gape for your livings.) Following in this point your most familiar doctor, father Quintilian, the orator, who commandeth an adversary to bring and forge of another whatsoever by any probable means he can, although he knoweth right well that all is false. It had been plain dealing for such doughty divines, as yet will seem to be, (if ye had then the book before named,) to have taken the places of scripture there quoted, and to have answered them; and if they had been wrongly applied, to have shewed it to the people. But that way was not best for you: for you saw that they were too plain, and could not be rightly gainsayed. And therefore you not only willingly confessed this to be true, that every congregation should have a preacher, as is before specified, but did run out into blind and odd corners; to the scouring and sweeping whereof I am enforced to come, seeing you will not deal with the scriptures in the book cited.

The first reason you made for the bolstering of your learned ministries was this, that oft altering of religion altered men’s minds for meddling in the ministry; therefore you could have no learned ministers. What is this else to say, I pray you, but that they and you too, I fear, did rather seek unjust honour and ease in the ministry, than a burden or labour? They forgot, and belike you did not well remember, that death itself should not alter their minds from that whereunto God’s Spirit, according to his revealed word, had moved them. So that one of these must be granted; either that they were void of God’s Spirit, and therefore neither God’s children, nor fit men to be ministers of the gospel; or else that worldly preferment and gain, if they would take that charge upon them, did stir them thereto. And therefore should not be received, &c. As for those unlearned ones, whom you call, neither are they ministers, though you so term them, neither have authority to minister sacraments, though you give them power so to do, except they can minister the word by preaching also. Neither are they called; but they run and seek, and by letters come in. Better it were that some honest parishioners should be appointed to read the scriptures in order, till they might have a preacher, than such reading ministers should be admitted. Yea, and you and your fellow-bishops shall answer for all the parishes in your dioceses, where such insufficient hirelings are. How are such dispensers of the word P How can they divide the scriptures? What manner of watchmen are these? What kind of light shew such forth? What can be seasoned with such salt? How work they in the Lord’s harvest?

And you added further concerning this matter, that there were in England 20,000 parish churches, and not 20,000 preachers to furnish them: so that such ministers as were required in so great a number were not to be had.

About this matter let me ask you one question. Are you sure, that that which you speak is true? I think, for the safeguard of your honesty, (as for your honour I let it pass, as smelling too much of Antichrist’s stench,) you will answer, Yea. For if you should answer otherwise, you should doubt of your doctrine, and make a manifest lie. Both which are in a preacher very notorious faults. And is it sure indeed that such a number cannot be found?

Why then do you, by urging your gay gear, and enforcing popish abomination, hinder them that would enter? And for the same, by persecuting, as imprisoning, depriving, banishing, excommunicating, suspending, &c. lessen the number of them that are entered; and, as so many rods of God’s vengeance, stop the mouths of them that would do good. Belike, either your churches are well furnished, and provided for, (which cannot be, both because you have confessed the contrary, and also for that you give by your bulllicences, to one man to enjoy two benefices, to have three, to have more, and as many as he list, or can get,) or else yourselves have not so great care for them as you pretend, and would fain seem to take.

For if the one of them, or both, were not true, you would deal in another sort than heretofore you have done. Yea, if it be true that there want so many ministers, why do not you, following Christ’s and Paul’s example, setting aside all worldly offices, instead of ruffian-like and idle-serving men, take into your houses as many scholars, and instruct them (as Christ did his apostles, and Paul those that waited on him) in divinity and understanding of the word; reading unto them, and expounding for your own exercise, such scriptures as you intend afterwards yourselves to entreat of? This would help to increase the number of good preachers, si hoc vobis ita curae esset, ut simulatis; and make you such bishops as Paul requireth; whereas you have not one thing almost that Paul commandeth to be in a bishop, &c.

Christ doth will his disciples, considering the greatness of the harvest, to pray to the Lord of the harvest, to send la-bourers into his harvest; and not to do as you do, to make idle shepherds, dumb dogs, sleepy watchmen, blind guides, unskilful teachers, yea, bare readers. And St. Paul telleth us, that God hath given some, apostles; some, prophets; some, evangelists; and some, pastors and teachers: for the gathering together of the Saints, for the work of the ministry, &c. Not once making mention of any such lewd and loitering ministers as you both make, and thrust upon the congregations Justly may your coldness and impiety be reprehended, both for suffering enemies to join with you, I mean papists, and also for maintaining idle vagabonds and loitering lubbers, who bring not so much as one stone to the building up of the Lord’s spiritual temple.

But you add further, that the people should have lived like heathens, and without a God in the world, if there had not been such made to read the scripture unto them. Now surely you shew what a divine you are, (setting aside your doctorship,) better in physic, or teaching a school, than in the mysteries and secrets of holy scripture. For neither doth God allow a reading ministry, because the minister must be didaktikoable to teach; neither is it lawful for you to do evil that good may come thereof, unless you will have the sequel of the sentence to fall upon your pate. And what good hath come by your reading ministers, if you truly examine your diocese, you shall be able easily to judge. Surely, if you find one in a township able and willing to render a reason of his faith and hope, you shall find the rest not unwilling only, but unable too. And yet, if the matter might be truly sifted, it shall be found, that that one person hath not so well profited by hearing of the scriptures barely read, without interpretation, but by frequenting sermons in other places. But you think you have well mended the matter, when you have justified the English ministry, in comparison of the popish priesthood, because, as you say, they can read their service comely, decently, and distinctly; whereas the popish priests huddle it up without reverence, and are rascal companions.

To answer this: as you make great account of reading decently and distinctly, so papists judge it a great glory to mumble mattins swiftly; and I cannot but affirm, that a great company of your English ministers behave themselves as irreverently in saying of the divine service, as the popish priests; which evidently appeareth, by those galloping sir Johns in the country, that have licence from you and other bishops to serve two or three cures. And though, either of ignorance you cannot, or of wilfulness you would not see this, yet some of your fellow-bishops have seen it; and therefore in agony and grief of stomach, out of the same place have both spoken against it, and wished a redress thereof, &c. But, I pray you, how long will it be impossible to have preaching ministers? Could you do nothing therein these thirteen years? If it pleased God to open the queen’s majesty’s heart, and to put her willing hand thereto, I could find means that both the universities and cathedral churches, as the matter might be used: should be able to bring forth so many preaching ministers within the space of ten years, as should serve all England. And no man, that hath reason in his head, would or can deny it, the matter is so plain.

II. The second cause of my writing was, because you commended above the moon the liturgy or form of prayer, and administration of the sacraments, which the English church useth; saying, it is most agreeable to God’s word of any since the apostles’ time, and least clogged with unprofitable ceremonies. When you uttered this, you had forgotten, belike, that saying of the wise man; He that jus-tifieth the wicked, and he that condemneth the just, even they both are abomination to the Lord. Neither did you remember, that he that speaketh lies shall perish; and, The mouth that speaketh lies slayeth the soul. But it should seem, that you spake of ignorance, not having seen the forms of prayer used in other foreign churches. For if you had cast your eye upon that order which the English church in the time of queen Mary used, both in Geneva and this realm in those days, you should have seen an order not so full of superstitions. If that will not please you, you may view those forms that both the church of Geneva itself, and the reformed churches in France and Germany now use.

If those like you not, look into Scotland, and consider that order. If none of those will content you,. because you are loath to go. so far, you shall do well to behold even under your nose, here at home, the French, and Dutch, and Italian churches. in London; and you shall see another manner of form, more agreeable to God’s word, and not clogged (that I may use your own terms) with so many idle, unprofitable, ungodly, and idolatrous ceremonies.

For there is among them no private communion, no private baptism, no service for the burial of the dead, no churching or purifying of women, no crossing of infants in baptism, no kneeling at the Lord’s supper, no hindering of preaching, no expounding of scripture by bare reading of psalms, lessons, suffrages, collects, patches, and pieces of epistles and gospels; no prescript order of service for saints’ days, &c. But all things done in order, according to the apostles’ rule, and to edifying.

If I would enter into the dispraise of the book of service, as you did in the commendation thereof, I could avouch, and that justly, more against it out of God’s book, than you are able to bring for the praise thereof. At this time I will say no more but this: find me any form of prayer, and administration of sacraments, set forth since the apostles’ time, more full of corruption than this, except it be the pope’s portuise, and a book that one Hermannus, archbishop of Colen, did make, (out of both which you have patched yours,) and I will not only willingly yield to it, but as stoutly defend it as you now do. And as for the authority of Ignatius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Justin Martyr, Eusebius, and others, they were very vainly alleged, and brought rather for an ostentation, and to blind the eyes of the simple, because you would seem rather to have somewhat to say, than to confirm any truth. And yet the most of them may be justly laid against yourself; and a man may with your own weapon easily wound you. If you will stand so precisely to their judgment in some points, why not also in some others? You know that in Cyprian’s time young children were admitted to the Lord’s supper, contrary to God’s word; and men carried off the bread (when the sacrament was administered) home to their neighbours, and delivered it to them; which, in many mens judgments, was not lawful. Neither were the other, which were before Cyprian, (as Tertullian and Ignatius,) void of their errors. And you know that many works are thrust upon us in both their names; of which the best learned doubt whether they were theirs or no. And for us to stand so much upon men’s judgment, seeing that every man is a liar, and to ascribe so much unto the time wherein they lived, seeing that the apostle tells us, that the mystery of iniquity began to work ih his days, I judge it a mere vanity, and a deluding of the simple.

But I would fain deal in a word or two with you about Justin’s place, because you seem to make most account thereof: for you guessed that it served well for the maintenance of your bare reading, without interpretation and exhortation. Yet if you view the place well, you shall see that it maketh wholly against you: for he sheweth, that as in his time the writings of the apostles and prophets were read upon the Sunday in the public assembly, so the reading being ended, they were expounded and applied to the hearers, to the end that the people might better understand the mind of the Holy Ghost; and out of the mouth of the minister receive also some comfortable doctrines and instructions. Is it so now? Are no scriptures now read, but interpretation and application follows? If you answer truly, you must needs say, No; and withal confess, that this place serveth no whit for your purpose, though you did bear the world in hand that it made mightily for you.

Now, if you will hereafter deal out of the doctors, you were best look that they serve fitly for your heart, lest you utter them to your shame, as you have done these. You must consider this much. That there resort to that place [i. e. Paul’s Cross] such as can try all things, and prove the spirits, whether they be of God, or no: and, though they lack your countenance and estimation, are able to deal with you, or the best bishop in this church, in any point of Christian religion. Who come not to sleep, as some, or for a show, with other some, or to tangle you, (as you unjustly report,) but to hear your doctrine, and to search the scripture daily, whether things be so that you speak. God give you grace to walk before him with a simple heart, ut terly renouncing all these shifts and shows which you use for the maintenance of your Antichristian honour, and the defence of the tale of the beast. For you know that he that walketh uprightly walketh boldly and surely; but he that perverteth his ways shall be known. And the Lord will honour them that honour him; and they that despise him shall be despised.

III. For that you went about to prove these Anti-christian titles, archbishop, lord bishop, honour, grace, metropolitan, primate, dean, archdeacon, official, &c. in ministers and preachers of the gospel, lawful, which indeed are altogether contrary to God’s word. And first, your titles of dignity, as lord’s grace, lord bishop, honour, &c. how repugnant they are to the scripture, every one, that is not willingly blind, seeth. And as for your joining civil offices to your ecclesiastical functions, how wicked that is, none that hath any taste or feeling of godliness can, without horror and grief of conscience, consider. You know that one office requires a whole man; and he that laboureth most faithfully in one function, shall never do his duty in such a strait sort as God requireth at his hands. And what an absurd thing is this too, to confound those too several callings, which in all commonwealths, either of Gentiles or Jews, (unless there hath been a very great disorder among them,) have been sundered; and to appropriate them both to one person, which have been severally allotted to two! You see that Moses was God’s magistrate, appointed to hear hard matters among the people, and to give sentence therein. And Aaron was the Lord’s priest, and laboured in that office. So Joshua was the Lord’s captain, to go in and out before the people. And Eleazar executed the charge and function of a priest. But touching this matter, I will refer you for this time to the judgment of one of your own coat; I mean Mr. Alley, late bishop of Exeter And this much be generally spoken at this present, concerning those proud titles and unlawful offices.

Now because you dealt with some spiritual ones, to wit, archbishops and metropolitans, I mean, with God’s assistance, to join with you about them.

But first you must give me leave to disclose your subtilty and craftiness, which did on set purpose omit to treat of primates, deans, archdeacons, suffragans, commissaries, officials, chancellors, &c. because you were able in defence of them to.say nothing. For if you had been able concerning them to utter any thing to the purpose, yea, though it might have had but only a show of some force, you would not have concealed it, no more than you did that which you unfitly and weakly, God knows, concerning archbishops and metropolitans, then spoke. For what a feeble argument is this, There were archbishops in the first Nicene council, three hundred years after Christ, and perhaps before that time: therefore the office is agreeable to God’s word, and may well be used. To speak my mind herein, I judge you will prove this argument ad Graecas calendas; so weak, nay, so reasonless a reason, was never heard come out of the mouth of any, that had but the countenance of learning.

It is much like a reason that Harding maketh against bishop Jewel; for the communion in one kind. Melchize-dek met Abraham coming from the spoil, and offered him bread and wine: therefore we must have the sacrament delivered under one kind. And this one thing I would have you to note, that this word arch is not attributed, throughout the whole New Testament, to any officer or minister of God’s church militant here in earth.

Indeed St. Peter doth call Christ ajrcipoi>mhn the chief Shepherd. By which he teacheth us, that if any man vindicate or claim the same title to himself, or receive it, being by other given unto him, he, as much as in him lieth, spoileth and robbeth Christ Jesus of his glory: because, if he doth not exalt himself thereby above God’s Son, yet he maketh himself equal with him; inasmuch as he taketh to him that name and title, which by right doth only belong to Christ.

And as to metropolitans, and their first original, we have little to say besides that which you yourselves confess, namely, that they were by men devised, for the pacifying of schisms and controversies in the church. But here is a question, whether the primitive church ever appointed any such. I am sure you will answer, No; because you are not able to shew out of the apostles’ writings any such order was taken among them: for they had another way to end strifes and contentions. If there were any discords in a church about any matters and points of religion, there was no metropolitan then of the same church to decide the matter. But they sent brethren to the ministers and elders of another church, who gave their sentence according to truth; and so contentions ceased. This was the order then; and in reformed churches, this is, at this day, their common practice. And so it should be among us; unless you will blasphemously say, you can prescribe better orders for the ending of schisms and quieting of strifes, than did the apostles, to whom the Holy Ghost was abundantly given.

