NUMBER 1.

JAN. 29, 1576. The names of all such, as be certified into the exchequer, to be fugitives over the sea, contrary to the statute of an. 13 Eliz. &c.

And in what countries they inhabited.

ESSEX.

Henry Parker, L. Morley.

Charles Parker, gent.

Edward Parker, gent.

Miche, doctor of laws.

Thomas Clement, gent.

John Clement, doctor of physick John Griffin.

Richard Norton, late of Norton, in com. Ebor.

Walter Ellys.

EBORUM.

John Twynge, gent.

Anthony Langdale, gent.

John Browne, gent.

Francis Moore, gent.

DERBY.

John Sacheverell, arm.

Henry Babington, gent.

LONDON.

Hugh Charnock, gent.

Humphrey Shelton, gent.

SUFFOLK.

Anthony Wilkinson, parson of Melford Nicolas Wendon, doctor of laws, archidiac. Ibid.

Walter Jerningham, gent.

Robert Stepes, parson of Hackstede.

Edmund Smarte, gent.

Richard Selye, gent.

Henry Drury, gent.

Walter Ellys William Soane, gent.

John Watson, miller Anthony Goldingham, clerk.

Anthony Noller Thomas Laurence, jun.

John Watson, miller

SURREY.

Thomas Copley, arm.

John Prestal, gent.

Anthony Standon, gent.

SOUTHAMPTON.

John Flower, clarke.

William Smythe, clarke Anthony Williamson, gent.

Thomas Shelley, gent.

KANC.

John Heywoode, gent.

Robert Gyles, gent.

SUSSEX.

John Leedes, arm.

James Shelley, arm.

William Stapleton, gent.

Thomas, his son.

BERKS.

Thomas, his son.

Francis Englefield, knight.

LANCASTER.

Evan Heydock, gent, Thomas Houghton, arm.

STAFF.

Richard Hopkins.

DORS.

Roger James, clarke

CANT.

Robert Kowte, clark.

Thomas Hanadyne, clark.

HERTF.

Robert Chauncy, gent.

MIDDLESEX.

Richard Shelley, miles, unus confratrum nuper hospital. Sti. Johis. Jerlm.

LEIC.

John Pott, schoolmaster.

Henry Joliffe, clark.

John Bowcer, late abbot of Leic

NORF.

William Dade, returned.

BERKS.

Francis Englefield, knight

SOMERSET.

James Bosgrave.

James Fitz James, clark.

Gilford Barford, clark.

Edward Crockford, clark.

William Goode, schoolmaster Giles Capell, clark.

William Phelps.

OXON.

John Bustard, gent.

Margaret Harte.

Elizabeth Harte.

John Harte, yeoman.

BEDF.

Edward Cussen, clark. [NUMBER 1]

A prayer composed by Pilkington, afterwards bishop of Durham, suited to the beginning, of the reformation of religion under queen Elizabeth. MOST righteous Judge, and merciful Father, which of love didst punish thy people [the Jews] being negligent in building thy house: that by such sharp correction, they might be stirred up to do their duty, and so have pleased thee: wee acknowledge and confess before the world and thy divine majesty, that we have no less offended thee in this behalf then they have don. And that for all the sharp plagues which you laid upon us, we could not awake out of our dead sleep, forgetting the earnest promotion of thy glory and true religion: but rather consented to the persecution of thy true and faithful people. Unti1 now of thy unspeakable goodness, by giving us a gracious queen, and restoring the light of thy word, thou hast letten us tast of the tresures of thy mercy. Wee fall down therefore flat before the throne of grace, desiring pardon of this great negligence, and of all our former offences, and pray thee, that thou wilt not deal with us as we have deserved: but as of thine own free will thou promisedst thy people, falling earnestly to thy work, and restoring of thy temple, that from thence forward thou wouldest bless all their works and fruits, overthrow their enemies, and save thy people: that thou wouldest make that house also more glorious than the first, by the preaching of thy gospel: so we desire thee for Christ’s sake, to be no less good and gracious Lord unto us, yet once again going about to restore thy true religion, trodden down and defaced by the cruel papists.

Send forth, O Lord, many such faithful preachers, as will set out thy glory unfeignedly. Open the hearts of thy people, that they may see how far more acceptable unto thee is the lively preaching of thy holy word, than all the glittering ceremonies of popery. Deliver us, we beseech thee, from all our enemies. Save and preserve our gracious queen as thine own signet. Endue her and her counsil with such reverend fear of thee, that, all policy which is contrary to thy word set apart, they may uprightly seek and maintain thy true glory, minister justice, punish sin, and defend the right. Confound, most mighty God, and bring to nought all the devices of such as go about to overthrow thy word and true worship. Open our eyes, that we may see how dearly thou hast loved us in Jesus Christ, thy Son our Lord. Hold us fast, O Lord of hosts, that we fall no more from thee. Grant us thankful and obedient hearts, that we may en-crease daily in the love, knowledge, and fear of thee. En-crease our faith, and help our unbelief. That we being provided for, and relieved in all our needs by thy fatherly care and providence, as thou shalt think good, may live a godly life to thy praise, and good example of thy people: and after this life may reign with thee for ever through Christ our Saviour. To whom with thee and the Holy Ghost, three Persons and one God, be praise and thanksgiving in all congregations for ever and ever. Amen.

NUMBER 2.

Another prayer by the same reverend person; for faithful preachers to be sent out by God, to preach the gospel at this needful time. MOST mighty Lord, and merciful Father; who didst stir up the Jews to the building of thy house by the preaching of thy prophet Aggeus: wee thy miserable creatures beseech thee for thy mercy sake, to have mercy upon us, and thrust out diligent workmen into thy harvest. Send forth faithful preachers, which may by the hard threatnings of thy law, and comfortable promises of thy gospel, awake all thy people out of their dead sleep, wherein they ly wallowing, forgetting thee and their duty.

Wee have all sinned from the highest to the lowest, in not earnestly professing thy holy word and religion, both the princes, rulers, and magistrates, bishops, ministers of all sorts, and all the people, no state nor condition of men hath done their duty herein unto our onely Lord and God.

Therefore we all with heavy hearts ask thee forgiveness of our great sins.

Open our eyes, O good God, that we may consider the plagues that thou hast laid on us so long for our great disobedience towards thee and thy word. Give us new hearts, and renew thy holy Spirit within us, O Lord.

That both the rulers may faithfully minister justice, punish sin, defend and maintain the preaching of thy word; and that all ministers may diligently teach thy deerly beloved flock: and that all people may obediently learn and follow thy law, to the glory of thy holy name: for Christ’s sake, our onely Lord and Saviour.

NUMBER 3.

Another prayer by the same; against error and popery. MOST righteous and wise Judge, eternal God and merciful Father; which of thy secret judgment hast suffered false prophets in all ages to rise, for the trial of thine elect: that the world might know who would stedfastly stick unto thy undoubted and infallible truth, and who would be carried away with every vain doctrine; and yet by the might of thy holy Spirit hast confounded them all, to thy great glory, and comfort of thy people: have mercy upon us, we beseech thee, and strengthen our weakness against all assaults of our enemies. Confound all popery, as thou didst the doctrine of the Pharisees. Strengthen the lovers of thy truth, to the confusion of all superstition and hypocrisy. Give us due love and reverence of thy holy word. Defend us from men’s traditions, Encrease our faith. Grant us grace never to fall from thee; but uprightly to walk according as thou hast taught us, swerving neither to the right hand nor to the left: neither adding to, nor taking any thing away from thy written word; but submitting our selves wholly to thy good will and plesure, may so pass this transitory life, that through thy goodness we may live everlastingly with thee in thy glory, thro’ Christ our Lord. Who with thee and the Holy Ghost liveth and reignest one God and Saviour for ever and ever.

NUMBER 4.

Richard, bishop of Carlile, to the lord treasurer: upon his remove to Durham.

MY most humble duty and commendation of all faithful service unto you, my dear and singular good lord, ever premised; whose I rest in the Lord Jesus, &c. I am to render not only by these letters most intyre thanks to your honour, for your goodness towards me, in commending me to her highness in way of my preferment to Deereham, and for interposing your credit for my service, &c. which I understand from Mr. Warcoppe, your good lordship hath in most amplewise done; but also to devow my self and service unto your honour for ever; and to assure you, that neither I shall be found unthankful or ingrate, nor unmindful to accomplish your lordship’s behests: and so, as I trust, shall tend to th’advauncement of God’s glory, and her highness good service, and your lordships good comfort: and that within short time, if I may be well backed at the beginning by her highness and your good lordship, and other of the honourable privy council, as I doubt not but I shall be. My singular good lord and patron, I most humbly beseech your honour, to account and accept of me and mine as your own: and so to use and command the same.

Your lordship was mine onely preferrer to Carliell, where I have served my seven years; and I trust, discharged the promise yee then made unto her highness on my behalf; which in this poor and bare living was all that I could do. Now by your good means being preferred to a better, if in time I be not thankful, &c. if I discharge not my duty, and answer not your undertakings, then deserve I to be noted as most ingrate, and as the poet saith, In-gratum dixeris, quidvis dixeris. And so beseeching your lordship of continuance of your good favour towards me, I rest your own. And here cease to trouble your lordship by letters any further, until it may please God that I may come my self to do my duty to your lordship. Which that your good lordship would hasten, and consummate that which you have begun for me your poor client, I most humbly pray. God bless and encrease his heavenly graces upon your lordship, with prosperous health and encrease of much honour. Amen. From the Rose-Castle in Combreland, the xxiiii, of March, 1576.

Your good lordships most bound, and at commaundment, Ri. Carliolen.

NUMBER 5.

The lord treasurer to the queen. In relation to his daughter, and the earl of Oxford her husband, unkind to her. Written March the 3. 1576. MOST sovereign lady. As I was accustomed from the beginning of my service to your majesty, until of late, by the permission of your goodness, and by occasion of the place wherein I serve your majesty, to be frequently an intercessor for others to your majesty; and therein I did find your majesty always inclinable to give me gracious audience: so now do I find in the latter end of my years a necessary occasion to be an intercessor to your majesty, or rather an immediate petitioner for my self, and an intercessor for another next to my self, in a cause, godly, honest, and just. And therefore having had proof of your majesties former favours, and so important, I doubt not but to find the influence of your grace in a cause so neer touching my self, as your majesty will conceive it doth.

And yet my intention is not to molest your majesty with the particularities of the same, neither as I now do, would I have attempted, but that I fear my silence, while others should be open mouthed, and either of ingratitude, or of purpose, might occasion some other conceit with your majesty, than I am sure the truth of the cause shall work in you. To enter to trouble your majesty with circumstances of my cause I mean not, for sundry respects, but chiefly for two. The one is, that I am very loth to be more cumbersome to your majesty than need shall compel me: the other is, for that I hope in God’s goodness, and for reverence born to your majesty, the success thereof may have a better end than the beginning threatneth.

But your majesty may think my suit will be very long, where I am so long ere I begin. And truly, most gracious sovereign lady, it is true, that the nature of my cause is such, as I have no plesure to enter into, but had rather seek means to shut it up than to lay it open: not for lack of the soundness thereof on my part, but from the brickleness of others from whom the ground-work procedeth.

My suit therefore shall be presently to your majesty, but in general sort, that where I am, by God’s visitation with many infirmities, (and yet noe great,) stayed from coming to do my duty to your majesty at this time; and my daughter the countess of Oxford also occasioned by her great grief to be absent from your majesties court; and that the occasion of her absence may be diversely reported to your majesty, as I said before, by some of ignorance, by some percase otherwise; it may please your majesty, because the ground and working thereupon toucheth me as neer as any worldly cause in my conceit can do, to continue your princely consideration of us both. Of me, as an old worn servant, that dare compare with the best, the greatest, the oldest, and the youngest, for loyalty and devotion: giving place to many others in other worldly qualities, as your majesty shall prefer any before me: and of my daughter, your majesties most humble young servant, as of one that is toward your majesty in dutiful love and fear, yea, in fervent admiration of your graces, to contend with any her equals.

And in the cause betwixt my lord of Oxford and her, whether it be for respect of misliking in me, or misdemeaning of her, (whereof I cannot yet know the certainty,) I do avow, in the presence of God and of the angels, whom I do call as ministers of his ire, if in this I do utter any untruth, I have not in his absence on my part omitted any occasion to do him good, for himself and his causes. No, I have not in thought imagined any thing offensive to him. But contrariwise I have been as diligent for his causes to his benefit, as I have been for my own. And this I pronounce of knowledge for my self. And therefore, if contrary to my deserts I should otherwise be judged, or suspected, I should receive great injury.

For my daughter, though nature would make me to speak favourably, yet now I have taken God and his angels to be witnesses of my writing, I renounce nature, and pronounce simply to your majesty, I did never see in her behaviour, in word or deed, or ever could perceive by any other means, but that she hath always used her self’ honestly, chastly, and lovingly towards him. And now upon expectation of his coming, is filled with joy thereof: so desirous to see the time of his arrival approach, as in any judgment no young lover, rooted or sorted in love of any person, could more excessively shew the same in all comeliest tokens.