This then that hath been declared being true, as it is the infallible truth of God’s word, and therefore shall prevail, what remaineth, but that, if you will be accounted followers and favourers of this truth, you renounce these Anti-christian titles and honours, being so directly contrary to God’s word; and content yourselves with that ordinary function and office, that God in his word hath unto you allotted: labouring also earnestly to bring in that way and means of pacifying controversies, that God’s word appoint-eth, and the apostles in their times practised; and not so stoutly to maintain that which man’s brains hath devised. Because that men’s inventions, throughout all the scriptures, are generally condemned; especially being so repugnant to God’s word as these are. Bind not therefore two sins together, by enjoying and defending also these unjust matters: for the wise man telleth you, that in one sin you shall not be unpunished.

IV. Because you said, that for the external form of government in the church, for administration of sacraments and ceremonies appertaining to order, to have them done according to the prescript of God’s word, you judged it an error; if this be not blasphemy intolerable, then let all the world judge. Christ saith, that whosoever shall speak a word against the Son of man, it shall be forgiven him; but blasphemy against the Holy Ghost shall not be forgiven unto men. Hath not the Holy Ghost in the scripture precisely pointed out the spiritual government of his church, which no mortal creature may alter and change? Yet you in the fulness of iniquity say, we are not bound to that order. What voice more blasphemous could that Romish Antichrist have uttered? Indeed, if you bad dealt only in the circumstances of the administration of sacraments and ceremonies, your judgment would have been better liked. Yet Beza writeth, that they are able to prove, that not only the doctrine of the church of Geneva doth agree with God’s word, but also, that it should not be hard for them to shew, that the simplicity of the ceremonies of that church, and the whole order of their discipline, are drawn out of the same fountain, &c.

Hereby surely you bewray yourself to be without skill in the holy scriptures, because you make no difference between regiment and ceremonies. For regiment we have plain and particular commandment, testimonies, and examples. As for ceremonies, we have one general rule for all; Let all things be done to edify; comely, and according’ to order: because God is the God of peace and order, and not of confusion. But because you would seem to make this matter more glorious, and to get greater credit among the hearers, you judged that every godly man in Europe is of your mind, if his judgment were asked in these points. And are you sure thereof? Have you travelled throughout all Europe, to understand what they think? I suppose, No; because I have heard you were yet never out of this realm. Where then have you seen their judgments? Writings, I think not: for you came to be a divine but yesterday in respect; and therefore you could not so soon peruse all their works and writings. How durst you then take upon you thus to deal in so public and so learned an assembly? Certainly what other men guess at it, I know not; but, in my judgment, it is great boldness and folly. And this further, to the overthrow of your assertion, I dare say, that if any learned man’s judgment in all Europe were asked, (excepting atheists, libertines, Lutherans, and papists, who desperately cast from them, and of set purpose refuse this godly kind of government,) especially if either they were of churches reformed, or had seen them; that then he or they altogether would answer and confess, that this surely were not the voice of any one that did preach or profess the gospel, but of some scullion of Antichrist’s kitchen, or of some other instrument that the Devil useth to deceive the minds and souls of the simple.

And as this was most blasphemous and false, so most untrue also was that which you, out of the poison of your venomous stomach, then uttered against many, who, because they desired the reformation of cathedral churches, the dens of all loitering lubbers and thieves, you unjustly accused, saying, that they wished, and sought in like sort, the overthrow of colleges and universities. But to prove you deceived, and to declare the thing never to be thought, much less to be put in practice, this much, in those persons’ behalf, be truly and faithfully spoken. They have as great care (in the spirit of humility be it said) for the maintenance of colleges, universities, learning, and learned men, as you, or any other, possibly can have. And if God had given them as many means and as great abilities to do good in that behalf, as he hath to you and others, no doubt but their love would plainly appear, by their deeds and IL beralities, to be far greater than yours or others is. Yea, without boasting be it spoken, some of them enjoying spiritual promotions, as you term them, and some others lacking the same, have done more good, to the relief of poor scholars, than as yet many of your coat and calling.

Further, you know that it becometh all men, but espe cially bishops and ministers, to speak the truth: and yet, if I had not before, according to my duty, reproved you for lying, I would here have dealt more sharply with you for the same. Attamen quod defertur, non aufertur; especially if you go on forward as you have begun. Nam qui pergit, ea quae vult dicere, ea quae non vult, audiet. In the mean while, God give you and every one grace to speak the truth, to his neighbour from the bottom of his heart.

V. Because you wrested and perverted sundry places of scripture which you alleged. As first, Nemo potest venire ad me, nisi Pater qui misit me, traxerit eum. Which you English twice for failing, after this sort: No man can come unto me, unless my Father lead him. Which interpretation savoureth somewhat of Pelagianism, (though you and your fellow-bishops unjustly charge others therewith,) because it seemeth to attribute some small unwillingness to be in man, as coming to God; whereas the apostle telleth us, that God worketh in us both the will and the deed, according to his good pleasure. And God’s Spirit sheweth, that the imaginations of man’s heart are only evil every day. So that we cannot of ourselves think a good thought, much less do a good and acceptable deed in the sight of God. To lead, you know, is not so forcible as to draw. For many times we may be led thither, whither we would gladly and without resisting go, &c.

Our Saviour Christ’s meaning in these words is, both to set forth our unwillingness to come unto him, that full fountain and treasure of all goodness, and also to declare the forcible means that God the Father doth use; who, will we or nil we, will draw us unto his Son. If you had considered the nature of the place, or weighed the drift of our Saviour’s talk, or scanned the Latin or Greek word you would never have interpreted it after that fashion, kc. The Greek word e[lkuse which generally throughout the scriptures, especially of the New Testament, (so far as I have yet read,) signifieth in the agent, with violence to draw, &c.

The second place which you abused was this, Every plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted shall be plucked up by the roots. You understand it of doctrine only, and not of ceremonies; as much in this behalf wresting the mind of the Holy Ghost in this second, as in the former, falsely and corruptly expounding the word. For if you view the text well, you shall see that the matter betwixt the Scribes and Pharisees, and our Saviour Christ, was about ceremonies and traditions, as washing of hands, &c. In observing of which order, he gave them to understand, that they were a great deal more precise and rigorous, than in keeping God’s commandments; and therefore calleth them hypocrites: plainly proving, out of Esaiah the prophet, that they were deep dissemblers before God. With which plain kind of speech, as it should appear by the disciples’ words to their Master, the Pharisees were offended. Whereupon Christ taketh occasion to utter this sentence, Every plant which my Father, &c. referring it not only to doctrine, as you say, because in the next chapter he dealeth with their doctrines in these words, Take heed and beware of the leaven of Pharisees; but also to ceremonies, ordinances, and traditions, whereupon in the beginning of the chapter the question was made.

Thirdly, you perverted a place in the prophecy of Ezekiel against such as seek the sincerity of the gospel. That you were somewhat earnest against papists, is not to be disliked; and would to God you would perform in that behalf as much indeed as you prattle in your words. But that you joined, as it were in one yoke, papists and zealous gospellers, wishing severe punishment, belike, to be appointed for them, you were not only misliked, and caused many to judge, that you spake rather of choler than charity; but also you and others, by such vehement words, have plainly declared yourselves whose children you be. To what end, I pray you, should you wish more extreme laws and penalties to be made against poor protestants?

Certain it is, that unless you took their lives from them, you cannot more cruelly handle some of them, than heretofore you have done, and at this present do.

For to let pass your former banishments, imprisonments, suspensions, excommunications, deprivations, &c. (by which tyrannous kind of dealing you have taken away the means by which poor men should live, and so in God’s sight are become murderers; for he that taketh away the bread of the poor, taketh away the life of the poor: which we have even now before our eyes, a notable spectacle of your good heartedness;) do you not keep at this hour as godly ministers in close prison, so that no friends can come to visit them? Do you not separate them and their wives, which in God’s sight is a horrible iniquity? Do you not labour, as much as in you lieth, by this your tyrannous dealing, to make their wives widows, and their children fatherless? And yet you would have more extreme punishment. Is it not punishment enough, think you, for refusing your popish apparel, and other relics of the Romish beast, to be thrust from house, living, and all that one hath? Is it not a hard censure, for speaking or writing against your missals and pontifical, to be imprisoned at your pleasure? Is it not cruelty almost unheard of, for seeking a reformation of religion, to be thrown into Newgate? Doth not this savour somewhat of a bloodthirsty heart? It argueth to me, (I know not what it doth to others,) that you are of your father the Devil, who was a liar, and the murderer from the beginning. This I can say for them both, that by your tyranny and forcible dealings, they, their wives, children, and families, are utterly beggared.

Is not this to rule with cruelty and rigour? If Ishmael’s mocking of Izhach be counted by God for persecution, what will the Lord account this your cruel handling? And do you think for it, you shall escape unpunished?

Assure yourself, that as you persecute them, so shall you be persecuted; and as you bring them and theirs to beggary, so shall you and yours, for all your lordships, unless you repent, be brought to as great necessity. Shall I heap up examples against you? Look upon Adonibezek, as right a pattern for you to behold, as possibly can be, &c.

But, methinks, it is reason, that since you linked them and papists together, to make their cause more odious, (whereas indeed there is no just comparison between them; for papists are traitors to God, and their prince, but these as true to both of them, as you, or all the bishops in this realm, meagre your heads,) they should not be more cruelly handled than papists are. Which of the papists did you ever use after this sort? Had not Bonner, while he lived, his strumpet resorting to him daily? Have not the prisoners, which were removed out of the Tower to the Marshalsea, the liberty of the whole house? And none forbidden to resort unto them? Have not you taken some of them home to your houses? set them at your own tables? and made them good cheer? And is those men’s case worse than these? I dare therein appeal to your own consciences. Why do you then miserably misuse them, and handle them more cruelly than papists, traitors, atheists, felons, drunkards, whoremongers, blasphemers? &c. Belike, you think, God seeth it not, and therefore say with the wicked, Tush, God careth not for this. Or else you have forgotten that God counteth the injury and villainy done to his children as done to himself. Let the hard sentence pronounced against the careless servant somewhat terrify you. And flatter not yourselves herein: for surely God is a sharp revenger of the injuries done to his saints, &c.

But to return to the place of Ezechiel. You went about, out of these words of the prophet, But I will destroy the fat and the strong: and I will feed them with judgment, &c. to prove that sharp laws should be made against the seely poor sheep, that in your judgment were unruly; because they would not be ruled by the laws, ordinances, constitutions, and government of Antichrist. Doubtless you should have done well to have considered of what fat and lusty sheep the prophet there speaketh, before you had pronounced so hard and sharp a sentence against the Lord’s lambs. The prophet speaks not there of such as refused to subject their necks to the yoke of idolatrous slavery; for from that they were commanded to flee, &c.

But he speak-eth in that place of swelling and lofty spirits, who not only exalted themselves above their brethren, but thought also, that they had no need to be ruled and governed of God himself, &c. Whether this may be rightly applied against such as seek for the simplicity and sincerity of the gospel, and wish to be subject only to God’s will in his word revealed, or to papists and you, which will not have Christ, by his word and discipline, to reign over you, let all that have at all any sight in God’s word faithfully judge.

I here link you and papists together, (for which I would not have you to be grieved,) more justly a great deal than you before did us; not so much for the likeness of your garments and attire, (which is evil,) as for your unwillingness to submit yourselves (which is much worse) to the order and form of regiment which Christ hath left to his church; and stoutly defending, as it were for life and death, that corrupt and sinful government, which Antichrist, the pope, and the Devil, have devised and set abroad for the establishing of their kingdom, &c.

And thus you plainly see my mind concerning some parts of your sermon. I would willingly have dealt with you in some other, but that I think I have been somewhat long in these, and am certainly persuaded that others will either write to you, or talk with you about those points which I have not touched, &c. Thus hoping you will shortly satisfy them by some retractation or apology, whom in so open a place you have deluded, I take my leave of you: promising, if you take no regard hereof, not only to publish this writing, but also further confutations of other men’s doings, that your poison be not received of more, to their utter confusion. Fare you well.

Whether the bishop of Lincoln vouchsafed any answer to this challenge and threatening, and the many severe and unjust reflections made upon all the bishops, and the constitution of the church itself, I cannot tell. But, however, I have transcribed this long paper, that hence might be seen the spirit of this sort of men in these times, rude in language to their superiors, dogmatical, confident in their charges of popery, persecution, and Antichristianism upon this church, and the reformed govenors of it, and extolling their new discipline.

CHAPTER 22.

Serious deliberation about a reformation of divers things in church and state. Memorials. Lent enjoined. Commissions for concealed lands abused: revoked: but granted again. An act against concealers. Grants for penal statutes checked and regulated. Massmongers at the Portugal ambassador’s house. The queen’s progress. Earl of Northumberland executed. The queen hath the small-pox. Her letter thereof, and of her recovery, to the earl of Shrewsbury. She hath fainting fits.

BUT that these malecontented men, that pretended themselves the great reformers of religion, might have no just and reasonable cause to find fault for want of correction of things really amiss in the church or churchmen, the wise and good lord treasurer (while the queen was abroad in her progress this summer, and he with her) took this matter into his serious thoughts, the court being now at Reading, and drew up memorials about it.

And when the nation seemed to be in great apprehensions of plots and dangers, the queen herself, in order to her better peace and safety, intended a more careful reformation of whatever might be amiss in her kingdom, in all sorts of people, laity as well as clergy, bishops, ministers of the laws in the several courts of justice, commissioners of the peace; and for prudent providing against national dangers and insurrections. Inspections also were thought expedient to be made into the navy, and into the demeanour of the several lord lieutenants of the counties, and inquiry to be made after such as were in any office, whether temporal or spiritual, that were contemners of the orders of religion established. For this purpose the same lord treasurer, in the month of October the same year, at the same place, (where it seems the queen still was,) drew up other memorials with his own hand for her use, entitled, “Certain things necessary to be better ordered. “The state of the church and religion. The bishops and clergy [to be] reformed for their wastes of their patrimo hies: the negligence of teaching, and the abuse of pluralities and nonresidence by unnecessary dispensations: the decays of churches, chancels, and chapels ordained for divine service, to be repaired: the lack of parsons, vicars, and curates in sundry places. “The obstinate contemners of religion. To be punished according to the laws of the realm. “The ministers of the law to be reformed. Justices of courts and assizes, sergeants, pleaders, counsellors, advocates, proctors, and attorneys, in both laws, would be sworn to the queen’s majesty.

The excessive taking of fees for counsel, and for all other writings in all courts, to be moderated, for the ease of the subjects. “The houses of court and chancery to be visited, and the abuses reformed: whereby no such confluence of unmeet persons, given to riot, sedition, and such misrule, may be permitted. “ The councils in the marches of Wales, and in the north, to be considered; that sufficient number of wise, able, and meet persons, for the reverence of the place, and for furtherance of justice, to be there placed, and the unmeet removed; and the abuses of multitude of attorneys’ clerks, and their excessive fees, also reformed, to the ease and comfort of the subjects. “The commissions of the peace in all shires to be viewed; and the unmeet persons removed, and the rooms supplied with more trusty and able persons. That good and faithful men be appointed sheriffs for this year. “Some consultation to be had how the vent of the commodities of the realm may be more frequent, as well for her majesty’s benefit in her customs, as for the weal of the owners and workers of the said commodities. “The navy of the realm to be surveyed in every port, with the numbers of ships and vessels, and the mariners for that purpose. “That lieutenants be appointed in every shire: and their power to be limited only to attend to the musters of the able people; to the furnishing of them with armour and weapon; and to have force in a readiness to suppress, any rebellion, or to serve as by her majesty they shall be commanded; and not to deal in hearing of matters determinable by the laws. That every county be in readiness with their captains and leaders: and no musters nor assemblies to be made, but where the lieutenants shall appoint. “That the late statute for rogues be diligently and earnestly executed. “That knowledge be had who they are in every county that bear office, either spiritual or temporal, that do not resort to their churches; and who they are that, though they do resort sometime to their churches, be either contemners or deriders of the orders of religion established by act of parliament.”

The state now thought it highly needful, upon politic accounts, that Lent, and other yearly fasting times, should be duly observed, according to the ancient orders for abstinence: but the people were not apt at all to comply therewith, and could very unwillingly be restrained from eating flesh. The queen therefore did now, somewhat before the season of Lent, give forth a strict and ample proclamation for the yearly observance of that fast, and all other fish days, according to the ancient and laudable order for fasting those times: “Weighing the great and notable commodities growing by the due observation thereof within her majesty’s dominions. She, by virtue of that.proclamation, commanded all officers, ecclesiastical and temporal, straitly to see the same well and duly observed: willing and commanding them, in the name of Almighty God, to whom they should answer for their peculiar charges, and as they would answer to her for their contempt, that they did not, either by their own example, or by lack of execution of their authority, permit such licentious and carnal disorder, in contempt of God and man, and only to the satisfaction of devilish and carnal appetite:” as the words of the proclamation ran.

And for the city and borough of London and Westminster, the queen gave charge to the mayor of London, and the steward and principal officers of Westminster, to take care, that no butcher, poulterer, or victualler should hereafter kill, sell, or cause to be killed or sold, any flesh between Shrove- Tuesday and the Tuesday next after Palm-Sunday. And that no tablekeeper or inn-holder, &c. should dress, or suffer to be dressed or eaten; any flesh within their houses in Lent time, or upon any fish-days, upon pain of forfeiture of 20l .: to the queen one half, and the other to be disposed by the church-wardens to the poor. And if any citizen should offend herein, he was to be disfranchised by the mayor and his brethren; and being a tablekeeper or victualler, to be utterly disabled to use the same trade: and if he were not a citizen, then, besides the said forfeiture, to endure ten days’ imprisonment. And if the person offending were not able to pay the forfeiture, he was to stand one market-day openly upon the pillory during the space of six hours.

Every alderman in his ward was twice in the Lent to cause an inquiry and presentment to be made by oath of twelve honest and substantial citizens of every ward, (being no butchers, poulterers, common victuallers,) what persons did offend in eating or killing flesh. One inquiry to be the Monday after Midlent-Sunday, the other in the week next before Easter. The mayor with his brethren to cause once every fortnight privy search to be made, by honest and trusty persons, of the houses of butchers, poulterers, victuallers, tavern-keepers, for the better understanding whether they, or any of them, did offend in the premises: and if they found any such, to punish them without favour, affection, or respect of persons. The like order to be kept by the discretion of the steward and head officers of Westminster.

The said mayor and aldermen, and steward, were yearly to certify in the court of chancery, before the first day of Easter term, upon pain of an 100l . what they had done in execution of the premises, under their hands and seals, to the intent that her highness might consider what diligence or negligence was used in the execution hereof.

But this order was not to punish persons that by the laws ecclesiastical and temporal, for needful and just considerations, were permitted to sell, kill, or eat flesh. And for the better intelligence of persons licensed it was ordered, that every person having licence should yearly, the first Sunday in Lent, notify the same to the alderman of the ward, and to the curate of his parish, or to one of them at the least, where he dwelt, or else the dispensation to be void. And this manner the queen commanded to be observed throughout all places in her realm, as nigh as might be, with like penalty; and especially in towns corporate. From which towns corporate, situate within an hundred and forty miles from London, certificate, in form aforesaid, was to be made in the chancery, at the furthest before the second return of Easter term, upon pain of an 100l . to be levied to her majesty’s use upon the corporation so making default: and from all other corporations further distant, certificates to be made before the last day of Easter term.

She charged, by the said proclamation, all bishops, curates, and other ecclesiastical persons, to exhort and persuade the people in their sermons to forbear this carnal li-cence, and boldness to break common order; and to let them understand the great danger of the wrath of Almighty God, that will always light upon rebellious and obstinate people. And because this proclamation should have continuance, she charged all mayors, sheriffs, and other head officers, that it should be proclaimed in every place usual, and yearly to be hereafter proclaimed, upon such market-days as should next go before the first week of Lent: and that at every leet, at Easter, inquisition should be made of the execution hereof.

This year a command from the queen went forth for the withdrawing her commissions for concealments from all to whom she had granted them: which gave a great quieting to her subjects, who were excessively plagued with these commissioners. When monasteries were dissolved, and the lands thereof, and afterwards colleges, chantries, and fraternities were all given to the crown, some demeans here and there pertaining thereunto were still privily retained and possessed by certain private persons, or corporations, or churches. This caused the queen, when she understood it, to grant commissions to some persons to search after these concealments, and to retrieve them to the crown. But it was a world to consider what unjust oppressions of the people and the poor this occasioned by some griping men that were concerned therein: for under the pretence of executing commissions for inquiry to be made for these lands concealed, they, by colour thereof, and without colour of commission, contrary to all right, and to the queen’s meaning and intent, did intermeddle and challenge lands of long times possessed by church-wardens, and such like, upon the charitable gifts of predecessors, to the common benefit of the parishes; yea, and certain stocks of money, plate, cattle, and the like. They made pretence to the bells, lead, and such other like things, belonging to churches and chapels, used for common prayer. Further, they attempted to make titles to lands, possessions, plate, and goods belonging to hospitals, and such like places, Used for maintenance of poor people; with many such other unlawful attempts and extortions, to a pernicious example, if the same had been further used and suffered, by colour hereof.

At length the queen set forth a proclamation, Feb. 13, at Westminster, to withstand this manner of extortion, and unlawful practices and troubles of her subjects: and commanded therefore, “That all commissions which were then extant, and not expired, for inquisition of any manner of concealments, should be, by supersedeas out of her court of exchequer, revoked. And because the frauds of offenders in such cases did so abound, as it might be, that they which had already begun, by colour of commission, to use such extortion and vexation for gain, would them-selves so conceal the revocation of their commission, being but by process of supersedeas, therefore her majesty, to notify this her gracious disposition more publicly to her subjects, and to procure due punishment of the offenders, with restitution of things wrongfully taken, gave to understand by these presents, that all manner of commissions then extant, that had passed from any of her courts,. to inquire of any lands, tenements, and hereditaments, or of any goods or chattels, concealed or supposed to be concealed, before the day hereof, should cease, and not continue; and that no commissioner should, by virtue of any such commission, charge any person to inquire further of the contents of any such commission.

And if any person should have cause to complain of any other, for any manner of extortion or misusage by colour of such commission, the same might exhibit their complaint to the justices of assize the next circuit, or to any other two or three justices in the shire; whom the queen charged to cause the truth of the complaint to be examined, and the offenders to be severely and speedily punished, and to make due and large restitution. Or if the causes of the extortion should be great, or that the offenders could not be found within the county, then that certificate be made thereof by the justices of assize or of the peace, either to the privy council or the keeper of the great seal, to be further tried and punished in the Star-chamber for a further example. “But though her majesty meant to relieve her subjects from wrongs and vexations in this sort, yet she gave them withal to understand, that she intended not to forbear, by some better ordinary means, and by persons of known honesty and wisdom, to inquire of such lands and other things as duly and justly did belong to her crown, and were withdrawn and concealed. Wherein such care should be had, as hereafter no commission should be granted, but to such persons as should be reputed of such trust and honesty, as should by no means give cause to offend any, but such as of mere wrong would keep and detain things belonging to the crown. “And she would have her justices of assize to have some special care, not only to the premises in that their next sessions, but also to the reforming of certain covetous and injurious attempts of divers that had of late time, by other colour than for her majesty’s use, taken away the lead of churches and chapels, yea, and the bells of the steeples, and other common goods belonging to parishes: an example not to be suffered unpunished nor unreformed.”

Thus were these harpies and helluones, this turbidum ho-minum genus, these graceless and wicked men, (they are the lord Coke’s expressions bestowed on them,) thus were they for a time laid asleep; but they awake again at times, and plagued the nation throughout this queen’s and the most of the next king’s reign. And the cathedral of Norwich had like to have lost most of its revenues, under pretence of concealment, towards the latter end of queen Elizabeth. A patent of concealment was granted certain persons, who, under obscure words, endeavoured to swallow up the greatest part of the possessions of that ancient and famous bishopric: which, by the industry and prosecution of the then attorney-general, was overthrown. And yet, for more surety in a matter of so great weight, a bill was preferred in parliament for the establishing of the bishopric: which passed as a law, an. 39o. Eliz. cap. 22. See this case at large in the fourth part of Coke’s Institutes.

There was a statute in the 21st of king James I. against these concealers, and all pretences of concealments whatsoever: it was entitled, An act for the general quiet of the subject against all pretence of concealment whatsoever. Above an hundred lay hospitals, by the benefit of this act, having had priests within them in former days to pray and sing for souls, were established against all vexations and pretences of concealments. I add only this more concerning them: that they began in queen Mary’s days; she granted letters patents of concealments; and the first was to sir George Howard, as the lord Coke writes.

To this I add, that there were now grievous oppressions every where, and great complaints, by reason of grants of commissions upon penal statutes of forfeitures to the crown obtained by some greedy persons. Thus, in this 14th year, of the queen, (besides her commissions for concealments above mentioned,) she granted to two persons to compound for all forfeitures upon nine statutes: viz. I. The statute against usury. II. The statute for preservation of wood. III. That timber be not felled to make coals. IV. For the assize of fuel. V. For the true making of leather. VI. Against transportation of corn, wood, and victual. VII. For keeping of sheep. VIII.

Against extortion of bribes. IX. Against procuring and committing wilful perjury. And the queen was to be answered the fourth part of the money so forfeited and obtained. There was another grant, for finding of armour, and against unlawful games. And yet another, to make search at sea for prohibited and uncus-tomed wares. And, among the rest, there was a grant to vex the clergy, (which was by commission to George Delves and Lancelot Bostock, esquires,) to compound for offences against the statute of non-residence, and other offences of the clergy, and to take the whole commodity to themselves: and a like grant was made to sir Raulf Bagnal.

But of all these there went such common complaints, and so much vexation of the subject by means thereof all the land over, that the queen graciously revoked these grants for the execution of these penal statutes. But the promoters, upon this, immediately entered on the prosecutions of such transgressions as were put in suit before by those to whom the said grants were passed. This created new vexations. The queen therefore, that her gracious intentions of reforming so grievous vexations of her subjects might take place, ordered her secretary to signify to the lord treasurer, that he should give order for the stay of process in that behalf. And yet that her laws should not be loose, and void of all execution, she would have his lordship and the rest of the lords to devise some convenient plot for the execution of the same. Which the said lord treasurer accordingly did; and finished it in the next year, viz. 1573.

And the provision that was made for the preventing of these vexations, and yet providing for the execution of the laws, (as the queen commanded,) was this: devised by the wisdom of the said lord, as appears by the hand used in correction of a draught of the same. It was entitled, ARTICLES TO BE OBSERVED BY ALL SUCH PERSONS AS HAVE ANY GRANTS OF FORFEITURES UPON PENAL LAWS.

I. That there shall be no inquiry by commission: to the end that the charges and trouble of the country, and the grudge and murmur that ariseth among the people, may be avoided thereby. But to try all their causes by information or action in the exchequer or king’s bench, according to the ordinary course of the law. For so the law doth appoint.

II. That they shall make no composition with any offender, without the making privy thereto the court wherein they shall sue, and also the lord treasurer, or chancellor of the exchequer: to the intent, the portion due to the queen’s majesty may be known to be answered.

III. That the patentees shall prefer all informations and suits in their own names, or in the names of such their deputies as the courts of the king’s bench or exchequer shall allow of.

IV. That they shall have no process before the information or action entered in the king’s bench or in the exchequer.

V. That they shall make no deputies, to execute for them in the country, but such as the court of exchequer shall allow of.

VI. That the patentees shall be bound to the queen by recognisance in the exchequer: that if they vex, or cause any to be vexed wrongfully, then to pay such cost as the court shall tax. And that they shall likewise be bound, that they shall make no compositions without the privity of the court as aforesaid.

These articles were very good checks to these greedy men, that laboured to enrich themselves by extorting, on pretence of some statutes, from the poor commons, both of the clergy and laity: being drawn and contrived by the wise head of that great and useful counsellor, and by the direction of the gracious queen to him.

The Portugal ambassador, under pretence of having mass said privately in his family, by his privilege as ambassador, had now a good while entertained several mass-mongers in his house in Tower-street: which was now discovered, and a warrant was sent forth, to attach those of the queen’s subjects that were present there against her laws. The bishop of London understanding that this ambassador had fostered these persons long time in his house, contrary to our laws, he and the rest of the commissioners for ecclesiastical matters required the sheriff of London, Mr. Pipe, to go and apprehend such as he should find there committing idolatry, as the bishop of London expressed it in his letter to the lord treasurer: which warrant the said sheriff executed the 1st of March; and many he saw there ready to worship the calf. He apprehended (the rest escaping by the ambassador’s means) four students at the law, most of them Irish. These the bishops committed to the Fleet, until the lords’ further pleasure were known. Francis Gerald (for that was the Portugal ambassador’s name) offered to shoot dags, (which we call pistols nowadays,) and to smite with his dagger, and to kill, in his rage. There was found the altar prepared, the chalice of their bread-god, and a great many English hid in the house, that were minded to hear mass. The bishop gave commission to Norris the messenger to apprehend the Portugal and the mass-priest: but the messenger returned answer, that the Portugal was at the court, to complain. He cunningly told the tale first, and made himself plaintiff: so that the queen was somewhat offended with these proceedings against the ambassador. Upon which the bishop, grieved, wrote thus to the lord treasurer: “Truly, my lord, such an example is not to be suffered. God will be mighty angry with it. It is too offensive. If her majesty should grant it, or tolerate it, she can never answer to God for it. God’s cause must be carefully considered of. God willeth that his ministers purge the church of idolatry and superstition. To wink at it is to be partaker of it. He told the lord treasurer, that he would do well to see that idolater and godless man severely punished. Or, if you will, added he, set him over to me, and give me authority, I will handle him secun -dum virtutes.” In another letter upon the same occasion he said, “That such idolatry was not to be suffered. That strangers were to be borne with usque ad aras. But princes might not be pleasured with the displeasing of the Prince of princes. That such toleration would not be suffered in Spain. That this ambassador had mass said in his house for a twelvemonth, and twenty at least of her majesty’s subjects used to resort thither. That the queen would do well to send home both Francis Gerald and Anthony Guarrez; who did but lurk here in the realm as spies to practise mischief: and that they might serve their god Baal at home.”