Now when after his arrival, when some doubts were caused of his acceptance of her, her innocence seemed to make her so bold, as she never cast any care of things past, but wholly reposed her self with assurance to be well used by him. And with that confidence and importunity made to me, she went to him, and there missed of her expectation: and so attendeth, as her duty is, to gain some part of her hope.

And now lest I should enter further into the matter, and not meaning to trouble your majesty, I do end with this humble request, that in any thing that may hereof follow, wherein I may have wrong with dishonesty offered to me, I may have your majesties princely favour, to seek my just defence for me and mine: not meaning for respect of mine old service, nor of the place whereunto your majesty hath placed me, (though unwillingly,) to chalenge any extraordinary favours. For my service hath been but a piece of my duty, and my vocation hath been too great a reward. And so I do remain constantly to serve your majesty in what place soever your majesty shall command, even in as base as I have done in great.

NUMBER 6.

The inscriptions upon the monument of sir Anthony Cook, knt. in the chapel of Rumford in Essex.

OVER HIS HEAD.

DNS.ANTHONIUS COCUS, ordinis equestris miles, ob singularem doctrinam, prudentiam et pietatem, regisEDOARDI sexti institutor constitutus. Uxorem habuitANNAM, filiamGULIELMI FITZ WILLIAMS de Milton militis, vere piam et generosam. Cum qua diu feliciter vixit, et supervixit. At tandem, quum suos tam natos, quam natas, bene collocasset, in Christo pie mortuus est, anno aetatis 70.

OVER THE HEADS OF HIS TWO SONS, KNEELING BEHIND HIM.

RICHARDUS COCUS hujus dni.COCI filius et haeres,ANNAM duxit generosi viriJOANNIS CAULTON filiam. Qui pieta-tis ergo hoc monumentum erigi curavit. GULIELMUS COCUS, ejusdemANTHONII proximus filius, duxitFRANCISCAM filiam dni.JOANNIS GRAY, fratris ducisSUFFOLCIAE.

UNDER SIR ANTHONY AND HIS LADY.

In obitum clarissimi literatissimique dni.ANTHONII COCI equitis aurati carmen Epita>fion A NNA tibi fuerat quamvis pulcherrima conjux, Diminuit studium non tamen A NNA tuum, Bibliotheca fuit, gaza praestantior omni:

Librorum facerent nomina nuda librum.

Hinc pulchros flores, fructus hinc promis amaenos, Hinc mentis pastus, deliciaeque tuae.

Ta< gnwsqe>nta le>gwn, kai< menta ginw>skwn, Tou~ plou>tou krei>ttwn kai< filopa>triv ejh~|v Cur te, Roma, facit Cornelia docta superbam?

Quam multas tales, et mage, Cocus habet?

Quinque sciunt natae conjungere Graeca Latinis, Insignes claris moribus atque piis.

Has tu nobilibus (res est bene nota) locasti:

Qui Christum vera relligione colunt.

Et quorum prodest prudentia summa Britannis, Qui virtute valent, consiliisque graves.

Quinque peregrinis vixti regionibus annos, Dum revocat princeps te E LIZABETHA domum.

Utque solet Phoebus radiis nitidissimus almis, Nubibus excussis, exhilarare diem:

Sic regina potens, regali sede locata, Et Coco et natis omnia fausta tulit.

Haec inter vitam C OCE, beatam Traduxit, cupiens caelica regna senex.

Et veluti recidunt maturo tempore poma, Sic facili caelum morte solutus adis.

Hocque simul tumulo duro cum marmore structo, Doctus eques, conjux intemerata cubant.

Quos socialis amor, pietas, quos junxit et alma Virtus in terris, vos Deus unus habet. Neer this monument in the chancel, on a flat stone, a brass plate, thus inscribed, (being sir Anthonies farewel to his wife deceased.) Chars mihi multos conjunx dilecta per annos, Cura domus, multa non sine prole parens, A NNA, vale, moriens miserum complexa maritum Immemorem merito non sinis esse tui. Against the east wall of the chancel, in the similitude of a table hanging by a chain in stone, are verses intituled, An epitaph upon the death of the fight worshipful sir Anthony Cook, knt. who dyed the 11th day of June, 1576.

You learned men, and such as learning love, Vouchsafe to read this rude unlearned verse.

For stones are doombe, and yet for man’s behove God lends them tongues sometimes for to reherse Such words of worth as worthiest wights may pierce.

Yea, stones sometimes, when bloud and bones be rots Do blaze the bruit, which else might be forgot.

And in that heap of carved stones do ly A worthy knight, whose life in learning led, Did make his name to mount above the sky.

With sacred skill unto a king he read; Whose toward youth his famous praises spred.

And he therefore to courtly life was call’d, Who more desir’d in study to be stall’d.

Philosophy had taught his learned mind To stand content with country quiet life:

Wherein he dwelt as one that was assign’d To guard the same from sundry stormes of strife.

And, but when persecuting rage was rife, His helping hand did never fail to stay His countries staff, but held it up alway.

Nor high avaunce, nor office of availe, Could tempt his thoughts to row beyond his reach.

By broont of books he only did assaile The fort of fame, whereto he made his breach, With fire of truth which God’s good word doth teach.

The wealth he won was due for his degree, He neither rose by rich reward nor fee.

And yet although he bare his sail so high, The gale of grace did spred his course so fast, That in his life he did right well bestow His children all before their prime was Fast.

And like them so that they be like to last.

What should I say but only this in sum, Beatus sic qui timet Dominum. Their only skill to learning bears the bell, And of that skill I taught poor stones to treat; That such as would to use their learning well, Might read these lines, and therewith oft repeat, How here on earth his gift from God is great, Which can employ his learning to the best.

NUMBER 7.

Sir Nicolas Bacon, lord keeper, to the queen; shewing, her three great enemies, France, Spain, and Rome. And the remedies to be used against each of them. MOST gracious sovereign. That which if time and your affairs would have suffered, I meant to have done by present speech, I am driven by absence to do by letter; not doubting nevertheless, but that though my pen and speech were not present, yet your majesties great understanding considered, together with the advice of your grave and wise counsillors, all things should be suttlciently foreseen and provided for. And yet my trust is, knowing (as by proof I do) your majesties gracious acceptation of things well meant, you will take this my writing (although not needful) in good part.

Your majesty knoweth right well, that perils and dangers be great or small, as the enemies that do breed and bring them forth be of great and small power. Now France, Spain, and Rome, being mighty and potent princes, and your inward enemies, as by sundry their doings it plainly appeareth, it followeth necessarily that your dangers and perills sought by them must needs be very great. As they be great, so be they imminent and at hand.

Because power and occasion doth at this present concur with their wills, having made peace with their enemies. And therefore require speedy provision to withstand them; lest else the mischief be put in execution, before the remedies be provided. And so shall al things grow desperate, and all things remediless. Surely, madam, the fear of this groweth so greatly in me, that I could not be quiet in my self without remembring the same unto your majesty, according to my bounden duty. And methinks it were better for me to offend by fearing too much, than by hoping too much. The former seeketh for remedies; the second breedeth careless security: whereby things be driven so long, that they pass sometime the help of counsil. Whereupon I thought good to put your majesty in mind, that as your perills be three by reason of your three great enemies, so have they three easy ways and means greatly to annoy you. And you also three ready remedies to withstand them, being taken in time: the means that France hath to annoy you is by Scotland; Spain by the Low-Countries; and Rome by his musters here in England. The two former being foreign forces, and outward; this latter is intestine and inward. And how unable the people of England divided is to withstand the powers without, united, as it makes not my pen only, but my self, to quake to think of it. Now the helps contained in my understanding are these. First, to withstand France, (which hath his way by Scotland,) is to assure Scotland to England. A thing not hard to do, seeing as their state now standeth, their safety and perils stand joyned with yours. And their commodity, it will grow by such a conjunction; as these [advantages.] First, France thereby shall have no footing in Scotland; whereby they may invade your majesty on main land.

But that they are first to set sail for it: a matter of very great moment, the chance of wind and weather remembred. By the second commodity your highness shall have the assistance of the force of Scotland from time to time, as well to offend the attempts of a competitor, as also to suppress rebellions that may arise in the time of troubles. And besides, shall be ready to give you succour and aid, in all your necessities within your realm.

Which succours shall need no transporting, but may repair at all times upon main land. The third commodity that will grow by the assurance of Scotland is, that thereby you shall be safe and free from the great perills and dangers that were very like to grow by them to you, if they should be joyned to France. Whereunto they must needs yield, except they were assured to your majesty. For the nature of man is such, that if he cannot find surety where he would, he will seek it where he may get it. Now I know no way so good to assure Scotland to your highness, as by giving to the principal persons of that realm convenient pensions. And this to have you to do, I would not onely be a counsillor, but also from the bottome of my heart a most humble and earnest petitioner. And where it may be doubted the French will outbid you, O! madam, I pray you to call to mind, that the Scots can take no pensions to join with the French, but that it must tend to the overthrow of religion established: from the which I cannot think they can be won. For that were to make merchandize of religion, to the danger of their souls. Again, they cannot join with France for pension sake: for thereby they shall not only endanger to loose their pensions promised, but also in time their lives and livings, what promises or practices soever be made unto them. For who can doubt, but that if the French be received to joyn with the Scots, then will the faction of the Scottish queen be set up? which must needs breed and bring the destruction of them that govern now, being her utter enemies. So as it may be concluded, that as the taking of your pensions, tending to their sureties, will be received, so the pensions already offered by the French, tending to their destruction, both of body and soul, will be by them refused.

The second remedy is by the Low-Countries. But because things stand there very uncertain to my knowledge, therefore for the better framing of a remedy that way, it were good your majesty did send some man of credit, both to confer with the prince of Orange, and otherwise also to understand in what case and condition all things be there; and what is thought there to be the best remedy to defend, and to meet with all danger, that may grow that way. And thereof to certify your majesty, to think that thereupon that way be devised, that best should serve for your majesties surety.

And as touching the third and last remedy to be had here in England against Rome, your majesties good countenance and credit to those your good subjects that be enemies to the usurped authority of Rome, and earnest, severe handling of the contrary part, is the readiest way to bring the matter to good effect. And it is high time thus to do; because of late years they have grown in number. And those that maintain the authority of Rome, must needs maintain and defend the sentences and decrees made at Rome by the Romish authority, your highness right well knoweth. Besides, here at home your navy, your men, munition, and all other your martial provision, would be made in a readiness. For an end, that besides these remedies, it might be provided, that Cassimire might be prepared to be ready against all chances, then should all be done that I can devise.

Thus with all humbleness praying pardon of this my long and tedious letter, I commit your majesty to the tuition of Almighty God; who may bless you and all your actions. The 20th of November, 1577.

NUMBER 8.

Cox, bisbop of Ely, to the lord treasurer Burghley: upon the queen’s command for the suspension of Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury.

SIR, I write unto you, non sine anxietate cordis; her majesty adeo indignata suo primo sacerdoti: cujut indig-natio mors est. Deus meliora.

Sacerdotem vero tam clementem principem, et religionis sincerae fautricem irritate, fontem lachrymarum merito ex oculis elicit.

Since the beginning of our acquaintance, both you and I (God’s blessed name be glorified) have constantly, through many brunts, a dextris et a sinistris, persevered: and you especially. Now at this pinch, esto fortis, et viriliter age, et confortetur cor tuum.

I understand of late the matter is touching a conference, which hath been used, or rather abused, and not by publick authority established, And therefore not unworthily by authority abolished. Which, I trust, no man doth maintain. But, I trust, hereafter, the thing being deeply and considerately weighed, her majesty, seeking especially the glory of God, and the quiet and needful edifying of her people, may be moved to have further consideration of this matter. And when the great ignorance, idleness, and lewdness of the great number of poor and blind priests in the clergy, shall be deeply weighed and considered of, it will be thought most necessary to call them, and to drive them, to some travel and exercise of God’s holy word: whereby they may be the better able to discharge their bounden duty towards their flock. I trust I shall not need either with words or reasons to move your righteous heart to mitigate her majesties displesure and indignation against her archbishop: who, I doubt not, will use himself with all dutiful submission. I have written to her majesty after my humble maner. Absit, ut tam grave exemplum edatur in ecclesia Anglicana, quam tantopere Romana tyrannis infestare et devorare satagit, &c. Thus the Lord Jesus bless you with encrease of health, and with all goodness that your heart can desire. From my house at Dodington the 12th of June, 1577.

Your lordship’s assured, Richarde Ely.

NUMBER 9.

The queens letter to the bishop of Lincoln: to cause the exercises, called prophesyings, to cease in his dioces. RIGHT Reverend, &c. Although we doubt not, but that you do well and effectually remember our speeches unto you, to continue and encrease your care and vigilancy over your charge in Gods church, (a matter of no small weight,) warning you also of the dangerous presumptions of some in these days, who by singular exercises in public places, after their own fancies, have wrought no good in the minds of the multitude, easy to be carried with novelties: yet forasmuch as we have been sithence credibly informed, that in sundry places of your dioces, namely, in Hertfordshire, those exercises, or, as they term them, prophesyings, are yet, or were very lately continued, to the great offence of our orderly subjects; and therefore, and for divers good respects, we think requisite, that they shall be forborn to be used: Wee let you wit, that having in singular recommendation God’s people under our government, whom we desire to have guided in an uniformity as neer as may be, wee charge and command you, as a person who by your function wee look should ease and satisfy us in this behalf, within your charge to have dutiful consideration hereof: and furthermore, to take express order through your dioces, that none other exercise be suffered to be publickly used, than preaching in fit times and places, by persons learned, discreet, conformable, and sound in religion, heard and allowed by you without partiality; reading of homilies, as is set forth by public authority, by the Injunctions appointed, and the order of the Book of Common Prayer.