The summer of this year the queen went her progress, beginning it in the month of July. In this progress she went into Essex. Where, from Havering Bowre, an ancient seat of the kings of England, (and where queen Maud used to retire,) instead of going to Enfield, she lay at Theobald’s (the lord treasurer Burghley’s house) three days. And then went to Gorambury, (beside St. Alban’s,) the lord keeper Bacon’s. Thence to Dunstable.

Thence to Woburne. She was also at Killingworth, the seat of the earl of Leicester, another of her great peers: where she was most splendidly entertained, in the month of August. She also took Reading in her way, where she remained some time. And at Windsor, September 24, she ended her progress: as secretary Smith in his correspondence acquainted Mr.

Walsing-ham in France.

While the court was at Killingworth, the earl of Northumberland (who was the chief head of the rebellion in the north some years past) was now brought to York, to be executed: and so the earl wrote in a letter to Walsingham, dated from Killingworth, August 22, that the said earl of Northumberland suffered death that day. For that the day before it was ordered, that he should be brought thither that day, under the conduct of sir — -Foster, for that purpose. The effect of this just putting to death of a traitor did but increase the malice of the papists; as was found by the diligence of the said Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France. Who gave intelligence thence to the court here, of a certain popish spy, named Davy Chambers, who was lately returned out of England, and had conference both with the French king and the duke of Guise, and had let fall these words: how that the death of the earl of Northumberland had increased the number of the queen of Scots’ friends; and that she was now grown to have such a party in England, as that five or six thousand shot, with some good leaders, would make her strong enough to encounter any forces her majesty could make. He informed further, that it was secretly whispered in corners, that there was some new practice in hand for the said queen’s deliverance. This intelligence was sent over in October.

The queen about this time had the small-pox, as her disease was commonly said to be. For the true account whereof I will set down a clause or two of secretary Smith’s letter to Walsingham, written October 18th: “That the [French] ambassador had audience of the lord treasurer, the earl of Leicester, and some others; the queen at that time not being perfectly recovered of that distemper, as the physicians said, although her majesty and a great many more would not have it so.

But it made no matter then, as the secretary added, what it was: thanking God that she was then perfectly whole, and no sign thereof left in her face.”

But to pacify her people, especially in the north part, where the Scottish queen was kept prisoner by George earl of Shrewsbury at Sheffield, she so far condescended as to write to him, giving a description of her disease, and assurance of her recovery. For the earl, hearing that her majesty was taken ill with the small-pox, was in no small confusion; and (though it were reported she was better) hastily sent to the lord treasurer, to learn of him her true state of health: who acquainting her with the earl’s letter, and she knowing what a charge she had committed to him, thought fit to take this opportunity to oblige him further with a letter from herself, (part whereof was of her own hand,) which was as followeth: “By the queen. Right trusty and right well-beloved cousin and counsellor, we greet you well. By your letter sent to us, we perceive that you had heard of some late sickness wherewith we were visited. Whereof, as you had cause to be greatly grieved, so, though you heard of our amendment, and was thereby recomforted, yet, for a satisfaction of your mind, you are desirous to have the state of our amendment certified by some few words in a letter from ourself. True it is, that we were, about fourteen days past, distempered, as commonly happeneth in the beginning of a fever; but after two or three days, without any great inward sickness, there began to appear certain red spots in some part of our face, likely to prove the small-pox: but, thanked be God, contrary to the expectation of our physician, and all others about us, the same is vanished away, as within four or five days past no token almost appeared; and at this day, we thank God, we are so free from any token or mark of any such disease, that none can conjecture any such thing. “So as by this you may perceive what was our sickness, and in what good estate we be: thanking you, good cousin, for the care which you had of the one, and of the comfort you take of the other.

Wherein we do assure ourself of as much fidelity, duty, and love that you bear us, as of any of any degree within our realm. Given at our castle of Windsor, 22d October, 1572, in the fourteenth year of our reign.”

This following postscript is the queen’s own hand: “My faithful Shrewsbury, let no grief touch your heart for fear of my disease: for I assure you, if my credit were not greater than my show, there is no beholder would believe that ever I had been touched with such a malady.

Your faithful loving friend, Elizabeth.” Upon this letter let me subjoin the contentation and joy administered unto the good earl: expressed by his own letter, dated from Sheffield, November 4: “That her majesty’s late letters, which he received with his, [the treasurer’s,] declaring her highness’s good health, were most comfortable unto him: and in respect of the word written with her own hand therein, far above the rate used to any subject; and that he thought himself more happy thereby than any of his ancestors.

And therefore that he meant, for a perpetual memory, to preserve the same safely, as a perpetual evidence of his great comfort to his posterity. And then beseeched his lordship to yield most humble thanks unto her majesty in his name therefore: and also for that it pleased her highness to accept his true and faithful service; which, by God’s grace, (he said,) should never be wanting.”

But the next month, viz. November, the queen was again under some disorder in her health, by reason of some fainting fits: which gave again.a mighty disturbance unto her subjects from the news of it; which now was fled abroad, as though she were very sick. Wherefore the earl of Leicester, to satisfy Walsingham, the ambassador in France, did write to him, how this little distemper in the queen bred strange bruits at home of her danger, and which he might possibly have heard of there: but that she was at present in good health. That indeed she had been troubled with a spice or show of the mother: but indeed not so; and that the fits she had were not above a quarter of an hour.

CHAPTER 23.

The Great English Bible, called, The Bishops’ Bible, printed.

Some account of this edition; and other older editions.

Prophesying set up at Bury by the bishop. The said bishop’s admonition to a contentious clergyman. Stays admitting a clerk into a living: and why. His advice to his chancellor, upon a disturbance of divine service. His trouble with a fraudulent receiver of his clergy’s tenths. Occasions a statute.

IN this year Parker, archbishop of Canterbury, set forth a new edition (in large folio) of the holy Bible of the Old and New Testament in English, new translated, and diligently compared, by several bishops and other learned divines, with the former English translations, and the originals. In the beginning, before the Book of Genesis, was the map of the land of Canaan placed. On which map were the arms of Cecil, lord Burghley, engraven, in a void place of it, by Humfrey Cole, engraver, born in the north, and pertaining to the mint, 1572. In another void place is the printer’s arms, with this fancy; a bush with a nightingale on one branch of it, and a label proceeding out of her mouth, with these words inscribed, Jug, jug, jug, jug: Cecil, I suppose, being at the cost of the engraving the plate for this map. There was in this new Bible another map of the holy land, containing the places mentioned in the four evangelists, with other places and towns in Syria near adjoining. Wherein may be seen the ways and journeyings of Jesus and his apostles, going about to preach the gospel in Judea, Samaria, and Galilee. And this therefore was placed before the New Testament. And moreover, a new chart of the peregrination of St.

Paul was set before the epistle to the Romans. There were also some coats of arms set in other places of the book; namely, of such as were chief benefactors to the work, and contributors of sums of money towards the printing or adorning of it. As, besides the arms of archbishop Parker and archbishop Cranmer, prefixed to their two prefaces, there be the arms of the earl of Leicester at the beginning of the second part of the Bible, viz. at Joshua; and the lord treasurer Burghley’s before the third part of it, beginning at the Book of Psalms. Where are also prints of their persons, viz. Leicester in armour; the other in his gown, as a man of peace. And at the beginning of the prophecy of Jeremiah stands the coat of arms of the earl of Bedford.

There be also many explanatory cuts dispersed throughout the book. As also divers useful tables for the better understanding of scripture history.

As, I. At the eighteenth chapter of Leviticus are two tables, entitled, Degrees of kindred which let matrimony; and, Degrees of affinity or alliance which let matrimony.

II. Before the book of Ezra is a table for the understanding of the histories of Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, Daniel, and of divers other places of scripture, very dark, by reason of the discord that is among historiographers, and the expositors of holy scripture, touching the successive order of the kings or monarchies of Babylon and of Persia: of the years that the said monarchies lasted, from the transmigration of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar, until the monarchy of the Greeks: and of the confusion that is in the names of the kings of Persia.

III. Before the books of the Macchabees is a third table, for the knowledge of the state of Judah, from the beginning of the monarchy of the Greeks, where the former table ended, until the death and passion of Jesus Christ.

IV. There is yet another table placed before the New Testament, to make plain the difficulty that is found in St. Matthew and St. Luke, touching the generation of Jesus Christ, the Son of David, and his right successor in the kingdom. Which description beginneth at David, and no higher; because the difficulty is only in his posterity.

V. There is a fifth table before the epistle to the Romans, which shews the order of times from the death of Christ; and a synchronism of the years of the reigns and governments of the emperors, presidents of Judea, and the Herodians, with Christ and St. Paul; to his beheading at Rome; beginning with Tiberius, Pilate, and Herod.

Besides all this, in this Bible is each chapter divided into verses; which, I think, no English Bible had before, excepting that of the Geneva translation. And also there be many references and marginal notes, to explain difficulties, or for observation of matters remarkable. For further account of this Bible, commonly called, The Bishops’ Bible, (because the bishops were chiefly concerned in the preparing of it,) the reader may have recourse to the Life of Archbishop Parker.

It is to be further observed in this Bible, that the Psalms are printed in two columns; viz. in one column the old translation of them, as they were and are in our liturgy; and the new translation of them in the other column.

Where, for preventing any displeasure any person might take thereat, as somewhat differing in divers places from the reading in the Common Prayer Book, this note was prefixed, (by archbishop Parker, I suppose,) which follows: “Now let the Christian reader have this consideration with himself, that though he findeth the Psalms of this latter translation following not to sound so agreeably to his ears, in the wonted words and phrases, as he is accustomed with; yet let him not be too much offended with the work, which was wrought for his own commodity and comfort. And if he be learned, let him correct the word or sentence (which may dislike him) with the better. And whether the note riseth either of good-will, or charity, or of envy and contention, not purely; yet his reprehension, if it may turn to the finding out of truth, shall not be repelled with grief, but applauded to in gladness. That Christ may ever have the praise. To whom, with the Father, and the Holy Ghost, be all glory and praise for ever.” Amen.

It may not be amiss here to enumerate some of the first and oldest editions of the Holy Bible in our vulgar tongue, which, by the peculiar blessing of God, were vouchsafed to this land, besides the translation and publishing of the New Testament, which was done by Tyndal about the year 1525. In the year 1535 the whole Bible was printed in folio, (and that, I think, was the first time it was set forth in English,) in an old, and, as it seemed, outlandish letter. In the end it is said to be printed in the year of our Lord 1535, and finished the 4th day of October. This Bible I have seen in Sion college library, London. It was done by Miles Cover-dale, with his dedication thereof to king Henry VIII. entitled, Unto the most victorious prince, and our most gracious sovereign lord, king Henry VIII. king of England and of France, and, under Christ, the chief and supreme head of the church of England. Therein he set forth the encroachments of the pope upon princes, and Christian realms, and especially upon this his majesty’s realm; “By getting money by his pardons, and by benefices and bishoprics, by deceiving the people’s souls by devilish doctrines, and sects of his false religion, and by shedding the blood of many of the king’s people, for books of the scripture. And since his imperial majesty was the chief head of the church of England, and the true defender and maintainer of God’s laws, he thought it his duty, and belonging to his allegiance, to dedicate this translation unto his highness.”

But I refer the reader to the Appendix, if he be desirous to peruse that epistle; wherein some things may be found acceptable to such as are studious of the history of those times, and of matters passed in those times.

What helps Coverdale had in this his labour, especially for the supply of his want of skill in the original languages, it must be known, that living in Germany, and conversing with the Lutheran divines, (many whereof were good Hebri-cians,) he had the opportunity of perusing several Dutch translations. This may be better understood by what he wrote himself in his prologue to this edition. Which began after this manner: “Considering how excellent knowledge and learning an interpreter of scripture ought to have in the tongues, and pondering also his own insufficiency therein, and how weak he was to perform the office of a translator, he was the more loath to meddle with this work. Notwithstanding, when he considered how great pity it was, that we should want it so long, &c. That for to help him herein, he had sundry translations, not only in Latin, but also of the Dutch interpreters. Whom, because of their singular gifts, and special diligence in the Bible, he had been the more glad to follow for the most part, according as he was required. But to say the truth before God, he added, that it was neither his labour nor desire to have this work put into his hand. Nevertheless it grieved him, he said, that other nations should be more plenteously provided for with the scripture in their mother tongue than we. Therefore, when he was instantly required, though he could not do so well as he would, he thought it yet his duty to do his best, and that with a good-will, &c.

And that, according as he was desired, he took the more upon him, to set forth this special translation, not as a checker, not as a reprover, or despiser of other men’s translations; (for that among many, as yet he had found none without occasion of great thanksgiving unto God;) but lowly and faithfully he had followed his interpreters; and that under correction.” This book hath in divers places little pictures, explanatory of the history; as of the creation, the deluge, &c. There be no marginal notes, nor any contents before the chapters; as there were in some after-editions, which gave offence to some of the churchmen.

Another English Bible in folio, with marginal notes, was printed anno 1537, with an epistle dedicatory also to king Henry VIII. subscribed Thomas Matthew. At the bottom of the title-page it is said to be set forth with the king’s most gracious licence. This is truly Tyndal’s Bible, as may be concluded by the two flourished text letters W. T. standing at the end of the prophecy of Malachi.

Another large Bible in English came forth anno 1540, the marginal notes being all struck out, as having given offence. It was printed by Whitchurch; and had a large prologue before it, made by archbishop Cranmer. And was said in the title-page to be printed for the use of the churches. In the said page are sculptures of king Henry VIII., archbishop Cranmer, and the lord Crumwel. And this edition is said to be overseen at the king’s commandment by Cutbert, bishop of Durham, and Nicolas, bishop of Rochester. Concerning these two last editions of the Bible, see what is more at large related in the Life of Archbishop Cranmer.

Again, another edition of the English Bible came forth the next year, viz. 1541. And so it is said in the title, The whole Bible, &c. finished 1541.

These two last Bibles also I have seen in Sion college library.

The English Bible was again printed anno 1549. Which was Tyndal’s Bible; and the very same with that which was printed 1557, and was called Matthew’s Bible. There might have been other editions between these two last; but I have not seen them.

Now I shall proceed to take notice of some particular occurrences in the church. Towards the latter end of the year, the exercise of prophesying, was set up at Bury St. Ed-munds, in Suffolk, as was used in some other places of this and other dioceses, to the profit and edification, in the knowledge of the scripture, both of the clergy and laity. For the exercise was, that certain ministers within a convenient compass in the diocese, assembled in a parish church (commonly in some market town) together; and there, one after another, gave their judgments briefly of the sense and import of some place or places of scripture, propounded before to be discussed, either by the bishop or the archdeacon’s order, or some other of the gravest sort: and then lastly, it was determined by a moderator. By which means, the ministers were obliged to study, to prepare for the better acquitting themselves in these exercises: and their knowledge in scripture increased; and the people also present were edified, by hearing of a sermon then preached. But however, these prophesyings (as they were called from 1 Corinthians 14) were in danger of degenerating into controversies and contentious disputings. And the puritans took their advantage of it by broaching their doctrines. Which was the cause that not long after, the queen absolutely required the bishops to put them down.

But the occasion of setting up this practice at Bury was, that several of the sober and well learned people in that neighbourhood sued to the bishop for his licence and appointment; that they might enjoy the benefit thereof, as well as other places in his diocese did. The bishop hereupon, judging it profitable for the advancement of godly knowledge, sent his letters to three of the gravest ministers in Bury, to take care of settling this exercise, as to the time, place, and persons; and rules for performance of it in the more orderly manner; and that the respective clergy should obey their orders herein. Yet warning, that nothing be done contrary to the orders and laws of the realm; but all to the furtherance of both laity and clergy in good Christian knowledge. For the fuller understanding of this exercise, now to be settled in this town, and the bishop of Norwich his direction therein, I have put his letter in the Appendix.

The bishops in these times were careful in their great charge, and watchful of the manners and behaviour of their clergy, if we may charitably conjecture at the diligence of the rest by one of them. It may deserve mentioning, what a sharp, and withal grave admonition the bishop abovenamed gave to one minister of his diocese, that was of a contentious disposition; and likewise of his conscientious boldness of staying the admission of another into a benefice, being unqualified; though he endangered thereby the displeasure of a great nobleman and privy counsellor, viz. the earl of Sussex. Both which happened within a few days one of another. For the knowledge and understanding of both these passages, there needs nothing but the rehearsing of the said bishop’s letters.

To Nesse (the name of the contentious clergyman) thus he wrote: “Mr. Nesse, I am ashamed to understand of your troublesome and disordered behaviour, not only at home, among your neighbours, but abroad also, and that before the justices and worshipful of the shire. Which being come to my knowledge, it standeth me in hand to see reformation. And therefore, by these my letters, I do advise and straitly charge you, that all former quarrels and matters in controversy may be stayed and forgotten; and that you do forthwith seek in charitable manner to reconcile yourself towards your neighbours: who for their parts promise the like; bearing no manner of displeasure to wards your person, but to your manners, which are out of order. And if you shall reply, that you be not in fault, I answer you, it may be untrue that one or a few shall report; but to be accused generally, and of all that have to do with you, this cannot proceed without your great deserving. “If this my friendly motion shall not persuade you to conformity, I have appointed process to call you before my chancellor, where your cause shall be heard, and reformed accordingly. But if these ways shall not help, I assure you I will use more sharp means, intending not to leave you, until I have either reformed or removed you. Putting you also in remembrance, how slanderous you are, in frequenting a suspected house, and refusing lawful matrimony.

Herein also I wish you forthwith to avoid the occasion, for fear of further inconvenience. And so I leave you to God. At Ludham, this 25th of February, 1572.

Your friend in well doing, John Norwic.” Of the matter the bishop had with the other clergyman, this was the purport.

The earl of Sussex had presented one Mr. Hilton, his chaplain, to the living of Disse, in his diocese, a good bene-rice, above the value of 30l . in the king’s books; and had sent to the bishop to admit him thereunto. But he wanting certain qualifications, the bishop refused, and gave his reasons for so doing in the following letter to the said earl: telling him, “That since he so well allowed of the man, he could be contented to admit him to the benefice: but that there was a let that stayed his admission hitherto; which was a branch of a statute made in the last parliament, viz. that no person, not being a bachelor in divinity, nor sufficiently licensed by some bishop, or one of the universities, should take any benefice with cure, being above the value of 30l . as this was. Herein he wished to be satisfied by such as were learned in the laws. Till which time he had persuaded Mr. Hilton to stay his admission. Adding, that if he [the bishop] should not be able by authority of the statute to admit him, nor he [the said clerk] be able to receive the same; then he assured himself, his honour would not impute the cause to him, but to his own insufficiency. And that, as for his own part, as it should not become him to attempt any thing contrary to a statute law, so would he be most willing to satisfy his honour herein, or any way else, as knew the Almighty; to whom most humbly he commended his honour. Dated at Ludham, the 4th of March, 1572.”

This clerk, the good bishop, as is likely, saw to be ignorant, and of small learning and abilities: and so, to bear him out to the earl, in refusing him, took the opportunity of the late prudent act, that none but learned and able men should possess livings of such considerable value, and to encourage the clergy to take degrees, and study, and become preachers.

Disorders committed in a church in Norwich, (and so even under the bishop’s eye,) while divine service was reading, caused him again to exercise his episcopal authority. It happened in February this year, in the parish church of St. Simon, (a parish noted for their disorders,) at evening prayer, after the minister had begun, and proceeded to the midst of the service, reading the Psalms distinctly to the people; three or four lewd boys, set on by some lewder persons, (whether they were papists, or protestants disaffected to the liturgy,) came into the church, and as the said minister began to read, My soul doth magnify the Lord, &c. they brast out into singing of psalms suddenly and unlooked for; and being commanded by the minister to cease, they continued singing, and he reading; so as all was out of order, and the godly, well-disposed auditors there disquieted, and much grieved. Of this the bishop having notice, sent word to his chancellor to take cognizance of this great abuse. Of which nevertheless he had no great marvel, because (as he wrote) he could never understand of any good order or conformity in that parish; and as persons that had vowed themselves contrary to God and good ordinances, so it fared with the most part of that parish, tie also informed his chancellor, of one of them, (who were the great setters on of these boys,) and his character, namely, one Thomas Lynn; “whose contumelious and disobedient dealings, especially in matters of religion and the church, was, as he admonished, most necessary to be looked on; as one that dared to attempt whatsoever he listed. “It ought to trouble us both, added that reverend father, that knowing and being informed often of the mis-orders of that parish, there hath nothing been done to this day; whereby their lewd liberty had not been restrained, but enlarged.” And requiring him earnestly to call the church-wardens and the parson before him, and whom else of the parish he should think meet; and understanding the course of these disorderly dealings, he should appoint such punishment as the fault deserved. The bishop required his chancellor to regulate another as great a fault in this same parish also: which was, that where all the churches in Norwich did forbear to toll a bell to evening prayer, till the sermon was done; in this parish the bells jangled when the preacher was in the pulpit. And they were piping (as the bishop expressed it) when they ought to be at the preaching. “And herein, and in such like, (as the good bishop proceeded in his letter,) if we shall continue slow and negligent in reforming, the blemish and discredit will light upon us both at the length, and that more heavily than will be well borne.” [Meaning, that such irregular and scandalous practices in divine worship, and contrary to the decency required in the time when it was celebrated, must needs come at last to the ears of the queen and council, to answer it.] And so slack, it seems, was the exercise of discipline in this civilian, to whom the bishop had committed this office, that he subjoined and informed him, that the godly sort of the parish had determined to seek reformation at the high commissioners’ hands: and that forthwith; being weary, as they said, of complaining, and finding no redress. And that for his own part, he washed his hands of it, and laid the fault in him, if any were; to whom he had referred these and such causes in his absence, as he knew. But to stay the complaints above, which was presently intended, he straitly required him to examine the misorder, and to punish it severely; using this reason to enforce it, “That it touched the credit of them both in the sight of the world.

Our place and calling bindeth us, and God looketh for it at our hands. And so I commit you to the Almighty, this 3d of February, 1572.

Your assured in God, Job. Norwic.” I have one thing more to relate of this pious bishop: for I love to revive the memory and actions of these our first protestant bishops and confessors.

He had the misfortune to intrust one with the collection of the tenths of his diocese. Who took the sums that he had received of the clergy, and converted them to his own use, instead of paying them into the exchequer.

So that at length a heavy debt fell upon the poor bishop, for two or three years’ arrears of the tenths, that almost brake his back, and drove him to great necessity. For the revenues of his bishopric were obliged to make good this debt to the queen. Which was the reason he was fain to absent from Norwich, and live more privately at Ludham, a country seat belonging to the see. Whence some letters above rehearsed were written.

This receiver of the bishop’s was one George Thymelthorp: who being behindhand in his payments of the clergy’s tenths, for the twelfth and thirteenth year of the queen, a summons came down from the exchequer to the bishop, to pay them. Whereupon the bishop sent to his clergy to produce and send to him their acquittances given them for their said payments by Thymelthorp; which the bishop accordingly sent up, that the said receiver might be charged with those sums, and that it might be seen how he had cheated the bishop. He had made use of this money to buy land. And these lands, and other his goods, he had fraudulently made over by deeds unto his brother, one Rugg, (a clergyman, as it seems,) and others; and himself absconded. The bishop, in this case, made his condition known unto the queen by petition, which he desired his old learned friend Dr. Wylson, master of the requests, to forward and countenance. It so far succeeded, that a commission was sent down to the high sheriff of the county, to make inquisition of what goods and estate Thymelthorp had, in order to seize them for the queen’s use. Besides this, there was a letter sent before, to the high sheriff, from the lord treasurer Burghley, to search for this man; but he could not be found. But he found in his house to the value of 218l . 15s. 4d.; his goods, and ll his plate and jewels, and things of most value, being conveyed away before. He found also his will; whereby it might evidently appear, that his former deeds of gift, and his feoffment made to Rugg his brother, and others, were altogether forged and deceitful; to the defrauding of the queen’s majesty of her due debt, and the utter undoing of the bishop. The sheriff was threatened by Rugg for exceeding his commission; offering him 100 marks, or 100l . in plate, to leave the will behind him. Which, when the sheriff refused, he threatened him vehemently. Wherefore the bishop prayed the lord treasurer, that the sheriff might be further authorized with such assistance, and a sufficient warrant for bringing away the said will.

The lord treasurer soon after, sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, the lord chief baron, the queen’s solicitor, and others of the exchequer, granted out a commission accordingly from the queen; which somewhat favoured the bishop against his said receiver. Whereupon by inquisition it was found, as above, that Thymelthorp had made all his deeds of gift fraudulently. This gave some reviving to the afflicted bishop; making this pious reflection in a letter to a friend of his: “Thus doth God deliver his seely poor souls (which meant hurt to nobody) from the falsehood and subtil cozening of devilish men, or rather monsters of men.” Adding, “You would not think into what rejoicing and gladness all the country (as I might so say) is resolved; excepting a few Thimelthorpians. The Lord be praised for ever and ever.” This he wrote from Ludham in January.

He informed also sir Walter Mildmay, a little after, that by authority of the last commission of inquiry, sent from the exchequer, it was found by inquest of office, that the deeds of gift, and conveyances, made by that deceitful person, were fraudulently made. And thereupon the sheriff had extended his lands, and such goods as were found, and put into inventory; desiring sir Walter, and the rest of the officers of the exchequer, to take order for the sale of those lands and goods, or otherwise, that they might be conveyed to her majesty’s best avail; to the answering his debt, and to the discharge of [the bishop’s] poor living, which was charged therewith, after 400l . a year, i. e. 1001 . payable each term, and out of which he had paid 4001 . and was still liable for more. And so pressed with it, that he was behindhand to the exchequer, for the debt that was stalled, and could not perform his own offer in payment. So that Godfrey, of that court, had sharp words, because he had not, for forfeit of payment of 100l . in arrears, caused the bishop’s lands to be seized and sequestered, out of respect and concern for the bishop. And so he wrote to him in February.

Thimelthorp was now in prison; and was sued by the bishop, to repay all that he had paid into the exchequer. And now I find him humbly addressing himself to the bishop; acknowledging his fault by letter, and offering all satisfaction; using these words, Venio tanquam prodilgus filus. The good bishop gave a kind answer to him after so much suffering and extremity brought upon him by means of the unjust dealings of the other. “That all the world might see through his failings to pay the prince, he [the bishop] had been and was burdened more than he could bear. And therefore, if by all lawful means he sought to ease himself, neither he nor his friends could justly blame his dealings.

That he must pronounce, that if his meaning were advisedly to draw him into the mire, after such courtesy that he [the bishop] had friendly shewed him, and constantly continued, and by so doing caused him to sustain great loss of substance, and brought also his credit into question; assuredly, said he, all persons might perceive and deem, that he had given him [the bishop] no cause to think his friendship well bestowed. However, the bishop made him this offer, That if he would pay him what he had disbursed for that debt of his, and would satisfy the prince for the payment yearly at every term appointed, and laid upon him, he [the bishop] would leave all further proceedings against him, and shew him all friendly courtesy as he might perform, or Thimelthorp desire.”

Then at length he urged to him, “the great necessities he was driven to by his means. That he was forced to live in miserable sort, neither able to maintain a family fit for his place, neither to build nor repair his houses, nor bestow his liberality where he would, neither to keep hospitality, or relieve the poor, according to his will, and as was convenient.” Yet humanely and christianly concluding, “Your loving friend, hitherto unfriendly handled, and yet your assured friend for ever, if you forthwith perform that both duty and conscience bindeth you to.” This dated from Ludham, March the 21st.

The aforesaid matter was the occasion of that statute, made this 13 Eliz. cap. 4. (which the bishop himself first moved in parliament: and the bill thereof was by the unanimous consent of bishops, peers, and commons, approved and passed; as he wrote to his friend Gualter. By which, he said, he hoped in a short time to have his losses made good;) viz. to make the lands, tenements, goods, and chattels, of tellers, receivers, &c. liable to the payments of their debts; and, against fraudulent deeds, gifts, grants, alienations, conveyances, bonds, suits, judgments, as well of lands and tenements, as of goods and chattels; that are said in that statute to be more commonly used and practised in those days, than had been seen or heard of heretofore. Which feoffments, gifts, grants, &c. were devised and contrived of malice, fraud, covin, &c. to the end to delay, hinder, or defraud creditors, and others, of their just and lawful actions, suits, debts, accounts, &c. the parties to such feigned and fraudulent feoffments, &c. to incur the penalty of one year’s value of the said lands and tenements, &c. and the whole value of the goods and chattels: the one moiety to the queen, and the other to the party grieved by such feigned and fraudulent feoffments, &c. And also being lawfully convicted, to suffer imprisonment for one half year without bail or mainprise.