And further, that ye signify unto us, or to some of our privy council, attending about our person, the names of all such gentlemen, and others, as have ben the setters forth and maintainers of those exercises; and in what places; and of such as shall impugne this order. And also, what you shall have done herein from time to time. Hereof not to fail, as you tender our plesure, and will avoid the contrary at your peril.

NUMBER 10.

The order of the government of the colledge of Westminster, syns the last erection, begonne by D. Byll, and con-tynued by me [Dr.

Goodman] with the assent of the chapiter: as appeareth by divers decrees, recorded in the chapiter book. DAILY prayer in king Henry the Sevenths chappel at six of the clock in the morning: and a lecture there read upon the Wednesday and Friday.

Dayly service song in the chancel of the great church, according to the order of her majesties chappel, at the usual hours; that is, upon Sundays, from eight to eleven in the forenoon. Upon Wednesdays and Fridays, and other holy-days, from nine to eleven. Andon other days, to begin at nine until almost eleven. Or in the afternoon service to begin at four, and to continue until five, or after five.

A sermon every Sunday in the year, either by the dean, or one of the prebendaries, or some other for them. The dean to preach four times in the year in his own person, unless there be cause to the contrary: that is, upon Christmas-day, Easter-day, Whitsunday, and Allhallown-day. Every prebendary to preach in their own persons upon the Sundays in their course of residence; or else some other for them.

A solemne communion ministred upon the great feasts, and every first Sunday of every month. Where by order there do communicate the dean and prebendaries present: the ministers and four of the clarks, and four of the almes-men.

Upon those days that the dean is bound to preach, either he himself doth minister the communion, or some one of the prebendaries.

Twelve almesmen of her majesties foundation are bound to be resident; and in the church daily at service, according to her majesties order.

Every Sunday in the year, there is 40 mess of meat, for 40 poor householders of the parish, by the oversight of the chaunter of the church.

Every mess being allowed there in flesh, or fish, a peny loaf in bread, and a peny in mony.

Every Saturday the dean, or one of the prebendaries, whose course is to be resident, after the service, morning prayers being ended, they do call before them the ministers of their church, and the clarks of the twelve almosemen; and whom other they see cause. And there the chaunter of the church, in the book of Perditions, doth shew the default of such as were absent, or negligent in the week before.

Dr. Byll did appoint two square tables, and one mess to either of them: the one for himself, or whom he would call unto him. The ordinary allowance of the same for himself and six of his men, was 28s. The extraordinary as occasion served, he did further allow.

The other table, to serve the four prebendaries, whose course it was to be resident. And they bear each one for himself, and his man, 7s. a week. But shortly after, by decree in chapiter, it is encreased so, that every prebendary was to allow for himself and his man, in his course of residence weekly 10s. in toto. For four 40s.

In my time, for ease of charge, I and the four prebendaries have joyned together at one table, having one full mess, and sometimes more, as occasion serveth, I allowing thereto my ordinary portion, and the residentaries theirs. The detriments are born by the college; unless there be some special occasion of some special allowance.

The schoolmaster, and such as be officers, are allowed all the same table.

The scholars do dine and sup in the hall, by the dean and prebendaries; and be allowed according to their rates: having a several buttry or pantry, and cellar by themselves.

The servants in likewise in the hall, having the reversion of the masters, and special allowance for those that are the college servants, and necessary officers, according to a necessary proportion.

Every week, commonly upon the Saturday after dinner, the charges of the week past is cast by the weekly charges of masters and servants in one book. The scholars charges in a several book by themselves.

The dean hath the general charge of all. The sub-dean under the dean to oversee the good order of the church and house. The archdeacon hath to do with the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and such causes, either by himself, or by his official. The treasurer, one in like wise of the prebendaries, receiveth of the receit what is convenient for all charges. The steward of houshould, who is also a prebendary, re-ceiveth of the treasurer, or general receiver; and layeth out for the necessary charges of the house in diet and other provisions. Under him is an under-steward, and the clark of the kitchin, and other officers.

Once a year the general receiver, treasurer, stewards, and all other accomptants and under-officers, make their accounts unto the auditor.

There be two teachers, the schoolmaster and the usher of the school. The scholars of the grammar be in number fourty: elected both into the house, and from the house to the universities, according to a special statute from her highness.

The scholars for their prayers in church, school, and chamber, for their teaching, for their diet in the hall, and lodging in one chamber, and for all other orders, they are served as they were in Dr. Bylls time, and was appointed, by him in special statutes: very like the orders used in Eton and Winchester schools.

The master of the singing boys hath his house, and other due allowances for himself and ten children. Whom he is charged to bring up in song, for the daily service of the church.

NUMBER 11.

Edward Phaer, condemned for counterfeiting coin, his letter from the Tower to the lord treasurer: offering to make great discoveries of coiners, such as used magic, &c. AFTER supplication for his life and liberty, he thus opens himself. I began first at York: where I learned first to practise with one Morehouse, and of Fra. Jobson, Nic. Ricoard, and another; and made certain dollars. After I came to Nottingham, and there with one Mr. Fairfax, Warcup a priest, Nelson, and Dawson, we made foreign and English. All this was to no purpose: for we wrought with the mould. I suffered imprisonment therefore, and was delivered again; since which time I have practised other devices and tools to coin. Some of other men’s inventions, and some of mine own, in such order (together with my stoutness in prison to yield and confess nothing) as began to spread my fame abroad, to excell in that art, and to be sought unto from divers places. As, in Yorkshire, Robert Warcup, gent. James Green of Lambwel, gent. William Bucton of Semer, gent. Meynil, gent. Three of the Claphams of Beamsley, gentlemen: and divers more gentlemen; as Gower neer Stockton, Thwaits in the Woulds, Garston, Constable, about Whitly Strond: two of the Con-yers, gent. And there these gentlemen offered to place me in a castle of my lord Monteagles at his charges. In Northumberland, with Stephen Fenick, Robert Car, gent. Coldwel, and others. In Lancashire, Thomas Wolfal and Bretton, gent. In Lincolnshire, Fra. Carsey and his brother, gent. In Gloucestershire, with Chattertons, two brethren, gent. In Northamptonshire, Robert Mallery, Robert Harrison, and two gentlemen more. In this city [i. e. London] out of Kent, Jerom Brett, gent. sir Warham St. Leger: and moved to sir John St. Leger; and to have an island of his in the sea. Beaumont and others in Suffolk. Bray and Tiler of London, and Thomas Hains. And moved to deal with one Mr. Greenfield in Devon, and So-mersetshire one Ellis. And offered to be placed by captain Chester in Holland. One Browning neer Colchester. And another confederacy of John Prastals: and an alchymist. And were about to deal in Essex, about Candlemas last, with a justice of peace; which I could soon sift out. I have been willed to Ireland by divers, as James Haydon, gent. Thomas Eden, and others.

Thus, my lord, I have reveled the onely names unto your honour, and no matter at all. Neither is it to any purpose, if I should accuse the most of them. For none of all these but have heard of my trouble, and would flatly deny me: and those whom I could not touch with sufficient matter, would go free away. And so by fending and proving shall I never be able to shew the service which I fain would. But assuredly, my lord, if it may please the queen’s majesty to give me life, and some reasonable maintenance, &c. and to be preserved for some quality of mine, to be used in the mint, &c. (for that way I must do service, and not openly,) will find ways and means enough to catch them that deserve thereafter: yea, twenty against one the other way. And so, is it not the most of these men, but a great multitude of others, (now unknown,) would help me for that purpose. And further, I would insinuate my self with all workmen, as smiths, gravers, and alchymists: so that I suppose nothing should escape my reach in that craft.

And most sure I am, that no subtil device or invention can blind me, if it ply in that work. And so might they be taken in season, and with the manifest proof it self. And without some such special watch, undoubtedly they will still be doing, unknown, passing any magistrates understanding. I say not here commendation of my instruments and working tools, which be of great speed and of fine handling. To the use whereof I am to give place to no man. Your honour is to consider thereof, as it shall please you.

For magic, I can find out as many that way. And if I might speak with my old companions, (and many of them are in this town,) I would hunt out a mervailous pack of them, with their books and reliques. Yea, and with their art goeth many a filthy ceremony, as mass, sacrifice, and their service of the Devil: also, my acquaintance, supposing me to be the same I was before, would disclose their minds unto me. Whereby I should understand that which now my conscience and bounden duty would not permit me to concele: and thereby save many a true man his goods.

Thus your honour doth understand the sum of my pretence: that which, upon my salvation,1 have shewed of zele and of good will towards my country; and am ready to perform full as much as I have said, and more, in every respect. For one thing brings on another. He that seeketh shall find.

And first, a name, then a man’s own commendation, and a liberal tongue to discourse, is a sufficient credit to any master of these arts, to bring him customers enough. I am sure these things and many other have I had light of in my time. And now I am both further known, and thought much more cunning: which would bring treble acquaintance. So should your honour by my life have all the intelligence I were able to learn, unfeign-edly, by all possible means. And certainly, that should be both much and needful.

My hope is verily to weed and cleanse this country of coining. And for other matters, all the good I can to purge it. Your honour hath preserved many to amendment of life. God well knoweth, I would not live to be a stay and hindrance to all those which are to find favour and mercy for their deserts, coming after me. 1 desire none, but a sufficient true living by the day. For, God be judge, I wish not otherwise to live; and I ask it of her highness; for that I determine to serve her majesty faithfully. Mine own ability is nothing. And if I had grace and liberty, yet I could not do this service altogether with empty hands. For I must seek some that look not for me, and keep company with the rest as fall out, for that purpose: not doubting, but I shall endeavour my self, so as should well merit my reward.

Or for default thereof, I shall be content to loose life and all, my duty not supplied. And by my death shall be but presented the example of all evil members. And so shall dy with me all the light and evidence before spoken.

For if I do suffer the extremity of the law, it will be too late for me to shew this my well affected service. Neither am I in that mind, by death to do it.

But if I go thereto, I am fully determined, that every man shall bear his own sins; praying to God for their amendment. And for my own part, my perfect hope is to be saved at the Almighty God’s hand: unto whose high mercy I commit my self. And so I end; praying to the Lord for the long life, health, and happy days of your honour to endure.

Your honours humble and poor captive, Edward Phaer.

NUMBER 12.

George Buchanan to Mr. Randolph, concerning, publishing, his history: and his distemper. MAISTER, I hauf resavit divers letters from you, and yet I hauf aunswered to naine of them. Of the quhyllz albeyt I hauf mony excusis, as age, forgetfulness, and disease; yet I will use naine now, eccept my sweitness and your gentleness. And geif ye think none of thoise sufficient, content you with ane confession of the falt without fear of punition to follow on my own peculiar kindness.

As for the present, I am occupiit in writing of our history; beying assurit to content few, and to displeasure mony tharthrow. As to the end of it, if ye get it not or this winter be past, cippin [look] not for it, nor none other writing from me. The rest of my occupation is with the gout, quhyllz haldys me besy both day and nyt. And quhair yee say, ye half not lang to lyif, I trust to God to go before you; albeyt I be one rut [foot] and ye ryd the post Praying you als not to dispost the post at Newerke tone of Kelsterne. This I pray you partly for the awne quhame I thought ane gud fallow, and partly at request of lyk, as I dare not refuse. And thus I take my leave shortly at you now, and my lang leif quhen God pleads: committing you to the protection of the Almighty. At Sterling the 25th of August, 1577.

Yours to commaund with service, G. Buchanan.

NUMBER 13.

Sandys, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer: concerning his enquiry into the holy orders of Whittingham, dean of Durham. For which some complaint was made of him at court. MY very good lord; I have great cause to thank you for your most friendly answer for me. You shall never receive dishonour by me. For my doings tryed, shall ever be found sincere, and not in right to be blamed. Neither shall there any man be more ready to charge me, than I to answer it, if I may be called and admitted to it. Verily, my lord, I receive great wrong.

My faithful and upright service is ill requited. I have given no occasion of offence in word or in fact. Whosoever shall charge me with either shall greatly wrong me.

This Durham matter breedeth a great broyl. The dean hath gotten mo friends than the matter deserveth. The discredit of the church of Geneva is hotly alledged. Verily, my lord, that church is not touched. For he hath not received his ministry in that church, or by any authority or order from that church, so far as yet can appear. Neither was there any English church in Germany that attempted the like, neither needed they to have done; having among themselves sufficient ministers to supply the rowne. But yf his ministry without authority of God or man; without law, order, or example of any church, may be current, take heed to the sequel. Who seeth not what is intended? God deliver his church from it. I will never be guilty of it.