For to meet with under-receivers, (such as Thimelthorp was,) intrusted by the bishops, there was another statute made, for the more effectual avoiding and redress of great deceits done to the queen’s highness, and to the prelates and clergy of the realm, by under-collectors of the tenths and subsidies of the clergy appointed by and under the archbishops and bishops. The tenor of it was, That the statute made in the thirteenth year of the queen, to make the lands, tenements, goods, and chattels, of tellers, receivers, &c. to be liable to the payments of their debts, should, to all intents and purposes, as amply and largely extend, and be construed to extend, to all such under-collectors of tenths and subsidies of the clergy: for satisfying of such money as they had collected, or should collect, of the said tenths and subsidies, to the use of the queen’s majesty. And that every such under-collector should, upon process to be awarded out of the court of exchequer, be chargeable to account for the receipt of such tenths and subsidies. And every archbishop and bishop, and dean and chapter, sede vacante, to whose charge the collection of such tenths or subsidies did appertain, should be discharged of so much of the same of the said tenths and subsidies, as should be satisfied to the queen, her heir or heirs, of or by the lands, tenements, or hereditaments, goods, &c. of such under-col lectors. By virtue of this act the lord treasurer (who was the great instrument thereof) sent his letters, in October, to the high sheriff of Norfolk, &c. as we related before.

And this seems to have been partly effected by the means of the archbishop of Canterbury; to whom the bishop addressed in a letter, dated April 2, 1573, to use his interest with the lord treasurer for forbearance; acquainting him, that Thimelthorp had promised an agreement with him; but he could not persuade himself to believe him, such had been his former dealings. And that all that while he remained in miserable state, paying 400l . by the year for his debt. And that it was supposed by some that were learned, that the last statute against the deceit of collectors was not sufficient for the sale of this deceiver’s lands. So that he told the archbishop he was like to be smally relieved thereby. That he had therefore been an humble suitor to the lord treasurer, that those great payments of his might be spared till the next parliament; where, by farther authority, the said statute might be enlarged, and he [the bishop] holpen. For truly (said he) I am not able to continue these great payments. And prayed his grace, when he saw time convenient, to use some favourable words to the lord treasurer, that he might the rather be spared for a time, in hope of further relief.

The bishop’s Christian disposition towards this ingrate-ful man may further appear by other his deceitful actions, having played other tricks with him.

He had forged a writing as it were from the bishop; wherein he gave the reversion of the archdeaconry of Norwich to him. And he, upon this writing, presented his brother William Rugg to it. The bishop, (having indeed the presentation in himself,) when it fell, had presented Mr. Roberts, a dear friend of his, to the same. And this occasioned a suit between Rugg and Roberts. Further, he had forged a patent for the receivership of Norwich. And doubting lest it should come to light, threw it into the fire, and burnt it. He had a man, to whom he gave 5l . a year, named Ibbots, that graved seals, and such like things, very cunningly, (as the bishop himself writ in a letter to his friend,) who might serve his turn in such cases.

This man I find remaining a prisoner the latter end of the next year, and the queen’s and bishop’s debt not yet paid; when he obtained leave of the council (the bishop being willing also) to go for a while into Norfolk.

Where he was twice at Ludham with his lordship: and there, holding up his hands, and falling on his knees, beseeched him that he would pardon him the injury. To whom the bishop christianly answered, that he would pardon the injury done him; but the payment of money due to him and the queen he could not pardon. The conclusion was, that he promised he would do all: and so returned to his prison; and the poor bishop left in as bad a condition as before.

Rodolphus Gualter and Rodolphus Zuinglius, the sons of those learned Helvetians of the same names, came over into England this year to travel, and to see and study at our universities; and were recommended by Gualter, the father, to the said bishop Parkhurst. With him they were in the beginning of December at Ludham. Where, among the rest of the entertainment, he treated them with oysters: which the young men wondered to see him eat. But however young Gualter ventured at last upon them: for so the bishop merrily wrote to his father. But as for Zuinglius, (as the bishop went on,) he dared not cum vivis animalcu-lis congredi. Yet the day after, evaginato gladio, vir se praestitit: i.e. he drew his sword, and shewed himself a man. From the bishop they took their journey to London with their letters, and waited upon bishop Sandys there: who received them very obligingly, for their relations’ and country’s sake: and assigned each of them 5l. against their going to Cambridge. They returned again to Ludham the same month. And in January following, the bishop sent them, and two more, their fellow-travellers, with a servant of his, to that university, the plague being then at Oxford.

The bishop intended wholly to find Gualter with maintenance, while he remained in England: and so he told him. But when Gualter’s father had promised in a letter to repay him whatsoever sums the young man should take up of him, and to reimburse him for his expenses, as he was resolved to take that opportunity of shewing his gratitude to Gualter, by bearing all his son’s charges; so in no small trouble and concern at it, he thus affectionately expressed his mind to the said learned man. Iniquo animo fero inhumaniter abs te dictum: nec dura ingratam hanc molestiam bene concoquere queo. Egon’ abs te vel hallerum acciperem?

Nondum tibi Tiguri satis-factum putas? An omnem humanitatem me exivisse putas? O mi Gualtere, ne quicquam tale in posterum abs te audiam. Nullis tuis impensis rivet in Anglia: nulli tibi erit oneri. Ego enim hinc alam; et liberaliter quidem. Curabitur ut meus filius, ex me genitus, &c. “What you so unkindly said, I take not well. Nor can I yet well digest this unkind trouble you have given me. Should I receive even a farthing from you? Do you think that I have satisfied you, when I lived at Zuric with you? Do you think that I have put off all humanity? O my dear.Gualter, let me hear no such thing of you hereafter. Your son shall not live in England at your charge: he shall be no burden to you here. I will maintain him here, and liberally too. He shall be taken care for, as my own son. This I promised you often by letters, and, God willing, I will certainly perform it.”

The bishop, now ready to send young Gualter to Oxford the next summer, out of his care for him, wrote in June both to Dr. Humfrey, head of Magdalen college, and Dr. Cole, concerning his coming thither: and prayed the former to provide him a convenient chamber in his college; and that he might be in fellows commons, and that he would see all his expenses discharged from time to time. And to Gualter himself, being upon his departure to Oxford, he wrote, “When you come to Oxford you shall be provided with all things. If any thing be wanting at any time, I have written now once again to Dr. Umphrey and Mr. Cole, to provide the same for you. And at one of their hands you shall receive what you have need of: and I will see the same discharged.” Concluding with his coun-el; “If you apply yourself to your studies, and do well, you shall want nothing, but shall find me, not a friend only, but another father unto you.

God keep you, and give you his grace to do that becometh you, to his glory, and all your friends’ comfort.”

CHAPTER 24.

Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador in France, impoverished in his embassy, comes home. Dr. Wylson sets forth a learned book against usury. Bishop Jewel’s letter in commendation thereof.

Epigrams formerly made by bishop Parkhurst, printed. Divers historical matters, both of himself and others, gathered from them. WALSINGHAM, the queen’s ambassador in France, after he had done her majesty the best service he could, in this critical and dangerous year, by his intelligences and spies, (which, for the public good of religion and the state, cost him great sums of money, to the impoverishing of himself,) did earnestly solicit all his great friends, to obtain of the queen the calling of him home. Thus pleading to one of his chief friends at court, (viz. sir Thomas Smith,) “That if the cause of his stay there grew only in respect of her majesty’s service, (as he was told by some letters hence,) though he had, he said, as much cause to desire his return, as any other that was employed in the like service, yet he could with more patience digest the same, as one that thought both his travail, substance, and life, as well employed in her service, as any other subject she had. [For indeed both his substance and life were in great decay and danger.] But he hoped, when her majesty should see his stay there not needful, she would tender his case, and yield to his revocation.”

I shall only insert this note concerning the necessitous condition of Walsingham, in this his public service, that the earl of Lincoln, being sent from the queen to Paris, upon his own experience of the intolerable charges there, through the daily increase of dearth, promised Walsingham that he would confer with the lord Burghley, to consult with her majesty for the increase of his diet. For otherwise he should not be able to hold out his monthly charges, now 200l . a month: notwithstanding his diet was thin; his family reduced to as small a proportion as might be; and his horse being twelve only.

But the queen could not be drawn to comply with Wal-singham’s earnest request; knowing how fit and able a person he was to serve her with that prince. Insomuch, that at last, for necessity, and want of health, his condition was miserable. He remained in France all the winter, even to February, when he wrote again, that he hoped his stay should not have been so long protracted, and that his miserable case (as he called it) should have been otherwise weighed, especially since his stay there could breed but an hinderance to himself, and no benefit to her majesty. For that the court then removed from Paris; and he should be driven to remain there, and not to follow the same, for lack of ability, having neither furniture, money, nor credit. But notwithstanding, his return was put off still. For in the next month, viz. March, I find sir Walter Mildmay soliciting the lord treasurer to take a seasonable opportunity that offered itself then, to help his brother Walsingham home: adding, that without his only help, he feared it would be put off again, with such delay as would be, he said, intolerable to him: praying his lordship to bear with his friend that thus pressed him: and that the reasons were so well known to them, that they could do no less. And that he would hereby bind Mr. Walsingham for ever to him.

At last, viz. in the month of April, he came home, and Dr. Valentine Dale went ambassador in his room. But he was run so far behindhand in his estate by this embassy, as that, though he lived divers years after, and once more was sent ambassador into France afterwards, yet died in debt. He was recompensed after his return home, and made principal secretary of state, with sir Tho. Smith, in the month of January after.

This year Dr. Wylson, master of St. Katharine’s by the Tower, and master of the requests, (afterwards secretary of state,) one of the most learned men of his time, set forth a book against usury: entitled, A discourse upon usury: by the way of dialogue and oration, for the better variety, and more delight of all that shall read this treatise: by Tho. Wylson, doctor of the civil laws, and one of the masters of her majesty’s honourable court of requests. He dedicated it to the earl of Leicester, the great affected patron of learning and learned men; wherein he is styled, the high and mighty earl.

The occasion of his writing this tract was this, that usury, in the excesses of it, was now so common in the kingdom, that it arose to extreme extortion and oppression. For thus he writes in one place of his book: “ That ugly, detestable, and hurtful sin of usury, which being but one in grossness of name, carrieth many a mischief linked unto it: the same sin being now so rank throughout all England, and in London especially, that men have altogether forgotten free lending, and have given themselves wholly to live by foul gaining: making the loan of money a kind of merchandise: a thing directly against all laws, against nature, and against God. And what should this mean, that instead of charitable dealing and the use of almose, (for lending is a spice thereof,) hardness of heart hath now gotten place, and great gain is chiefly followed, and horrible extortion is commonly used.”

And again: “I am sorry to say it, and know it over well; and therefore I must needs say it; I do not know any place in Christendom so much subject to this foul sin of usury, as the whole realm of England is at this present, and hath been of late years.”

The book is the more to be esteemed, in that the copy was read over and approved by Jewel, bishop of Salisbury, in the year 1569; who wrote and prepared a letter to the author in commendation thereof. The letter was found in that bishop’s study certain months after his death, and sent by John Garbrand, M.A. in Oxford, and prebendary of Salisbury; to whomthe bishop gave all his papers, writings, and notes of all his travails in God’s vineyard, and other devices of learning. Which letter Dr. Wylson thought fit to set before his book, and was as followeth: “I have perused your learned and godly travayl touching the matter of usury, Mr. Dr. Wylson, and have no doubt, but if it may please you to make it common, very much good may grow of it. Such variety of matter, such weyght of reasons, such examples of antiquity, such au-thoritie of doctors, both Greeks and Latines; such allegation of lawes, not onely civil and canon, but also provincial and temporal; such variety of cases, so learnedly and so clearly answered; such learning and eloquence, and so evident witness of God’s holy wyl, can never possibly passe in vayne. I wil not flatter you: I cannot: it be-cometh me not. I assure you, I like al notably wel; si quid mei est judicii; and if my liking be worth the liking. “But of al other things, this liketh me best. Of the three parties, you make eche one to speak naturally, like hymself, as if you had been in eche of them, or they in you. What it shal work in other I cannot tel: for mine own part, if I were an usurer, never so gredily bent to spoyle and ravine, ut sunt faeneratores; yet would I think myself most unhappy, if such persuasions could not move me. But what man would not be afraid, to lyve desperately in that state of life that he seeth manifestly condemned by heathens, by the old fathers, by the auncient councelles, by emperours, by bishops, by decrees, by canons, by al sects ,of al regyons, and of al religions, by the gospel of Christ, by the mouth of God? Ago breviter, ut vides. Non enim id mihi sumo, ut damnem large tam horrendum peccatum. Id tibi relinquo.

Ut vivat liber, usura pereat.” From Salisbury? this 20th of August, 1569.”

The book is written dialogue-wise, (the manner of writing in those times,) between a rich worldly merchant, a godly and zealous preacher, and two lawyers, the one temporal, the other civil: who are all brought in, speaking naturally their sentiments upon this argument of the loan of money for gain, which is his description of usury; some for, and some against it. And this was that which the bishop in his letter declared he had such a liking for.

Dr. Wylson was a very eloquent man; and excellent for the gnw~mai (i. e. sentences of great importance and practical wisdom) his book abounded with: and a taste of them may deserve here to have a place. As, “The Devil, whom that ancient father of famous memory, Hugh Latimer, called, the most vigilant bishop in his vocation.” “If there be not as quick weeding hooks, and as sharp iron forks, ready at hand to cleanse soil from time to time, as the weeds are and will be ready to spring and grow up, in the end all will be weeds: and Antichrist himself will be lord of the harvest.” “Wariness in all things is evermore wisdom; and of advised dealings come perfection. Things foreseen, do al-ways the less harm.” “I do wish, that man were as apt to do right, as he is ready to speak of right: and to be altogether as he would seem to be.” “Sweet is that sacrifice to God, when the lives of lewd men are offered up to suffer pains of death for wicked doings.” “As good pick straws, as make laws that want a magistrate to see them well obeyed. — -The law itself is a dumb magistrate to all men: whereas magistrates are a speaking law to all people. — -As one may be a good magistrate to the people, and yet no good man to himself; so may one be a good man to himself, and prove no good magistrate to the people.” “Diogenes said well, Where neither laws have force, nor water hath course, there should no man willingly seek to dwell.” “Plainness of speech, and freedom of tongue, in deciphering sin, and advancing virtue, are not the best ways to thrive by.”

I will take my leave of this book, after I shall have mentioned a punishment, which the author shews out of the civil and canon laws, appointed for usurers convict: viz. that when they are dead, they shall not have Christian burial. And that if any minister do receive any known or convicted usurer to the communion, the same priest or minister shall be straightway suspended from celebrating in the church. And that whoso burieth an usurer so convicted shall immediately be excommunicated. This Dr. Wyl-son fitted with a story he had read. A rich usurer being notorious, and therefore often warned to amend; and yet amending never the more, departed this world; when and where he could not tell, (for the book from whence he had it went not so far for time and place.) But after the man was dead, his kinsman that succeeded him, (as rich men want none,) desired to have him buried in his parish church, before the high altar. The parson being a zealous godly man, would not bury him at all, no, not in the churchyard; much less in the church, or at the high altar. His kinsman hereupon being greatly dismayed, offered largely to have this favour. But all would not serve. At length understanding that the parson had an ass, which brought his books daily from his parsonage to the church, being a pretty distance asunder, they politicly desired to obtain this favour for him; that as his ass did daily carry his service-books to the church, so it would please him, that for this time the ass might take pains to carry this dead ass in a coffin, with this condition, that wheresoever the ass stayed, there the body should be buried: persuading themselves, that as the ass, by an ordinary course, used to go every day from the parsonage to the church, with a burden of books upon his back, so of course he would take the same way with this dead man’s corpse, being chested, even straight to the church. The priest, upon their importune suit, was content that his ass should deal in this matter for the usurer, and be his dumb judge. Who, when he had the chested body upon his back, feeling the weight heavier than was wont to be, (as usurers want no weight, being overladen with sin,) or else by some secret motion of God, I think, as Balaam’s ass was inspired; so this foresaid beast, being laden and overladen, as it should seem, did fling and take on immediately, as though wildfire had been in his tail: and leaving the ordinary course to the church, took the straight way out of the town; and never left flinging and running, till he came to a pair of gallows at the town’s end: and there wallowing himself under the gallows with the corpse upon his back, did never leave tumbling and tossing himself upon the bare ground, till he was clean disburdened of so miserable a carrion: a fit altar undoubtedly for usurers to be sacrificed upon alive, or buried under when they are dead; and a most worthy tabernacle, or shrine, miraculously assigned for all such lewd saints to be shrouded in, either dead or alive. The facetiousness of this story makes me insert it.

To this book I add another, for the eminency of the author, set forth also this year, by the same Dr. Wylson; being the elegant Latin epigrams of bishop Parkhurst, written in his younger days; (famous for his human as well as divine learning;) the copy thereof being sent by the author as a new year’s gift to the said Wylson, his dear friend and old acquaintance. Which he called the bishop’s good, godly, and pleasant epigrams: and was minded, with the bishop’s consent, to put them to the press, as fit to be preserved to posterity, and worthy public view.

These epigrams (in imitation of Martial) are to be esteemed, not so much because they were pieces of handsome wit and fancy, as chiefly because they are historical. Wherein Parkhurst doth both give us an account of many remarkable passages of the former part of his life, his education, his learning, his acquaintance, and his exile and sufferings, for adhering to the true religion; but also lets us into much of the knowledge of the latter times of king Henry VIII. as also of divers things in the reigns of king Edward VI. and queen Mary, especially relating to religion, and of persons of both sexes, eminent in both reigns, either for their rank and dignity, their religion or learning, with their characters.

Concerning himself we learn divers things by some of his verses; as that he was born at Guilford in Surry, by his epigram to Dr. H. Polsted, a physician of Guilford, conter-raneum suum. That he was educated first under the famous grammarian, Mr. Robertson, and after, at the school of Magdalen college, in those verses, ad Gymnasium Mag-dalenense: O praeclara domus, musarum candida sedes, &c.

Me quoque nutrieras olim, cum parvulus essem, Nunc factus juvenis, sum memor usque tui.

That he was in his younger days but of mean circumstances, as appeared by his relation of certain of his dreams: Somnia me Craesum fecerunt saepe superbum, Et gazis visus sum superare Midam.

Somno experrectus mox sum mendicior Iro.

Irus ita usque fui, desii at esse Midas.

And that his profession of the gospel, and abhorrence of popery, was the obstacle to his hopes of wealth from one Crisp, his father-in-law; whom, in his verses to Jewel, he denotes to be rich: Possidet ille gazas, ego paupertate laboro.

And when Jewel had asked him the cause he was no kinder to him, he answered, Impia non possum dogmata ferre papae.

That he was not wanting to himself in his diligence of seeking preferment: but had no success. This he expressed to one Estwic, his friend, upon occasion of his inquiring of him what he was doing: Quid faciam, quoeris? Venor. Quid? Venor honores.

At frustra: invitis venor adhuc canibus.

Yet afterwards his hunting was more successful. For he became chaplain to persons of the highest dignity. As, to Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk.

On whom he made a funeral epitaph, styling him there, dom. suus clementissi-mus. He was domestic also to the most excellently accomplished woman, for birth and virtue, the lady Katha-tine, his duchess. (To whom likewise he wrote some epigrams.) To which honour he attained anno 1542, by an address to her in a copy of Sapphics: Si velis inter numerare servos Me tuos, o gloria faminarum, &c.

And which was higher yet, he was domestic chaplain to a greater princess, viz. Katharine Parr, king Henry’s last queen: as we find also by some of his verses. Wherein, when a friend of his asked him why he abode so much at court, he gave him the reason, that it was partly the great obligingness, affability, and piety of his mistress, the queen, and partly to enjoy the society and converse of some excellent scholars, that were likewise at court, as Coverdale, Huic,aelmer, &c. Quod tam volens, quod tam lubens, Reginae in aula mansito, Facit hujus benignitas, Pietas, facilis cleraentla.

Necessitudo addi huc potest, Coverdali, Huicci, et aelmeri, O! dii, viros quos nomino?

After serious deliberation about his entrance into the state of matrimony, at last concluding it the most safe and godly course, he resolved upon it; writing thus to his friend: Commodius vivit caelebs, sed tutius ille, et Sanctius.

And thereupon concludeth, Ipse brevi castus nempe maritus ero.

Though being a man in holy orders, many severely censured him for it; especially such as favoured popery. To one he gave this answer: Conjuglum meditor. Tragide obstrepis, atque probro des. Quid faceres, essent si mihi scorta? Nihil.

John Jewel, afterwards the most learned bishop of Salisbury, was his scholar in Merton college; signified in those verses writ to him; Olim discipulus mihi, chare Juelle, fuisti, Nunc ero discipulus, te renuento, tuus.

That he was incumbent of the rich benefice of Cleve: but left it upon queen Mary’s altering religion, for the sake and love he had to Jesus Christ: as he expressed in this pious distich to his friend: A me cur locuples subito sit Cleva relicta, Quaeris. Prae Christo sordida Cleva mihi.

The cause of religion was so dear to him, that (besides the loss of that) he took up a resolution to leave the kingdom, whatever dangers and evils befell him, and piously commended himself to the protection of God, against hangmen and against papists; putting them together, as equally dealing in blood: Nescio quid mihi mens praesagit adesse malorum; Nescio quid sperem; nescio quid metuam.

Quicquid erit, Deus alme, tua me protege dextra; Carnifices perdant me, neque pontifices.

And now being departed from his native country, and in his voyage, his heart trembled to think of the cruelties intended against him and the rest of those pious Christians that would not turn papistical idolaters, and dreaded the handling of those that remained behind. But especially he had a great concern for the princess Elizabeth, and his noble patroness, the good duchess of Suffolk. Praying God for his protection of them all, against the wolves, lions, and tigers: meaning those inhuman popish persecutors under queen Mary, sensible also of the danger the whole kingdom was in from foreigners. In regard of which matters thus expressing himself, while he was sailing upon the seas: Dolos maligne qui struunt, Nostramque vitam quaeritant, Ne prcevaleant nobis, Deus; Funes eorum rumpito, Laqueos cruentos scindito.

Ab hostibus civilibus, Et exteris, Britannicum Regnum misericors libera.

Praenobiles viros bonos, Praenobilesque foeminas, Elizabetham principem, Suffolciae, et meam, ducem, Deum colentes, rictibus Lupi, leones, tygrides, Immanibus ne devorant.

He and divers more divines, and learned men of the universities, and of the church of England, under king Edward, thus became voluntary exiles, and settled themselves at Zuric in Switzerland: and in their travel, near to that place, they were to pass over a very high hill, where was a rock, on which he engraved these extemporary verses; (the rest of them having inscribed their names:) Huic insculpserunt Angli sua nomina saxo, Charam qui patriam deseruere suam.

Deseruere suam patriam pro nomine Christi:

Quos fovet, ut cives urbs Tigurina suos.

Urbs Tigurina piis tutum se proebet asylum.

O! dabitur grates quando referre pares?

He and the other exiles being not only most kindly received at their coming, by Bullinger, Zanchy, Wolphius, Gualter, Lavater, and the other ministers and rulers at Zuric, but also living easily there among them: so much love and hospitality had such an impression upon him, that he thought he could never sufficiently extol it, nor be thankful enough for it: as he expressed it in these verses: Vivo Tigurinos inter humanissimos:

Quibus velis vix credere, quantum debeam.

O! quando Tigurinis reponam gratiam?

How kind the divines of that city shewed themselves (and especially Gualter) to him, John Bale took notice of in the preface to his books of the Acts of the popes: Vir optimus (speaking of John Parkhurst) et meliori fortuna dignior; quot nominibus, &c. “An excellent man, and worthy of better fortune; upon how many accounts is he debtor to you, Mr. Gualter, and the whole city [of Zu-tic?]” The same writer, an exile also then at Basil, records gratefully the entertainment of the rest of the English there. That they lived together in one house [like a college of students.] That Bullinger took a fatherly care of them, and that by the full consent of the citizens. And he adds, that these that were daily with him at Basil, related those ministers’ care, their trouble, and their paternal affection towards them, while they lived under the shadow of that city, covered against the heat of persecution, with the love of the whole people. They related also to him the incredible munificence of the magistrates: who most liberally offered by Bullinger subsistence, by provision of bread-corn and wine, as much as might suffice to sustain thirteen or fourteen of them. But the English refusing to be so burdensome to them, [having relief elsewhere,] they of the city were sorry that some opportunity of gratifying them was wanting.

While Parkhurst sojourned here in this place, he exercised sometimes his poetical strain. And once, at the motion of Zanchy and Wolphius, knowing his genius towards poetry, he comprised the Ten Commandments in ten heroic verses. And again, at the desire of the said Zanchy, he composed elegantly in Latin verse the history of the life of Christ: shewing the occasion thereof in these words: Cur-sus vitoe Domini nostri et Servatoris Jesu Christi: rogatus a D. Hieronymo Zanchio hoec scripsi Tiguri, 1557.

He began with Adventus Christi in carnem. Then his Nativity. Then his Circumcision. Then the, Epiphany. Then his Disputation with the doctors: and so to the last Judgment, in several distinct poems.

And being settled in this city, Zuric, this safe harbout for the poor English exiles, he gave a character of this place, in the end of a letter which he wrote to Harley, late bishop of Hereford. Urbs habet Helveticoe me nunc primaria gentis; Urbs plane armipotens, pacis amica tamen.

Urbs facunda piis verbi praeconibus, atri Urbs expers odii, caedis, avaritiae, &c.

He shewed himself a prophet, as well as a poet: comforting the English exiles by foretelling the restoration of the gospel to England within a short time: Numinis ira brevis, bonitas pia gaudia praebet.

Est nox tristis? Erit postera laeta dies.

And likewise the death of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, in a distich to Ponet, who had been deprived of that bishopric: Salveto nuper praesul, praesulque futurus.

Namque brevi Stephanus, proesul, puto, desinet esse.

And so in all probability Ponet had been restored, had he lived to return; but died before.

But for the historical characters this epigrammatist giveth of others of the English nation, both of the nobility and clergy, whether papists or protestants, I refer the reader to the Appendix; as containing many things that will be acceptable to such as are studious of those times.

CHAPTER 25.

Remarks upon, particular men. Sparks, a suffragan bishop. John Fox. John Cottrel. John Rugg. Justinian Lancaster. Bartholomew Clark: his testimonial. John Hales: his epitaph. Cardinal Chastillion: poisoned in England. The villain that poisoned him confesseth it two years after. Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s, founds a free-school in Lancashire. His letter to the lord Burghley about it.

One Blosse reports king Edward to be alive, and that the queen was married to Leicester. Mines of silver in Cumberland: a corporationd for the managery thereof.

AND as I have thus made mention of several persons of figure before, so I shall proceed to add some short notices of divers other eminent men, whose preferments or deaths, or other accidents, fell within this year, with some remarks concerning them.

Thomas Sparks, bishop suffragan of Berwick, assistant to Cutbert, sometime bishop of Durham, died this year. Anti John Fox, M. A. [the martyrologist, if I mistake not,] entitled, Sucri verbi Dei professor, promoted to a prebend in that church of Durham, vacant by the natural death of that reverend father, dated Sept. 2, 1572. Which preferment hc rcsigned the next year, viz. 15713.

John Cottrel, LL.D. archdeacon and prebendary of Wells, a great civilian in these times, and before, a member of the famous synod anno 1562, dieth.

And August 4, John Rugg, M. A. was made archdeacon of Wells, and was presented to the church of Winford, by his death, at the presentation of Maurice Rodney, of Somersetshire, esq.

Justinian Lancaster, archdeacon of Taunton, (who also, if I mistake not, was in the said synod,) was presented this year, in the month of March, to the prebend of Yatton, in the church of Wells.

Bartholomew Clerk, fellow of King’s college in Cambridge, commenced this year doctor of laws. He was much esteemed for his learning and Latin style; and whom archbishop Parker had preferred to the deanery of the Arches, and had employed sometime in writing against Saunders his book.

But having, notwithstanding, enemies, Byng, vice-chancellor, and Dr.

Whitgift, master of Trinity college, and public professor of divinity, both gave him this testimonial, under the university seal, in their letter to the lord treasurer: “Our duties in most humble manner to your honour premised.