And yet I trust that I shall never swerve from the truth of God, nor shrink in matter of religion. But I shall ever mislike of confusion. If her majesty had liking of it, or yf the lords had called me, I would have attended after Easter. But seeing that no such order is taken, I dare not leave my charge.

Neither have I further to deal in Durham matter. For I trust the lords will not make me a party. Yet yf I shall be burthened with matter worthy to be answered, yf the lords call me thereunto, I will readily and gladly come.

But to intrude myself into the action, I mind not. I shall humbly pray, that I may be clearly acquitted of it.

It hath created me much displeasure, as I hear. But I bear it more quietly, having the testimony of my conscience, that I have dealt uprightly, and have given no just offence to any man. I have written to the lords somewhat more at large to the like effect. I would wish your lordship should be at the board, when those letters, shall be read. Thus acknowledging, how much I am bound unto you, for your honorable constant favour towards me, I humbly recommend your good lordship to the good direction of God’s holy Spirit. Bushopthorp, this 4th Aprilis, 1579.

Your lordships most assured, E. Ebor.

NUMBER 14.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen. His letter congratulatory to her, now in her progress; and excusing himself for not waiting upon her. INDIGNUM facinus me admisisse arbitrabuntur inter-pretes parum aequi, augustissima regina, quod in hac tua peregrinatione, obsequium tuae majestati non praebeam. Ve-rum modo nec Deo, nec tuae sublimitati ulla detur offensa, aliorum judicium susque deque fero. Si autem intelligerem meam operam ulla in re serenitati tuae usui esse posse, in genua provolutus reperem potius ad sublimitatem tuam, quam officio meo deessem. Spero equidem majestatem tuam aetatis meae rationem habere, et virium mearum imbe-cillitatem perpendere. Senio confectus sum. Quod ex se morbus est.

Unde rude donari, et alteri lampada tradere, id est, valentiori viribus, ingenio, eruditione, et acerrimo legis Dei propugnatori, humiliter ab sequitate tua petebam paucis retro annis. Quando majestas tua benignissime re-spondit: Nondum hoc fiet.

Moses senescens Josua successorem instituit: Augustinus senescens Alipium sibi succedere curavit. Tuae fidei tra-dita est a Deo Anglicana ecclesia, quae regnum Dei est: in quo patefactus est Christus Jesus in salutem nostram. Hu-jus tu es gubernatrix, defensatrix. Hinc igitur inutiles sa-cerdotes, ambitiosi, avail, et simoniaci, ab ecclesia tua pel-lantur, explodantur, exibilentur. Christus ipse e templo flagellis talia monstra exturbavit. Interim qui pii sunt ec-clesiarum pastores, zelo verse religionis accensi, foveantur, animentur, duplici honore digni habeantur: non contemnantur, non conculcentur, non ostentui habeantur. Grave illud, Qui vos spernit, me spernit. Haec aperta via est ad Papismum, ad Turcismum, denique ad omnia scelera et ini-quitates.

Verum longe alio tendit tuus pientissimus zelus, qui hac-tenus per gratiam Dei constantissime et dexterrime veram Christi religionem per annos viginti, invito Diabolo, et hosti-bus tuis universis, conservasti, defendisti.

Neque tuae ec-clesiae naevos abscindere et sanare contaris, verum etiam catholicae ecclesiae atque vicinarum ecclesiarum solicituaine tangeris. Nam nuper didici, huc pietatem tuam tendere, ut viros ex tuis mittas ad sedandas contentiones in ecclesiis Germanicis. O! reginam, O! faeminam vere piam, quae ad Constantini Magni exemplum tam prope accedas.

Praeterea, mirifice benedicit conatibus tuis Dominus Deus noster; ut per te regnum tuum (quoad fieri potest) in pie-tate et tranquillitate degit. Ad haec, frementibus undique bellis, tu interim prudentissime procuras, ut pax domi, et foris, sarta tecta conservetur. Denique non possum non ingentissimas gratias agere eximiae tuae pietati, quod contro-versiam meam ab implicatis legum tricis benigne exemeris; et cancellariae, quae est aequi et boni curia, reddideris. Quae res tamen non sine magma difficultate obtenta est.

Dominus Jesus Christus celsitudinem tuam servet, de fide in fidem augescentem, et multos annos incolumem, felicique regno beatum, ut tandem cum Christo in celesti paradiso vita fruaris aeterna. Ex aedibus meis in insula Eliensi.

Episcopus tuus humillimus, Richardus Elien.

NUMBER 15.

Gilbert, bishop of Bath and Wells, to the lord treasurer: to hinder a design to impropriate a benefice; or to get a lease of it for years. MAY it please your lordship to be advertised, that the lord Thomas Powlet, dwelling within the county of Somerset, patron of a parsonage called West Moncton, hath been (as I am informed) minded to make the said parsonage an impropriation to him and his heirs for ever. But being doubtful he should bring that to pass, he hath changed his mind, and hath gotten the consent of him that is now incumbent to have a lease of the said parsonage for 500 years to come; allowing the incumbent that shall be 30l by year.

And the said incumbent to stand to all maner of charges ordinary and extraordinary whatsoever. The said benefice is worth an 100l . by year. So the said lord doth give unto him that is now incumbent, during his life, 80l . yearly, charges born. And hath moved me divers times that I would give my assent thereto as ordinary. Which thing I have refused to do; considering the example thereof is like to follow to the great decay of the clergy. For if this precedent should be brought into a custome, there are few benefices, but they should be brought to little or nothing. By such alteration the queen shall loose that is due unto her highness; the ministers brought to poverty, more like to ask then to give bread; and so the gospel and ministry brought to utter contempt.

I understand that the said lord Powlet hath given the patronage of the forenamed parsonage unto the queen’s majesty; and he that is now incumbent hath made a lease to her highness for 500 years: and that she hath confirmed the same to the said lord Powlet. And so remaineth, that I should put my hand thereto. My humble duty is to obey her majesty. Which I do and shall do while I live; and will in no wise deny that her highness hath done: but would be glad to know what is best to be done; lest that her majesty being misinformed, might graunt that which hereafter shall turn to the great undoing of her clergy.

The letters of such graunt as her majesty bath given to the said lord Thomas Powlet, I have not hitherto seen; but am informed that he hath them. As I shall learn, so will I do your lordship to understand. And in the mean season to stay my hand for confirming; unless I shall be advertised to the contrary by your lordship: having no other refuge to whom I may resort for better advice. I am bold thus much to enterprize: wishing your lordship’s prosperity long to continue to God’s honour and glory. At Wells, this 2lst of November, 1578.

Your lordships daily orator, Gilbert Bathe and Wells.

I understood by my said lord Powlet, that as yet he hath not the graunt from the queen’s majesty; but requireth my hand, for the more speedy obtaining of the same.

NUMBER 16.

Wilsford denyes the queen to be supreme head of the church: better informed, writes to the lord treasurer to obtain her majesties pardon. RIGHT honourable: as man hath his constitution of divers qualities, so is he subject and vexed with divers passions and perturbations. Wherewith I being opprest by the ingrate and unkind dealing of certain gentlemen I have had to do for in my vocation, that I got my living by: and thereby brought into miserable poverty, that I durst not, nor dare I not, go abroad to provide for my wife and children. And so at home occupying my self in the study of God’s book, by the often meditation of the same, and reading St. Powle’s Epistle to the Hebrews, in the fifth chapter, concerning the pontification and priesthood of Aaron and Christ; and many other places, as well in the same epistle, as of other epistles of St. Paule, concerning the same dignity of Christ, I perceived that Aaron’s pontification and priesthood was earthly, and continued by succession here on earth. But Christ’s pontification is celestial, without succession in this world; and not passable ever to any other person in earth. For that Christ is pontifex et sacerdos ad rationem Melchisidechi. And by that means only mediator between God and man; and caput ecclesiae. And thus being in captivity, as Joseph was; who, for his delivery out of the same, took upon him to expound dreams; so I devised with my self to open to the queen’s majesty, that it was not lawful for any person to take upon him to be caput ecclesiae, except the same person will be Christ’s adversary and antichrist, as the pope is.

But since being better advised and admonished by master secretary Wylson of my rash enterprize therein. For that the queen’s majesty assumeth not unto her self, neither to be summus pontifex, neither yet to be caput ecclesiae, as it is Christ’s mystical body: which the pope doth, presuming by his ordinances and traditions to give remission of sins, and to offer sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead: whereby he sitteth in the temple of God, boasting himself as God: and so is antichrist. But her majesties supreme government is concerning the civil and political government of the clergy and laity of Christ’s church and mystical body.

Which authority and supremacy, her majesty, withal other princes and potentates, have in their realms and dominions, justly and dutifully, both by Christ’s gospel, and all the apostolical doctrine.

Wherefore I shall withal submission and most humble obedience, beseech your magnificent honour, with all the rest of their honours, to whom this my impudent behaviour is made open unto, to be mediators unto the queen’s majesty, to pardon and forgive, as she is a most merciful and clement prince, this my temerarious presumption and im-pudency; done of good zele towards her majesty, although void of good knowledge and science. And that I may have my liberty, to provide for my wife and children; which now live in miserable penury by this my captivity. And so shall we all be bound to pray for the prosperous supreme government over all her graces dominions, to the plesure of the eternal God; and also for the eternal felicity of all your honours. The 25th day of November, 1578.

Your most humble and addict suppliant, John Wilsford.

NUMBER 17.

A decree for the restraint of the excess of apparel, both for the unreasonable costs and the unseemly fashions of the same; used by scholars and students in the university of Cambridge. CONSIDERING that the original cause of the collection together of multitudes of men into such publick places as the university of Cambridge is, and the endowing and donation of the same with great lands, liberties, and privileges from kings, princes, and other estates, was onely to bring up and instruct in good learning, godlines, vertue, and maners, all such as should come thither to continue as scholars and students; whereby the church of God and the whole realm might have, as fi’om a storehouse, sufficient provision of meet men in all degrees, that should be able, by God’s grace, with their learning and vertues, to serve in all the places of the publick government, as well in the church as in the civil estate: and therefore all means are to be used, (and so it is the duty of the heads of the university,) both to cherish and avaunce all means that may tend to the encrease and conserve of godlines, good learning, vertue, and maners; and in like wise to remove in seasonable time all impediments that are averse to the same.

For which cause it is found at this time very necessary, that some speedy remedy be provided for the restoring to the said university the antient modesty of the students, scholars, and all other that shall be accounted members of the same, as well in all exterior behaviour, as in knowledge and learning; which of late years hath greatly been decayed and diminished by the negligence, sufferance, and remisseness of the heads and governours of the private colleges, as may be conjectured; but especially, by suffering of sundry young men, being the children of gentlemen, and men of wealth, at their coming to the said university, contrary to the auncient and comely usage of the same, to use very costly and disguised manet of apparel, and other at-tyres unseemly for students in any kind of humane learning, but rather meet for riotous prodigalls, and light persons: thereby not only being more chargeable to their friends than is convenient, but by their ill example induce-ing others of less habilitie to chaunge and cast away their modesty and honest frugality, to the overcharging of their friends: and namely, to the attempting of unleful means to maintain them in their said wastful disorders; and consequently, to neglect or intermit their former studies. So as if remedy be not speedily provided, the university, which hath been from the beginning a collection and society of a multitude of all sorts of ages, professing to learn godlines, modesty, vertue, and learning; and a necessary storehouse to the realm of the same, shall become rather a storehouse, or a staple of prodigal, wastful, riotous, unlearned, and insufficient persons, to serve, or rather to unserve, the necessity of the realm, both in the church and civil policie.

Therefore it is ordered and decreed by the right honourable William lord Burghley, high chancellor of the said university, with the advice and consent of the vicechancellor of the same, and all the masters and heads of colleges, houses, and halls, that from the feast of Michaelmas next coming, no person shall have any lodging in common, or resiance in any college, house, or hall, or to be taught by any within the university, but that he shall within the compass of every college, hall, or house, and in the common schools, and in his going and returning to the same, wear such seemly apparel, both for the stuff and fashion, as shall become a student and professor of learning. And for more manifest expression of the meaning hereof, by way of prohibiting the monstrous misuse lately crept into the university, no student shall wear within the university any hoses of unseemly greatness or disguised fashion, nor yet any excessive ruffs in their shirts; nor shall wear swords or rapiers, but when they are to ride onely.

Nor shall any person coming to study, wear any apparel of velvet or silk, but such as by the laws of the realm, according to their birth, or as by certain orders published by proclamation in her majesties time, are allowed, according to their several degrees of birth and wealth.

And generally, all the heads of houses shall cause all such as have any sustentation, stipend, or other maintenance within their houses, to conforme themselves; and to reform all their disorderly apparel, according to the local statutes of the house: or otherwise, if time in some points have caused alteration, yet to use such as shall be comely, and agreeable to their vocations. And that as much as may be, the diversity of fashions in every degree be avoided: to reduce the number, as near as may be, to one uniformity of comliness and modesty, according to their degrees.