Whereas this bearer, Mr. Bartholomew Clarke, being now lately admitted a doctor of the civil law in this university, hath earnestly required our special testimony to your honour of that his degree, we could do no less for truth’s sake, but according to his petition to advertise your lordship of the same; adding, moreover, that as well in replying as answering, he did so learnedly demean himself, that he hath thereby not only much encreased the good opinion long sithence conceived of his towardness, but also obtained a right commendable report of those that bear the chief name among us in that faculty. Thus, with our prayer to th’Almighty for the long preservation of your honourable estate, we humbly commend your lordship to his most blessed tuition. From Cambridge, this vi. of December, 1572. “Your lordship’s most humbly at commandment, Tho. Byng, vicechancellor, “Jhon Whitgyfte.” This year put an end to the life of John Hales, a learned man, and a courtier, under the reigns of king Edward and this queen. He made himself known in these times, as for his good zeal towards religion, so for his writing in favour of the succession to the crown, of the family of the Grayes; one of which family was queen Jane, who was beheaded for that cause in the beginning of queen Mary’s reign. Hales, for this attempt, underwent much trouble, as the histories of queen Elizabeth’s time do relate. He was buried in the church of St. Peter’s Poor, London; where, on a brass plate against the north wall, was this account of him en-graven: Dom. Joannes Hales, a pueritia literis deditus, excel lenti ingenio, docilitate, memoria, studio et industria sin-gulari; adjuncts, linguarum, disciplinarum, juris, antiquitatis, return divinarura, et humanarura, magna et mul-tiplici doctrina, instructissimus, evasit.

Innocentia, integritate, gravitate, constantia, fide, pietate, religione, gravissima etiara aegwotationis et rerum diffcilium diuturna perpessione, et in patientia, ornatissimus fuit, vitae honestissime sanctissimeque actae diem supremam 5to. cal. Januar. 1572, clausit. Anima exeunte, corporis reliquiae hoc loco sitae sunt. Expecto resurrectionem mortuorum, et vitam aeternam.

To these learned men I shall subjoin another churchman, viz. cardinal Chastillion; who flying hither out of France, anno 1568, for the safety of his life, with the bishop of Arles, upon his return was basely, by some unknown hand, poisoned; but was honourably buried among the metropolitans, in the cathedral at Canterbury, which happened in the year 1570. But I choose to mention it here, because the vile practiser of this murder was not known till the latter end of this present year. The reason of his coming was supposed to be for religion: for arriving at Tower-wharf, Sept. 15, he, with the other bishop, was received by some eminent citizens there, whereof the chief was sir Thomas Gresham, and (as it seems) by secret order from the queen. They were conducted to his house in Bishopsgate- street, and there lodged. And the next day he rode, attended with the said knight and others, to the French church, to shew his approbation, as it might be interpreted, of the protestant religion. And thence he went with the same state to the Exchange in Cornhill; and thence to St. Paul’s church; and so back to dinner with the said Gresham. And on some day after, he went to court, to wait upon the queen. His name was Edet, or Oder Colligni, of a noble family in France: which made the queen shew him great respect. He was also noted by Thuanus for a person of great virtue and integrity. Being at Canterbury, he died suddenly.

That he was poisoned was not known, nor by whom, till in the month of January this year, when intelligence came to the English court from Rochel, that a servant of the late cardinal Chastillion, put to death there, for going about and conspiring to betray that town, confessed, as he went to execution, that it was he poisoned the:same cardinal in England.

I shall also add here a remark of another very worthy and reverend man, viz. Alexander Nowel, dean of St. Paul’s: who, for the better encouragement of learning and true Christian religion among the rude inhabitants of Lancashire, he being a native there, was now founding a free-school at Middleton in that county, anti providing for the maintenance of such scholars as went from thence to Brazen-nose college in Oxford. A charter for the founding of the same from the queen, for the establishing of this Christian charity, lay now before the lord treasurer. And now, in the month of July, the said dean solicited that lord in behalf thereof; and that for the better maintenance of the master and usher, it might be capable of being well endowed: addressing to him to this tenor: “That in the patent of the foundation of her majesty’s school of Middleton, and of her thirteen poor scholars of Brazen-nose college in Oxford, the sum of the mortmain was not named. For the which, by the advice of sir Walter Mildmay, a blank was left, upon good hope that it would please her majesty to license a large sum to be purchased to so goodly uses; and in her majesty’s name he humbly prayed his honour to finish the good work which he had so happily begun; and to move her majesty to license the sum of 100l or so many marks at the least, by him and others, to be purchased in mortmain, for the increase of the stipends of the schoolmaster and usher, and of the number and exhibition of the said scholars, and the better relief of the great company of that poor college: and all to be done in her majesty’s name. And to cause the said mortmain to be entered in the blank of the said patent, with a note of her majesty’s consent hereunto; that no doubt may grow by the diversity of the writing.” Adding, “Your ho-hour shall hereby bind, not only me, but all the inhabitants of the rude country of Lancashire, and the scholars of the said college, next after her majesty, to pray for your honour, &c.

Your honour’s always to command, Alex. Nowel.” William Fulk, a member of the university of Cambridge, (afterwards well known for his learned writings and disputations against the Romanists, and head of Pembroke-hall,) had the honour this year to attend, as chaplain, upon the earl of Lincoln, lord high admiral, going to France. And so his absence from the commencement being necessary, when he was to take his degree of doctor, he obtained the queen’s letters to the heads, to grant him his degree, notwithstanding his absence. And that by virtue of her royal dispensing with a statute to the contrary. The said letter to the university deserves here to be inserted, being copied by an exact hand. “Elizabetha R. “Trustie and welbeloved, wee greet you wel. Wheras we are informed, that William Fulk, batchelor of divinity of that our university of Cambridge, hath both performed al the scholastical acts that are appointed by our statutes for the trial of them that are to be admitted to the degree of doctors in the same facultie; and also very neer accomplished al that time of study, which is required by the same statutes: these are to let you understand, that in consideration that he is appointed to attend upon our right trustie and right welbeloved cosyn and counsellor, the earl of Lyncolne, our high admiral of England into France, so that he cannot be present at your next commencement, wee are wel pleased to dispense with him; and by these presents do dispence with him.

Requiring ye therefore, that by grace of that our said university, he may be admitted to the said degree, notwithstanding his absense, in as ample maner as hath byn used to be granted there, before that libertie, for sundry good causes, was restrained by our statute; the said statute, or any thing contained therin in any wise notwithstanding. And these our letters shal be your sufficient warrant and discharge in this behalf. Geven under our signet, at our mannor of S. James, this 19th day of May, in the fourteenth year of our reign.”

One Blosse, alias Mantel, was in the month of January taken up, for affirming king Edward VI. was yet alive; and that queen Elizabeth was married about the year 1564 to the earl of Leicester, and had four children by him: and he had confidently told the same many times. This was such a piece of impudence, that it could not but be taken notice of. The latter report he had received from a popish priest as such, making it a great part of their business to slander and defame the queen to the utmost degree, to make her odious. And the former lie he had gathered from one in Oxford, in the time of queen Mary. He was brought before Fleetwood, recorder of London, who examined him: to whom he made a confession of what he had said, but with sorrow and repentance, though perhaps partial only; and the said recorder consulted with the attorney-general, sir Gilbert Gerard, what penalty by law should be laid upon him; and whether the crime could be found treason. In short, no law then was found to prosecute him. This matter being somewhat curious, I will relate both the examination of this fellow, as it was taken by the recorder, and sent to the lord treasurer, together with his letter, giving a further account of his dealing with him, and the judgment of both in this case. For both examination and letter the reader may apply himself to the Appendix.

Let me add, in the conclusion of this year, that certain mines were disovered in Cumberland, wherein was rich ore; whence were extracted copper, lead, and silver: which gave such encouragement, that a society, formed into a corporation of persons of eminent rank, was established, for the carrying on the work thereof. For in this l4th of the queen she granted letters patents, bearing date the 4th of December, of privilege for making of copper and quicksilver, by way of transmutation, with other commodities growing of that mystery, to sir Tho. Smith, knt. (who was the chief contriver,) Robert earl of Leicester, William lord Burghley, and sir Humfrey Gilbert, knt. who were incorporate by the name of the governor and society of the new art. They took into the said corporation some High Dutchmen, to be joined with them, who better understood the practical and laborious part. Among those, the chief undertaker was one Daniel Heckstetter, who was termed sometimes Dr. Heckstetter, and sometimes Mr. Daniel. In these mines the queen had her part, which was the fifteenth share; the rest went among the corporation. They extracted copper, lead, silver, brimstone, &c. But these works stood still this year, 1572, for want of money, and by reason of the disagreement of the Englishmen in company with the Dutch. Upon which, one Richard Dudley, a judicious person, (and concerned, as it seems, in this business,) did advise, that if they agreed not, and were not willing to consent and agree to all things according to their covenants, then those wilful persons should lose their portions for a time, and the queen to have their parts for three years; and as the quantity or portion required, to pay money after the rate. Also, he wished some skilful man to be appointed to join with the Dutchmen, for making the assays of copper, and for making bargains for wood, seacoal, making charcoal, &c. And that the queen keeping them in her hand the space of three years, she should come to know and understand their commodity, and whether they were to be continued; and, as he supposed, would encourage the Dutchmen to travail more earnestly, when her majesty should deal in it.

At length the Englishmen were contented to let the Dutch have their parts for three years, and to be at all charges. The chief undertaker in this work, Heckstetter, at the expiration of those three years, made two petitions to the queen. One, for forbearance of her debt lent; so as her debt might be paid so much yearly, according as the mines might bear, with the favourable consideration of their continuance; and the other, that it might be permitted to vent and transport over the seas such quantity of coppers yearly, as the said Daniel should find merchants willing to buy of him; paying her majesty due custom thereof, according to the company’s privilege.

In short, by an extract it appeared, the debt and benefit of these works was, that the queen lent to the works, to the carrying them on, 25001 at Christmas, 1575; and was owing by the mines 4807/. 19s. 4d.; paid, and owing to the mines, from Christmas 1575, to Christmas 1576, 3547/. Ts. 10d. How the state of these mines stood about this year, 1576, will be seen in the Appendix.

Towards the end of the year all things were framed to quiet, peace abroad and at home. Though (as Dr. Wylson observed in his correspondence with the bishop of Norwich) that he did not think that princes, being once quiet within their ownstates, would suffer this state [of England] to be long quiet. And so ,indeed it proved, as we shall find in the progress of this history.

The parliament being to sit in April next, having been prorogued to that month by the queen, (to take off the eagerness of the house against the Scottish queen,) the bishop of Norwich, now ancient and sickly, began a month or two before to be concerned where he should get lodgings when he came up: and therefore sent up a messenger before him, to provide some convenient place for his reception. The lady Jerningham, of his diocese, had offered him the use of an house of hers in the Black-friars: but he had no great stomach to accept of her kind offer, because she was noted to be a great enemy to religion; sir Henry Jerning-ham, knt. deceased, her husband, having been captain of the guard to the late queen Mary. But necessity had no law, as the bishop wrote his friend Dr. Wylson; and that therefore, for any thing he knew, he must be contented therewithal.

This is but a slight remark, and yet I cannot but take notice of it; to observe hence how this bishopric was now wholly devoid of any house or inn in London or Westminster, when as his ancestors, the bishops of Norwich, (as well as the rest of the bishops,) had all their inns or houses belonging to their bishoprics, for their harbour, when they had occasion to come up to the court or parliament; a thing so convenient. But now there was scarce one (except the bishop of Ely) had any, but what he borrowed or hired, their houses having been, either by the latter kings and princes, or the importunity of courtiers, obtained from them. Thus the bishops of Norwich had their house in St. Martin’s in the Fields; which came in king Henry VIIIth’s time to Charles duke of Suffolk. The bishops of Hereford had their inn in the parish of St. Mary Mounthaw; which was alienated to the lord Clinton, under king Edward VI. The bishop of Lincoln’s inn was situate in Holborn, beyond the bars; which came afterwards to the earls of Southampton. The bishops of Chichester had their house in the same street, now called Chancery-lane; built by Ralph Nevyl, bishop of Chichester, near the otffice called Cursitor’s Office. Afterwards it came to the earls of Lincoln, and was called Lincoln’s inn; now one of the inns of court. The archbishops of York had their house at Westminster, called York-place, where Whitehall now standeth, given to his successors by Walter Grey, archbishop of York: but king Henry took it from cardinal Wolsey. The bishops of Exeter, their inn was where Exeter-house now standeth. The bishop of Bath’s inn was likewise in the Strand, which afterwards came to sir Tho. Seymour, knt. admiral of England under king Edward VI. who built much there: and from him to the earl of Arundel, and had from him the name of Arundel-house, now built into a street. The bishops of Bath, after they were put from this inn, had their house in the Minories in Aldgate. Further westward in the Strand was Chester’s inn, belonging to the bishops of Chester; the same with Litchfield and Coventry. Further that way the bishops of Landaff had their inn, lying near the church of our lady at Strand. Further still was the inn of the bishops of Chester. This house was first built by Walter Langton, bishop of Chester, lord treasurer of England. Adjoining to it was the bishop of Worcester’s inn. All these were demolished by the duke of Somerset, for building of his own fair palace of Somerset-house. Near the Savoy was the bishop of Carlisle’s inn; now belonging to the duke of Bedford. Durham-house, belonging to the bishops of that see, and still bearing their name, was built by Tho. Hatfield, bishop of Durham. Beyond Durham-house was the house of the bishop of Norwich; which Heth, archbishop of York, bought, for him and his successors, of that bishop; but is now also become a street.

I shall only add a letter in French, (intercepted no doubt,) wrote by a Scotch nobleman to the pope; dated from Brussels, Jan. 1572. which letter will give further light into these times, and the busy dealings of the papists. Je ne desirois riens d’advantage, tres heureux pere, &c. “ I should desire nothing more, blessed father, than that it might be permitted me to come before your holiness, to kiss your feet, and to render you thanks, as well for the benefit and pleasure made to the queen, my sovereign, and to all my country, as especially for the singular love which your holiness hath well shewn me, to bear to the coming of my son to Rome. Who writ me, the 21st of October last, of the good reception and favourable treatment which it pleased your holiness to make him; to wit, insomuch as to hold and repute him your only son: promising him aid of that which shall be possible from your holiness, &c. Duke d’Alva, according to whose excellence’s will I am sent by my sovereign and the nobility of Scotland, &c. I have nevertheless, and have conceived in my heart, a little joy, to understand, that the reverend father, Nicolas Sander, goeth to your holiness, whom of a long time I have known, a man of good; whom I much love, as he deserveth; and knoweth very well the state of the queen, my sovereign, the condition of her country, and of mine; and the studies and wills of us all, that live in the Low Germany, and that which may be done and hoped. He shall fully instruct your holiness of the state of all things and persons; and shall suggest counsels, which will seem most seasonable for the remedying our evils. I have laid open to this so fit a man some secret businesses of mine, and my special proceedings, and touching the state of my country, for that end and purpose, to communicate it to your holiness alone. To whose narration, that certain credit may be given, I pray again and again. Yet so, that the business itself remain buried and entire; and nothing come to light, until it obtains its full effect, and be brought to the wished-for issue.”