And for the execution of this decree, the vicechancellor and the heads of colleges shall confer together; and shall in writing, by common consent, prescribe some particular rules for the directing of all sorts, and for the prohibition from that time, of all unseemly innovation in all kind of apparel and attyre; with regard to such as be the sons of noblemen, or of other principal estates, or knights in the realm, which have no living in any colleges. That according to the degrees of their parents, they may be permitted to use the more cost in their apparel: so that the same be not excessive, nor in fashion unseemly for students and professors of learning.

And if any shall upon reasonable warning attempt to break such orders as shall be prescribed, the same shall be expelled the house where he doth reside, and shall not be suffered to enter into any other publick house of learning, nor into the common schools. Neither yet shall any within the university presume to teach or instruct him, while he shall continue his offence in any part within the said university.

NUMBER 18.

The vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, to their high chancellor: complaining of the im-peaehing of their free suffrages in their election of fellows, by letters procured from the queen. Honoratissimo domino dno. de Burghleye, totius Angliae summo thesaurario, et academiae Cantabrigiensis can-cellario dignissimo. FACILE facit academia quod semper facit (illustrissime Burleiensis) ut ad tuam semper humanitatem confidenter accedat; ut in omni sua petitione tuam protenus opem se-dulo imploret; et in tuo quasi sinu omnes suas curas et cogitationes profuse effundat. In quo sane admirabilis quae-dam elucet humanitas tua: quem neque tua ipsius negotia, neque universi hujus imperii multiplex sane proeuratio un-quam impediit, quo minus importunitati libenter vacares, et petitioni nostrae amanter concederes. Hac spe freti ve-nimus ad te hoc tempore, sicut ad parentes filii solent accedere.

Querimur apud dignitatem tuam laedi a quibusdam aca-demiam nostram, minui et infringi libertatem, affligi et per-turbari libertatem. Addimus etiam, defervescere apud nos nonnullorum studia, dejici animos, languescere industriam, angi postremo omnes et singulos academicos; atque segre quidem id ferre; cui tamen nisi per tuam solius authorita-tem nullo certe modo mederi possunt. Quod nam veto est istud, inquies, malum, quod adeo vos conturbat? Quodnam tam grave vulnus quod tantopere vos affligit? Timide dici-mus, honoratissime Mecaenas; et tibi tamen dicendum est libere. Id enim et observantia in te nostra hactenus con-suevit, et necessitas hoc tempore exigit, et tua benignitas jamdiu permisit. Dolemus, ornatissime Cecili, eripi nobis libera in societatibus collegiorum nostrorum disponendis suf-fragia, id est, ut nos interpretamur, auferri virtutis et studiorum praemia. Cum enim regio diplomate id apud nos obtineatur, quod summae in bonis literis assequendis dili-gentiae, quod assiduo virtutis studio, morumque probitati solet concedi; cum princeps id mandet fieri, quod praeclara ingenia, honesta officia, probi mores solent demereri; fit sane, ut adolescentes nostri pulsis paulatim obedientiae repagulis, nec non excusso suavissimo nutricis omnium virtu-tum, humilitatis jugo, desertoque plane superioribus suis omni honesta ratione placendi studio, beneque merendi de-siderio, non academicos quibuscum vivunt, implorare, morumque suavitate promereri studeant; sed aulicos, quibus ignoti sunt, omni modo ambire cupiant: nec jam eorum quos rei summa penes esse solet, suffragia aestiment; sed aulicorum literis plerumque se muniant: illeque tandem voti sui compotem se fore confidit, non qui in academia bene meritum, sed qui ex aula mandatum afferre possit.

In quo sane magnum nobis negotium faciunt, ingentique cura onerant, valdeque discruciant, ne vel regiae majestati immorigeri (quod nullo certe modo esse debemus) vel pri-vilegiis nostris ab ipsamet majestate nobis concessis plane infidi, aut, si id minus durum sit, parum profecto providi inveniamur. Ista tu nos cura atque anxietate pro ingenti humanitate tua liberes, prudentissime Burghliensis. Obte-stamur te, et per tuam in nos fldem, ac benevolentiam; et per nostram quam tu maxime amas, salutem et dignitatem, aufer nobis istam mandatorum frequentiam, quibus non tam promoveri homines importunos, maximeque audaces, quam animos despondere, planeque languescere ingenuos et verecundos; cum non nullo certe dolore, cernimus et la-mentamur. Tu vero, si justa postulare videri possumus, huic nostro dolori finem imponas: atque apud regiam majestatem, cum occasio erit, prudenter perficias. Ut quam ipsa nobis libertatem benigne concessit, liberam nobis, sar-tamque tectam, pro divina benignitate sua, esse velit. Rem sane efficies supra quam dici potest, academiae utilem, et tibi ipsi proculdubio non minus jucundum et honorificum. Dominus Deus, Pater luminum omni te honore atque amplitudine cumulatissimum reddat. Vale. Cantab. 11. ca-lend. April. 1578.

Tuae semper dignitatis studiosissimi, Procancellarius, et reliqui collegiorum praefecti. [NUMBER 18] Articuli propositi pro parte et nomine illustrissimi du-cis Andegavensis, fratris unici regis Gallorum, serenissimaereginae Angliae; de et super matrimonio inter ipsius majestatem, et praefati ducis celsitudinem, 16 Junii, 1579.

I. IMPRIMIS, quod in honorem et gloriam Dei, dictum matrimonium celebrabi-tur, peragetur, consummabi-tur, quam primum fieri po-test, paribus atque eisdem ri-tibus et ceremoniis, quibus antiquitus et a primis regum temporibus ad hodiernum us-que diem, regum ac principum augustissima matrimo-nia celebrari consuerunt et solent. Quodque si propter religionis discrimen quod re-giae majestati cum praefato illustriss duci intercedit, ali-qua nascatur difficultas, ea ratio inibitur, qua utriusque conscientiae consulatur.

II. Quod dictus illustriss. dux, et omnes ex Galliis ori-undi, qui domestici ejus sunt; omnes item alii, cujuscunque generis aut nationis extite-rint, qui celsitudini ejus in-serviunt, et famulantur, libe-rum habebunt exercitium religionis suae catholicae Roma-nae in regno Angliae.

III. Quod post matrimo-nium celebratum et consum-mature dictus illustr, dux co-ronabitur rex Angliae consu-etis ceremoniis et solemnita-tibus in regibus Angliae in-augurandis, usu receptis et adhibitis: unoque cum dicta sereniss, regina consorte sua censebitur et gaudebit stylo, honore et nomine regio.

IV. Quod omnes donationes... beneficiorum, ma-gistratuum... remuneratio-num... scriptorum regio rum, redituum, proventuum regnorum et dominiorum praefatae sereniss, reginae per ... conjunctum dicto illustr. duci.

V. Quod omnes literse pa-tentes, provisiones, collationes, donationes, concessiones... et alia scripta quaecun-que... expedientur, emana-bunt, tam nomine dicti illus-trissimi ducis, quam dietae se-renissimae reginae.

Quodque per omnes officiarios, locum-tenentes et regulos quoscun-que in dictis regnis, tetris do-miniis... labuntur, concipi-entur et... prout sequitur, Franciscus et Elizabetha, rex et regina Angliae, &c.

VI. Quod dictus illustriss. dux ratione regalis familiae quaae... sui ex proventibus et aere habebit et pereipiet an-nuatim... ginta mille libras sterlingorum... Et pro as-severatione cujus summae da-buntur dicto illustriss, duci ducatus Lancastriae et Ebo-racensis cum pertinentiis et dependentiis suis. Quibus re-ditibus, fructibus et proven-tibus utetur, fruetur pro ar-bitrio et libitu suo juxta fa-tionem et proportionem, et usque ad valorem summae praedict. durante vita sua na-turali, habebit liberos ex prae fato matrimonio natos, vel secus.

VII. Quod dictus illustr. dux dabit, constituet, assig-nabit dictae sereniss, reginae summam quinquaginta mille coronatorum de sole, pro dote. Quam quidem summam as-signabit capiendam et perci-piendam de et super ducatu suo Andegavensi annuatim, tanta cum securitate et juris provisione, quanta fieri po-test, et debet maxime. Ad quam quidem assignationem et donationem melius et effi-cacius corroborandam confir-mandamque, pro bono et commodo dictae sereniss. re-ginae, dictus serenissimus Gal-lorum rex, praefati illustr. du-cis frater unicus, dabit et de-cernet literas suas patentes. Quae quidem lrae. legentur, promulgabuntur, in acta re-ferentur in omnibus curiis et locis debitis, et consuetis.

VIII. Quod si praefata se-reniss, regina praemoreretur relictis haeredibus ex praefato matrimonio susceptis et pro-creatis; idem illustriss, dux habebit tutelam, regimen et educationem eorum; retine-bitque nomen, titulum etqua-litatem regis, patris et admi-nistratoris dictorum regno-rum, pro et nomine dictorum haeredum, suorum liberorum: idque quousque dicti liberi coronabuntur rex aut regina; poteruntque pro juribus et consuetudinibus dictorum regnorum, terrarum et dominiorum plenam et liberam eorundem administrationem ipsi obtinere, et in manus ca-pere.

IX. Quodque nullis relic-tis ..... matrimonio superstitibus, idem illustr, dux gau-debit et fruetur vita naturali supradictis sexaginta mille libris sterlingis, ut honorificentia... prout regem de-cet, regium splendorem et amplitudinem sustineat alat-que. Quam quidem rem perficiendam habebit et tenebit sibi assignatos et assecuratos praefatos ducatus et terras, possessionesque notatas et comprehensas in articulo sexto.

X. Quod pro adeptione et acquisitione dicti regni Angliae qua... virtute hujus matrimonii... cogitat, nec omnino in... discedere de jure suo... habere potest in R... et aliarum terrarum... quoad jura, privilegia... actiones attinet.

XI. Quod ad perpetuum robur et... mentum pactorum supra conclusorum alio rumque quae concludentur de et super negotio praefati ma-trimonii contractus ejusdem legetur, promulgabitur in acta, referetur in omnibus curiis, tam regni Franciae, quam regni Angliae, quibus potest, et fieri assolet, ab eisdem de-cernetur, confirmabitur, et promulgabitur.

XII. Quod inter regem Christianiss. regna Angliae et Hiberniae, et liberos procrea-tos ex dicto matrimonio, eo-rumque posteros, erit perpetua amicitia, et confoederatio. Responsum ex parte serenissimae reginae exhibitum, 17 Junii, 1579.

I. II. DUO haec priora capita, quae ad religionem, et matrimonii celebrandi ritus attinent, relinquuntur trac-tanda et definienda inter se-reniss, reginam et illustriss. tempore colloquii, &c.

III. Caput hoc de inau-guratione et regiae coronae petitione, relinquitur tractandum per dictam serenis-simam reginam et illustr. ducem, ut super eo statuatur, tempore dicti colloquii, ad-hibito consensu et authoritate parliamenti hujusce reg-ni: quod ideo in eam rem circa tempus dicti colloquii convocabitur et indicetur: et semel indictum, non proro-gabitur, aut diff’eretur, donec caput hoc finitum sit.

IV. Caput hoc relinquitur tractandum temporedicti col-loquii.

V. VI. Relinquuntur etism haec tractanda tempore dicti colloquii et convocationis par-liamenti, ut latius in capite de inauguratione, et regiae coronae petitione scriptum est.

VII. Summa hujusce do-talitii relinquitur statuenda tempore dicti colloquii.

VIII. Quae petenda ab il-lustr. duce, quoad aequa fue-rint concedi, non negabitur illi tutela filii vel filiae suae, cui ex hoc matrimonio prog-nato regnum Angliae perti-nebit; ac gubernatio regnorum: eodem modo eisque conditionibus et provisioni-bus, quibus, statutum est per quasdam ordinationes magni parliamenti Angliae in favorem regis Hispaniarum, quando sereniss, regina Maria putabatur ex eo gravida.

IX. Caput hoc relinqui-tur tractandum tempore dicti colloquii, et convocationis par-liamenti; ut latius in capite de inauguratione et regiae co-ronae petitione scriptum est.

X. Conceditur.

XI. Conceditur.

XII. Conceditur.

NUMBER 19.

The prayer of Mr. John Fox, after his Good-Friday sermon, preached at St. Paul’s-cross, about the year 1578. concluding his sermon with these words: “And now let us pray as we began, making our earnest invocation to Almighty God for the universal state of Christ’s church, and all other states and degrees in order particularly, as custom and also duty requireth.”

LORD Jesus Christ, son of the living God, who wast crucifyed for our sins, and did rise again for our justification, and ascending up to heaven, reignest now at the right hand of the Father, with full power and authority ruling and disposing all things, according to thine own gracious and glorious purpose: wee, sinful creatures, and yet servants and members of thy church, do prostrate our selves and our prayers before thy imperial Majesty, having no other patron or advocate to speed our suits, or to resort unto, but thee alone. Beseeching thy goodness to be good to thy poor church militant here in this wretched earth; sometime a rich church, a large church, an universal church, spred far and wide through the whole compass of the earth; now driven into a narrow corner of the world: and hath much need of thy gracious help.

First, the Turk with the sword, what lands, what nations and countries, what empires, kingdoms, and provinces, with cities innumerable, hath he won, not from us, but from thee: where thy name was wont to be invocated, thy word preached, thy sacraments administred; there now remaineth barbarous Mahumet, with his filthy Alcoran. The flourishing churches in Asia, the learned churches in Graecia, the manifold churches in Africa, which were wont to serve thee, now are gone from thee. The seven churches of Asia, with their candlesticks, whom thou diddest so well forwarn, are now removed. In all the churches, where thy diligent apostle St. Paul, thy apostles Peter and James, and other apostles so laboriously travailed, preaching and writing, to plant thy gospel, are now gone from thy gospel, in all the kingdoms of Syria, Palestina, Arabia, Persia, in all Armenia, and the empire of Cappadocia: through the whole compass of Asia, with Egypt and with Africa also, unless among the far Ethiopians, some old steps of Christianity peradventure yet do remain. Either yet in all Asia and Africa, thy church hath not one foot of free land; all is turned either to infidelity or to captivity, whatsoever per-taineth to thee. And if Asia and Africa were decayed, the decay were great, but yet the defection were not so universal.

Now of Europe a great part is shrunk from thy church. All Thracia, with the empire of Constantinople; all Grae-cia, Epirus, Illyricum; and now of late all the kingdom almost of Hungaria, with much of Austria, with lamentable slaughter of Christian bloud, is wasted, and all become Turks.

Onely a little angle of the west part yet remaineth in some profession of thy name. And here, alack! cometh another mischief, as great or greater than the other. For the Turk with the sword is not so cruel, but the bishop of Rome on the other side is more bitter and fierce against us: stirring up his bishops to burn us; his confederates to conspire our destruction; setting kings against their subjects, and subjects disloyally to rebel against their princes. And all for thy name. Such distinction and hostility Satan hath sent among us, that Turks be not more enemies to Christians, than Christians to Christians, papists to protestants. Yea, protestants with protestants do not agree; but fall out for trifles. So that the poor little flock of thy church, distressed on every side, hath neither rest without, nor peace within, nor place almost in the world where to abide; but may cry now from the earth, even as thine own reverence cryed out from thy cross, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?

Among us Englishmen here in England, after so great storms of persecutions and cruel murthers of so many martyrs, it hath pleased thee to give us these alcoin days; which yet we enjoy, and beseech thy merciful goodness still they may continue. But here also, alack! what shall we say, so many enemies we have, that envy us this rest and tran-quillity, and do what they can to disturb it. They which be friends and lovers of the bishop of Rome, although they eat the fat of the land, and have the best preferments and offices, and live most at ease, and ayl nothing, yet are they not therewith content. They grudge, they mutter and mur-tour, they conspire and take counsil against us. It fretteth them, that we live by them, or with them, and cannot abide that we should draw the bare breathing of the air; when they have all the most liberty of the land. And albeit thy singular goodness hath given them a queen so calm, so patient, merciful, more like a natural mother than a princess, to govern over them; such as neither they nor their aun-cestors never read of in the stories of this land before: yet all this will not calm them; their unquiet spirit is not yet content; they repine and rebel, and needs would have, with the frogs of Egypt, a Ciconia, an Italian stranger, a bishop of Rome, to play rex over them, and care not if all the world were set on a fire, so that they with their Italian lordships might reign alone. So fond are we Englishmen of straunge and foreign things; so unnatural to our selves; so greedy of new-fangle novelties; never contented with any estate long to continue, be it never so good. And furthermore, so cruel one to another, that we think our selves not quiet, unless it be seasoned with the bloud of others. For that is their hope, that is all their gaping and looking: that is their golden-day of jubilee, which they thirst for so much; not to have the Lord to come in the clouds, but to have our bloud, and to spil our lives. That, that is it which they would have; and long since would have had their wills upon us, had not thy gracious pity and mercy raised up to us this our merciful queen, thy servant Elizabeth, somewhat to stay their fury.

For whom as we most condignely give thee most hearty thanks, so likewise we beseech thy heavenly Majesty, that as thou hast given her unto us, and hast from so manifold dangers preserved her before she was queen; so now in her royal estate she may continually be preserved, not only from the hands, but from all malignant devices, wrought, attempted, or conceived, of enemies, both ghostly and bodily, against her. In this her government be her governour, we beseech thee; so shall her majesty well govern us, if first she be governed by thee. Multiply her reign with many days; and her years with much felicity; with abundance of peace, and life ghostly. That as she hath now doubled the years of her sister and brother; so, if it be thy plesure, she may overgrow in reigning the reign of her father.

And because no government can long stand without good counsil; neither can a counsil be good, except it be prospered by thee: bless therefore, we beseech thee, both her majesty and her honourable counsil; that both they rightly understand what is to be done; and she accordingly may accomplish that they do counsil, to the glory and furtherance of the gospel, and public wealth of this realm.

Furthermore, we beseech thee, Lord Jesu, who with the majesty of thy glory dost drowne all nobility, (being the only Son of God, heir and lord of all things,) bless the nobility of this realm, andof other Christian realms. So as they christianly agreeing together themselves, may submit their nobility to serve thee: or else let them feel, O Lord, what a frivolous thing is the nobility that is without thee. Likewise to all magistrates, such as be advaunced to authority, or placed in office, by what name or title soever, give, we beseech thee, a careful conscience, uprightly to discharge their duty. That as they be publick persons to serve the commonwealth, so they abuse not their office to their private gain, nor private revenge of their own affections. But that justice being administred without bribery, and equity bal-lanced without cruelty or partiality, things that be amiss may be reformed; vice abandoned, truth supported, inno-cency relieved, God’s glory maintained, and the commonwealth truly served.

But especially, to thy spiritual ministers, bishops and pastors of thy church, graunt, we beseech thee, O Lord, prince of all pastors, that they following the steps of thee, of thy apostles and holy martyrs, may seek those things which be not their own, but only those which be thine: not carefull how many benefices nor what great bishopricks they have, but how they can guide those they have. Give them such zele as may devour them, and graunt them such salt, wherewith the whole people may be seasoned; and which may never be unsavoury. But quickned daily by thy holy Spirit; whereby thy flock by them may be preserved.

In general, give to all thy people, and the whole state of this realm, such brotherly unity in the knowledge of thy truth, and such obedience to their superiors, as may neither provoke the scourge of God against them, nor the prince’s sword to be drawn against her will out of the scabberd of long sufferance, where it hath been long hid. Specially, give thy gospel long continuance amongst us. And if our sins have deserved the contrary, graunt us, we beseech thee, with an earnest repentance of that which is past, to joyn a hearty purpose of amendment to come.

And forasmuch as the bishop of Rome is wont on this Good Friday, and every Good Friday, to accurse us, as damaged hereticks; we here curse not him, but pray for him, that he with all his partakers, either may be turned to a better truth, or else we pray thee, gracious Lord, that we may never agree with him in doctrine, and that he may so curse us still, and never bless us more, as he blessed us in queen Maries time. God of his mercy keep away that blessing from us. Finally, insted of the pope’s blessing, give us thy blessing, Lord, we beseech thee, and conserve the peace of thy church, and course of thy blessed gospel.

Help them that be needy and afflicted. Comfort them that labour and be heavy laden. And above all things, continue and encrease our faith. And forasmuch as thy poor little flock can scarce have any place or rest in this world, come, Lord, we beseech thee, with thy factum est, and make an end: that this world may have no more time and place here; and that thy church may have rest for ever. For these and other necessaries, requisite to be begged and prayed for, asking in Christ’s name, and as he hath taught us, let us say the Lord’s Prayer. Our Father which art, &c. [NUMBER 19] Sir Philip Sidney’s letter to queen Elizabeth, concerning her marriage. Printed entire from Cabala,.

Most feared and beloved, most sweet and gracious sovereign. TO seek out excuses of this my boldness, and to arm the acknowledging of a fault with reasons for it, might better shew, I knew I did amiss, then any way diminish the attempt, especially in your judgment; who being able to discernlively into the nature of the thing done, it were folly to hope, by laying on better colours, to make it more acceptable. Therefore carrying no other olive-branch of intercession, then the laying of my self at your feet; nor no other insinuafion, either for attention or pardon, but the true vowed sacrifice of unfeigned love; I will, in simple and direct terms, (as hoping they shall onely come to your mercifull eyes,) set down the over-flowing of my mind, in this most important matter; importing, as I think, the continuance of your safety, and (as I know) the joys of my life. And because my words (I confess shallow, but coming from the deep wellspring of most loyal affection) have delivered unto your most gracious ear, what is the general sum of my travelling thoughts therein; I will now but onely declare, what be the reasons that make me think, that the marriage with monsieur will be unprofitable unto you; then will I answer the objections of those fears which might procure so violent a refuge.

The good or evils that will come to you by it must be considered either according to your estate or person. To your estate: what can be added to the being an absolute born, and accordingly respected, princess? But as they say, the Irish-men are wont to call over them that die, They are rich, they are fair, what needed they to die so cruelly? Not unfitly of you, endowed with felicity above all others, a man might well ask, What makes you, in such a calm, to change course? to so healthfull a body, to apply so unsavoury a medicine? What can recompence so hazardous an adventure?

Indeed, were it but the altering of a well-maintained and well-approved trade: for, as in bodies natural, every sudden change is full of peril; so, this body politick, whereof you are the onely head, it is so much the more dangerous, as there are more humours to receive a hurtfull impression: but hazards are then most to be regarded, when the nature of the patient is fitly composed to occasion them.

The patient I account your realm; the agent, monsieur and his design: for neither outward accidents do much prevail against a true inward strength; nor doth inward weakness lightly subvert it self, without being thrust at by some outward force.

Your inward force (for as for your treasures, indeed, the sinews of your crown, your majesty doth best and onely know) consisteth in your subjects, generally unexpert in warlike defence; and as they are divided now into mighty factions, (and factions bound upon the never dying knot of religion,) the one of them to whom your happy government hath granted the free exercise of the eternal truth; with this, by the continuance of time, by the multitude of them, by the principal offices and strength they hold; and, lastly, by your dealings both at home and abroad against the adverse party, your state is so entrapped, as it were impossible for you, without excessive trouble, to pull your self out of the party so long maintained. For such a course once taken in hand is not much unlike a ship in a tempest, which how dangerously soever it be beaten with waves, yet is there no safety or succour without it: these, therefore, as their souls live by your happy government, so are they your chief, if not your sole strength. These, howsoever the necessity of humane life makes them lack, yet can they not look for better conditions then presently they enjoy: these, how their hearts will be galled, if not aliened, when they shall see you take a husband, a French-man, and a papist, in whom (howsoever fine wits may find further dealings, or painted excuses) the very common people well know this, that he is the son of a Jezabel of our age; that his brother made oblation of his own sisters marriage, the easier to make massacres of our brethren in belief; that he himself, contrary to his promise, and all gratefulness, having had his liberty and principal estate by the Hugonots means, did sack Lacharists, and utterly spoil them with fire and sword: this, I say, even at the first sight, gives occasion to all, truly religious, to abhor such a master, and consequently to diminish much of the hopefull love they have long held to you.

The other faction (most tightly indeed to be called a faction) is the papists; men, whose spirits are full of anguish, some being infested by others, whom they accounted damnable; some having their ambition stopped, because they are not in the way of advancement; some in prison, and disgraced; some, whose best friends are banished practisers; many thinking you are an usurper; many thinking also you had disannulled your right, because of the popes excommunication: all burthened with the weight of their conscience; men of great numbers, of great riches, (because the affairs of state have not lain on them,) of united minds; (as all men that deem themselves oppressed naturally are;) with these I would willingly joyn all discontented persons, such as want and disgrace keeps lower then they have set their hearts; such as have resolved what to look for at your hands; such, as Caesar said, quibus opus est bello civili; and are of his mind, Malo in acie quam in foro cadere: these be men so much the more to be doubted, because, as they do embrace all estates, so are they, commonly, of the bravest and wakefullest sort, and that know the advantage of the world most. This double rank of people, how their minds have stood, the northern rebellion, and infinite other practices, have well taught you: which, if it be said, it did not prevail, that is true indeed; for, if they had prevailed, it were too late now to deliberate. But, at this present, they want nothing so much as a head, who, in effect, needs not but to receive their instructions, since they may do mischief enough onely with his countenance. Let the Sigingniam, in Hen. 4. time; Perkin Warbeck, in your grand-fathers; but, of all, the most lively and proper is that of Lewis, the French kings son, in Hen. 3. time, who having at all no shew of title, yet did he cause the nobility, and more, to swear direct fealty and vassalage, and they delivered the strongest holds unto him: I say, let these be sufficient to prove, that occasion gives minds and scope to stranger things then ever would have been imagined. If then the affectionate side have their affections weakned, and the discontented have a gap to utter their discontent; I think it will seem an ill preparative for the patient, I mean your estate, to a great sickness.

Now the agent party, which is monsieur, whether he be not apt to work upon the disadvantage of your estate, he is to be judged by his will and power’ his will to be as full of light ambition as is possible, besides the French disposition, and his own education; his inconstant attempt against his brother, his thrusting himself into the Low-Countrey matters, his sometime seeking the king of Spain’s daughter, sometimes your majesty, are evident testimonies of his being carried away with every wind of hope; taught to love greatness any way gotten: and having for the motioners and ministers of the mind, onely such young men as have shewed, they think evil contentment a ground of any rebellion; who have seen no commonwealth but in faction, and divers of which have defiled their hands in odious murthers; with such fancies and favourites, what is to be hoped for? or that he will contain himself within the limits of your conditions, since, in truth, it were strange, that he that cannot be contented to be the second person in France, and heir apparent, should be content to come to be second person, where he should pretend no way to sovereignty? His power, I imagine, is not to be despised, since he is come into a coun-trey where the way of evildoing will be presented unto him; where there needs nothing but a head to draw together all the ill-affected members: himself, a prince of great revenues, of the most popular nation of the world, full of souldiery, and such as are used to serve without pay, so as they may have shew of spoil; and, without question, shall have his brother ready to help him, as well for old revenge, as to divert him from troubling France, and to deliver his own countrey from evil humours. Neither is king Philip’s marriage herein any example, since then it was between two of one religion; so that he, in England, stood onely upon her strength, and had abroad king Henry of France, ready to impeach any enterprize he should make for his greatness that way: and yet what events time would have brought forth of that marriage, your most blessed reign hath made vain all such considerations.

But things holding in present state, I think I may easily conclude, that your countrey, as well by long peace, and fruits of peace, as by the poyson of division, (wherewith the faithfull shall by this means be wounded, and the contrary enabled,) made fit to receive hurt; and monsieur being every way likely to use the occasions to hurt, there can, almost, happen no worldly thing of more eminent danger to your estate royal. And as to your person, in the scale of your happiness, what good there may come by it, to balance with the loss of so honourable a constancy, truly, yet I perceive not. I will not shew so much malice, as to object the universal doubt, the races unhealthfulness; neither will I lay to his charge the ague-like manner of proceedings, sometimes hot, and sometimes cold, in the time of pursuit, which always rightly is most fervent: and I will temper my speeches from any other unreverend disgracings of him in particular; (though they might be never so true:) this onely will I say, that if he do come hither, he must live here in far less reputation then his mind will well brook, having no other royalty to countenance himSelf with; or else you must deliver him the keys of your kingdom, and live at his discretion; or, lastly, he must be separate himself, with more dishonour, and further dis-unit-ing of heart, then ever before. Often have I heard you with protestation say, no private pleasure, nor self-affection, could lead you unto it; but if it be both unprofitable for your kingdom, and unpleasant to you, certainly it were a dear purchase of repentance: nothing can it add unto you, but the bliss of children, which, I confess, were a most unspeakable comfort; but yet no more appertaining unto him then to any other, to whom the height of all good haps were allotted, to be your husband: and therefore I may assuredly affirm, that what good soever can follow marriage, is no more his then any bodies; but the evils and dangers are peculiarly annexed to his person and condition. For, as for the enriching of your countrey with treasure, which either he hath not, or hath otherwise bestowed it; or the staying of your servants minds with new expectation and liberality, which is more dangerous then fruitfull; or the easing of your majesty of cares, which is as much to say, as the easing of you to be queen and sovereign; I think every body perceives this way either to be full of hurt, or void of help. Now resteth to consider, what be the motives of this sudden change, as I have heard you, in most sweet words, deliver: fear of standing alone, in respect of forreign dealings; and in them from Whom you should have respect, doubt of contempt, Truly, standing alone, with good fore-sight of government, both in peace and war-like defence, is the honourablest thing that can be to a well-established monarchy; those buildings being ever most strongly durable, which lean to none other, but remain from their own foundation.

So yet, in the particulars of your estate at present, I will not altogether deny, that a true Massinissa were very fit to countermine the enterprize of mighty Carthage: but how this general truth can be applied to monsieur, in truth, I perceive not. The wisest, that have given best rules where surest leagues are to be made, have said, that it must be between such as either vehement desire of a third thing, or as vehement fear, doth knit their minds together. Desire is counted the weaker bond; but yet that bound so many princes to the expedition of the Holy Land. It united that invincible Hen. 5. and that good duke of Burgundy: the one desiring to win the crown of France from the dauphin; the other desiring to revenge his fathers murther upon the dauphin; which both tended to one. That coupled Lewis the Twelfth, and Ferdinando of Spain, to the conquest of Naples. Of fear, there are innumerable examples. Monsieur’s desires and yours, how they should meet in publick matters, I think, no oracle can tell: for as the geometricians say, that parallels, because they maintain divers lines, can never joyn; so truly, two, having in the beginning contrary principles, to bring forth one doctrine, must be some miracle. He of the Romish religion; and, if he be a man, must needs have that manlike property, to desire that all men be of his mind: you the erecter and defender of the contrary; and the only sun that dazleth their eyes. He French, and desiring to make France great; your majesty English, and desiring nothing less then that France should grow great. He, both by his own fancy and his youthful governours, embracing all ambitious hopes, having Alexanders image in his head, but, perhaps, evil painted: your majesty, with excellent virtue, taught what you should hope; and by no less wisdom, what you may hope; with a council renowned over all Christendom for their well tempered minds, having set the utmost of their ambition in your favour, and the study of their souls in your safety.

Fear hath as little shew of outward appearance, as reason, to match you together; for in this estate he is in, whom should he fear? his brother? Alas! his brother is afraid, since the king of Navar is to step into his place.

Neither can his brother be the safer by his fall; but he may be the greater by his brothers; whereto whether you will be an ac-cessary, you are to determine. The king of Spain certainly cannot make war upon him, but it must be upon all the crown of France; which is no likelihood he will do.

Well may monsieur (as he hath done) seek to enlarge the bounds of France upon his state; which likewise, whether it be safe for you to be a countenance to, any other way, may be seen: so that if neither desire nor fear be such in him as are to bind any publick fastness; it may be said, that the only fortress of this your marriage is, of his private affection; a thing too incident to the person laying it up in such knots.

The other objection, of contempt in the subjects, I assure your majesty, if I had heard it proceed out of your mouth, which of all other I do most dearly reverence, it would as soon (considering the perfections both of body and mind have set all mens eyes by the height your estate) have come to the possibility of my imagination, if one should have told me on the contrary side, that the greatest princess of the world should envy the state of some poor deformed pilgrim. What is there either within you or without you, that can possibly fall into the danger of contempt, to whom fortunes are tyed by so long descent of your royal ancestors? But our minds rejoyce with the experience of your inward ver-tues, and our eyes are delighted with the sight of you. But because your own eyes cannot see your self, neither can there be in the world any example fit to blaze you by, I beseech you vouchsafe to weigh the grounds thereof. The natural causes are length of government, and uncertainty of succession: the effects, as you term them, appear by cherishing some abominable speeches which some hellish minds have uttered, The longer a goodprince reigneth, it is certain the more he is esteemed; there is no man ever was weary of well being. And good encreased to good maketh the same good both greater and stronger; for it useth men to know no other caresn when either men are born in the time, and so never saw other; or have spent much part of their flourishing time, and so have no joy to seek other: in evil princes, abuse growing upon abuse, according to the nature of evil, with the increase of time ruines it self. But in so rare a government, where neighbours fires give us light to see our quietness, where nothing wants that true administration of justice brings forth, certainly the length of time rather breeds a mind to think there is no other life but in it, then that there is any tediousness in so fruitfull a government. Examples of good princes do ever confirm this, who the longer they lived, the deeper still they sunk into their subjects hearts.

Neither will I trouble you with examples, being so many and manifest.

Look into your own estate, how willingly they grant, and how dutifully they pay such subsidies as you demand of them. How they are no less troublesome to your majesty in certain requests, than they were in the beginning of your reign: and your majesty shall find you have a people more then ever devoted to you.

As for the uncertainty of succession, although for mine own part I have cast the utmost anchor of my hope, yet for England’s sake I would not say any thing against such determination; but that uncertain good should bring contempt to a certain good, I think it is beyond all reach of reason: nay, because if there were no other cause, (as there are infinite,) common reason and profit would teach us to hold that jewel dear, the loss of which would bring us to we know not what: which likewise is to be said of your majesties speech of the rising sun, a speech first used by Scilla to Pompey in Rome, as then a popular city, where indeed men were to rise or fall, according to the flourish and breath of a many headed confusion. But in so lineal a monarchy, where-ever the infants suck the love of their rightfull prince, who would leave the beams of so fair a sun, for the dreadful expectation of a divided company of stars? Vertue and justice are the only bonds of peoples love: and as for that point, many princes have lost their crowns whose own children were manifest successors; and some, that had their own children used as instruments of their ruine; not that I deny the bliss of children, but only to shew religion and equity to be of themselves sufficient stales: neither is the love was born in the queen your sisters daies any contradiction hereunto; for she was the oppressor of that religion which lived in many mens hearts, and whereof you were known to be the favourer; by her loss, was the most excellent prince in the world to succeed; by your loss, all blindness light upon him that sees not our misery.

Lastly, and most properly for this purpose, she had made an odious marriage with a stranger, (which is now in question, whether your majesty should do or no;) so that if your subjects do at this time look for any afterchance, it is but as the pilot doth to the ship-boat, if his ship should perish; driven by extremity to the one; but, as long as he can with his life, tendring the other. And this I say, not only for the lively parts that be in you; but even for their own sakes, since they must needs see what tempests threaten them.

The last proof in this contempt should be the venomous matter certain men impostumed with wickedness should utter against you. Certainly not to be evil spoken of, neither Christs holiness nor Caesars might could ever prevent or warrant: there being for that no other rule, then so to do, as that they may not justly say evil of you; which whether your majesty have not done, I leave it in you, to the sincereness of your own conscience, and wisdom of your judgment; in the world, to your most manifest fruits and fame through Europe. Augustus was told, that men spake of him much hurt; it is no matter, said he, so long as they cannot do much hurt: and lastly, Charles the 5th, to one that told him, Les Hollandois parlent mal, mais ilz payent bien, answered he. I might make a scholar-like reckoning of many such examples. It sufficeth that these great princes knew well enough upon what wings they flew, and cared little for the barking of a few currs: and truly, in the behalf of your subjects, I durst with my blood answer it, that there was never monarch held in more precious reckoning of her people; and before God how can it be otherwise? For mine own part, when I hear some lost wretch hath defiled such a name with his mouth, I consider the right name of blasphemy, whose unbridled soul doth delight to deprave that which is accounted generally most high and holy. No, no, most excellent lady, do not raze out the impression you have made in such a multitude of hearts, and let not the scum of such vile minds bear any witness against your subjects devotions: which, to proceed one point further, if it were otherwise, could little be helped, but rather nourished, and in effect begun by this. The only means of avoiding contempt, are love and fear: love as you have by divers means sent into the depth of their souls; so if any thing can stain so true a form, it must be the trimming your self, not in your own likeness, but in new colours unto them: their fear by him cannot be encreased without appearance of French forces, the manifest death of your estate; but well may it against him bear that face, which (as the tragick Seneca saith) Metus in authorem redit; as because both in will and power he is like enough to do harm. Since then it is dangerous for your state, as well because by inward weakness (principally caused by division) it is fit to receive harm; since to your person it can no way be comfortable, you not desiring marriage, and neither to person nor state he is to bring any more good then any body, but more evil he may, since the causes that should drive you to this are either fears of that which cannot happen, or by this means cannot be prevented; I do with most humble heart say unto your majesty, (having assayed this dangerous help,) for your standing alone, you must take it for a singular honour God hath done you, to be indeed the only protector of his church; and yet in worldly respects your kingdom very sufficient so to do, if you make that religion upon which you stand, to carry the only strength, and have abroad those that still maintain the same course, who as long as they may be kept from utter falling, your majesty is sure enough from your mightiest enemies.

As for this man, as long as he is but monsieur in might, and a papist in profession, he neither can nor will greatly shield you: and if he grow to be king, his defence will be like Ajax shield, which rather weighed them down, then defended those that bare it. Against contempt if there be any, which I will never believe, let your excellent vertues of piety, justice, and liberality, daily, if it be possible, more and more shine; let such particular actions be found out, (which be easie, as I think, to be done,) by which you may gratifie all the hearts of your people: let those in whom you find trust, and to whom you have committed trust in your weighty affairs, be held up in the eyes of your subjects. Lastly, doing as you do, you shall be as you be, the example of princes, the ornament of this age, the comfort of the afflicted, the delight of your people, and the most excellent fruit of your progenitors, and the perfect mirrour of your posterity.

NUMBER 20.

A letter to the queen from some person of quality; upon the subject of her marriage, and the succession moved to her by her parliament. MOST excellent princess, my most gracious sovereign, and good lady, I crave of your majesty, prostrate before your feet, pardon for my boldness in writing unto you at this time, whereunto I am brought by the great confidence I have had given unto me heretofore by your self for my writing unto your majesty: and partly am enforced by mine own conscience, burthened with the charge of my love and duty to your majesty and my country, and with the knowledge and foresight I have, as a man may have by some experience; how much the matter whereof I will write doth import, either to the content and quietness of your majesties mind, and to the perpetual tranquility and peace of this realm; being perfected in a right course, or to the contrary, if by private affections; without any respect to that which may, and is like to follow hereafter, if it be otherwise finished at this time, than it ought to be by right and conscience. I understand, that there hath been a suit moved unto your majesty for the mariage of your most noble person, (whom I beseech God long to preserve unto us,) and for the entail of the succession of your crown, if you leave us without heirs of your body. Which suit made unto your majesty in general, without limitation for your mariage, or for the succession, like, as I suppose, no good man may or can be against the furtherance of the suit, (and I my self have heretofore not long agon written unto your majesty by your favour to that effect.) So that if any person shall do prejudice unto you, by debating and disputing of titles in open and great presence, he is not much to be commended. For it should not, be done in open presence, I say, without your majesties former licence. For so might follow much inconvenience, which doth not, nor cannot yet appear. It is the greatest matter that ever I or any man alive at this day can remember, hath been brought in deliberation in our days. And therefore every part thereof, as well your majesties answer to the motion, did require good consideration (which I heard you did most prudently) as for the further progress by your majesty in that part of the matter, which toucheth succession must of necessity have a time to be determined; because it is subject to divers affections and humours, founded upon private respects: some desiring (after your majesty and the heirs of your body) that a man should succede without any regard to the title of a woman, whatsoever it be, forgetting, (as I have heard that noble prince of worthy memory, the king your father, say,) that the greatest anchor-hold of this crown after king Henry I. took root from the heirgeneral Mawde, daughter and heir to the said Henry. Who was maried first to the emperor, and after his decease to Jeffrey Plantagenet, earl of Anjou.

Of which second came Henry II. (none alien, though he were born out of the realm,) rightful king by course of nature, and by descent of bloud. Of whom your majesty is rightfully descended; and unto whom, by course of nature, descent of bloud, and by the laws of this land, your majesty is right and lawful heir and successor of this crown. And therefore I say under your majesties correction, that right, whether it be in man or woman, ought to take place. For it is well known, sithence the conqueror’s time, yea, and before also, that the greatest troubles, yea, and almost the only trouble that hath chaunced within this realm, (until your grandfather and grandmother, king Henry VII. and queen Elizabeth his wife; the one claiming from the house of Lancaster, and the other from the house of York, were joined in one,) hath been for lack of right dealing in matter of succession; and by swarving therein present civil war hath followed. And if not some time present, yet within three descents after the swarving, great mischief and inconvenience hath followed unto the heirs of the swarvers, and their partakers, and to many others, both great and small of the other party that were not guilty.

And in brief, to repeat to your majesty, first, when king Stephen in the right of his mother, suster to king Henry I. took upon him the crown, by the help and power of Henry the bishop of Winchester, (one of his uncles,) from his cousin Mawde, daughter and heir to king Henry I. his mother’s brother, upon colour that he was a man, and Mawde a woman; and her son Henry Plantagenet young, and not able to govern, it is well known what cruel wars did follow thereupon in the realm, until such time as the matter being taken up by communication, Henry, Mawde’s son, was restored to the right of his inheritance.

Then after Henry II. reigned his son Richard I. who dying without issue, appointed Arthur of Britain, son to Jeffrey, his second brother to be his heir. But John, the younger brother of Richard, after Richard’s death, took upon him the crown. Whereby great troubles within this realm followed then presently; and afterward, both in John his own time, (notwithstanding that Arthur dyed,) and also in his son’s time, king Henry III. that civil plague ceased not.

In Richard II. his time, Edmund Mortimer, earl of March, who maried the daughter and heir of Lionel, duke of Clarence, was declared heir apparent by parlament. Yet nevertheless, when the said Richard was deprived of his kingdom, Henry, earl of Darby, son to John, duke of Lancaster, a second brother to the said Lionel, was by parlament made king. After whom his son Henry V. reigned. And after him his son Henry VI. In whose time was mervailous great civil Wars; great ruines of great families, and great effusion of the bloud royal. For it is written, by the swarving in the right of succession after the death of Richard II. until the time that Edward IV. by mariage with the heir of Clarence, had gotten the quiet possession of the crown; there was in the mean season slain fourscore of the bloud royal.

And in Richard III. his time, what mischief fell by his taking the crown upon him; and disinheriting his brother Edward IV. his children, I have heard divers men tell in my time, that they both knew it, and felt part of the smart of it. And then came that happy mariage, as I have said before, whereby the houses of York and Lancaster were conjoyned. Which happy conjunction of those two in one, if it should be broken, and brought to any one of the house of York alone, or of the house of Lancaster alone, as long as there is any alive that hath just title to them both, the child which is yet unborn may feel the smart of it: besides those which may suffer in the mean season.

Now last in your majesties own days, what civil discord was like to have risen by swarving from the right line of descent; the lady Jane Gray taking upon her the crown of this realm, your majesty did see, if God had not provided otherwise. And some others did feel the smart of it. Whereof some yet remaining, I trust, will learn by the time past: and other will take example by them in the like hereafter.

And because there be some that speak of the entailing of the crown by your majesty, alledging examples of some of your auncestor: persuading therefore that there is no cause, why your majesty should fear to name your successor: truth it is indeed, that I have heard, that Some of your auncestors did make the entail, but yet never to any other person than to their own children, or to their brethren or sisters children. And so left it to the next right heir; cutting off all other utile. Whether your majesty be in the case of your auncestor or no, I doubt not but by your wisdom you do consider.

The government of the realm of France, in appointing the crown to the heir male only, cutting off the heirs general, causeth some men here to like well of the heir male here in this land. But whosoever shall read the story of France, sithence Philippus Purcher his days, shall find after the decease of his son without heirs, that by the disherison of Isabel, Philippus his daughter, mother to Edward III. who was indeed, (and so is your majesty,) by descent from her, rightful heir to the crown of France; there was never realm that hath suffered more calamity in it, by us, and by our means, than that realm hath suffered, ever sithen it swarved from the right succession, until within these twenty years; the quarrel nevertheless remaining unto this day.

This discourse, wherein I note a disherison of some right heirs, and of calamities that fell thereupon, is to put your majesty in remembrance, to use great and deep deliberation, and to understand truly, where the right resteth by the law of this land. Which is the rule, whereby all your subjects must be ordered; and whereby they hold al that they have; and wherunto the princes of this realm use to promise so-lemnely at their coronation to have a special regard. If your majesty knew not already, where the right resteth by the law of this land, your majesty hath good means to know, (if it shall please you to use it,) by calling to your own self all your judges, barons of the exchequer, your sergeants, and atturneys general, of the dutchy and of the wards, and solicitors: and in your majesties own royal person, to adjure them by such solemne and earnest word, as I know your majesty can use in such an earnest matter; not only to declare unto your majesty, after they have considered thereupon, in writing subscribed by their hands, in whom by the laws of this land the right resteth: and also to keep secret unto themselves their opinions therein; without disclosing the same unto any person without your majesties former li-cence; but to your majesty your self, as they will answer at their perills. And then may your majesty at your will and plesure, keep close or discover the same, as time shall require; to whom and in such sort, either in open council, or in other open assembly, or in this parlament; or, if time will not serve, at another time of parlament, as your majesty shall think convenient, after a full and mature consideration had thereof. And your majesty may know the opinions, if it please you, also of other, though they be not of your council, grave and learned men in the laws of this realm; for the better conducing thereof, to effect a pedegree, to be delivered by your majesty to your said judges and learned council, with such objections as may be alledged against any person that hath at this time any maner of pretence to the succession.

In this wise your majesty shall both preserve the dignity, prerogative, and majesty of your estate royal; and also satisfy the desire of your good subjects: avoiding thereby also all such partiality as at this day peradventure leads divers men to lean to divers, upon divers respects. And finally, so order the matter, as your majesty shah never be disquieted in mind. And so procede by your wisdom with good advice taken and followed, as the case shall so require. That neither the state of the laws of the realm at this day (which divers much do fear) neither yet any other thing, shall not be in any part or member altered or changed, contrary to the government already established.

And if it will please your majesty to be after a sort a Christ unto us, a redeemer and a saviour of us, by mortifying your own affections for us and for our sakes, take the mariage, take the pains to bring forth princely children; then should you not need to fear the entail; then should your majesty be quiet; then should we be happy; and then might your majesty, with a better security, and with longer deliberation, (by understanding of every bodies pretence, and whatever each one of them could say for themselves,) establish the matter rightfully. But in this point I speak the less touching marriage, because I have heretofore, by your majesties goodness, presumed, not only to write unto you at large, but also presently to move your majesty eftsones by word of mouth therein. And I pray God direct your heart in these two points especially; and in all other your doings, according to his will and plesure.

Thus ceasing to trouble your majesty any longer, I make my refuge where I began, to your majesties clemency; trusting that you will take this my writing in gracious part, according to my true meaning. For I take God to record, I have no maner of respect in this matter to any maner of person, but only unto the right, upon whomsoever it shall fall by the laws of this land; for getting of you knowledge; whereof I have briefly declared mine opinion, for a mean to be used by your majesty, if it shall so please you.

And I have summarily set forth before your eyes the civil wars within this realm, with their causes, times, and persons. And this I have done for the discharge of my conscience towards God, and my duty towards your majesty and my country. And I have done it rather, because I was appointed by your writ to be at your parlament with other noblemen, to give coun-sil in great and weighty matters concerning the publick weal of this realm. From whence being inforced by sickness to be absent, and having your majesties licence, (as my good lord Robert [Dudley] hath declared unto me on your majesties behalf,) I have thought it my part to write thus unto your majesty; and to your majesty alone: [And therewithal my poor opinion, that as soon as the subsidy shall be granted to your majesty, and some such other thing brought to pass as your majesty liketh, it shall not be amiss that your majesty prorogue the parlament.] And so trusting, and also beseeching your majesty most humbly, that it will please you to take this my writing into your protection, as a thing submitted in every point to your majesties judgment and correction, I pray God preserve your majesty long, to his honour, your own contentation, and the comfort and quietness of us all, and of our posterity.

NUMBER 21.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the lord treasurer: upon the queen’s leave to resign his bishopric. INCREDIBILIS ista tua humanitas, et benignitas, qua yeterem tuum amicum, licet jam tandem membrum invali-dum atque inutile, candide prosequeris, solidum mihi adfert gaudium. Probe autem intelligere te rationes meas omnes fete, quomodo traetatus fuerim in episcopatu meo hisce fere xxti. annis, tuam prudentiam non fugit. Somersamia aliquid negotii mihi facessivit. Jucundae fuerunt nonnullis maneriorum meorum aucupationes.

Nec te latet quanta pecuniae summa mihi constiterit multiplex et frivola delatio ilia ad regiam majestatem; cujus tua prudentia probe conscia est.

Alia minutiora prudens prsetereo. Tandem injustissima ilia querela ex dni.

Goodrici indentura, nihil minus sentiente, quam quod Richardus Bruchinus, magna aulicorum turba fultus, conatur invertere, vix dum in cancellaria finem obti-nere potest. Nec unquam obtinebit, nisi ipsa majestas, sicur olim mandavit, ut in sua curia cancellariae terminaretur, hoc negotium praeceperit atque mandaverit: ita nunc pro sequitate et clementia sua, qua tantam litis materiam praebuerit, ut ipsa jubeat istam indenturam evacuari atque cancellari. Hoc enim postulat aequitas et bonitas. Atque hujus rei probe conscius est regius cancellarius.

Quod vero regia majestas adeo candide acceperit literas meas qualescunque animi pii significationes, illius majestati me plurimum debere fateor: imo, alias, pro innumeris ipsius beneficiis. Maxime vero ingentem illam benevolentiam, nuper in me exhibitam ingenue agnosco, quod aetatis atque imbe-cillitatis memor, tanquam pia matrona, imo, indulgentissima mater, mei rationem habet, ut ab onere episcopali, longe quam olim ad id muneris ineptiorem, eximat, alterisque be-nigne concedat. Et quoniam facile credo illius animum non esse alienatum ab episcopo Norvicense; teque non alienum ab eo animum gerere; equidem, si ita ipsius majestati aequum esse videatur, non ipsum successorem recusavero.

Quod ad petitiones meas attinet, eas omnes exaravi, tuaeque prudentiae examinandas proposui: et per tabulam per filium meum tuae celsitudini examinandas [misi.] Quicquid autem regiae sublimitati approbatum fuerit, mihique conces-sum, si ipsum, quicquid est significare mihi non dedigneris, imprimis curabo, ut consiliorum meorum prudentia in or-dinem redigatur, et ipsius majestatis judicio submittatur. Deus Opt. Max. pietatem tuam utraque benedictione, hoc est, hujus vitae et aeternae, beare dignetur, cum toto tuo fa-mulitio. Ex aedibus meis Dodingtoniensibus, decimo sexto die Decembris, 1579.

Tuns pro sua tenuitate fidiss, amicus, Richardus Eliens. [NUMBER 21] A list of papists imprisoned, anno 1579, in divers places in the realm. Their names, qualities, and ages.

IN THE TOWER OF LONDON.

D. Rich. archbishop of Armagh in Ireland; about 50 years old.

D.Thomas Methamus, priest, licentiate in divinity; qua-dragenarius.

IN THE CUSTODY OF THE BISHOP OF ROFF.

D. Thomas Watson, bishop of Lincoln; about 60.

IN THE CUSTODY OF THE BISHOP OF ELY.

D. John Fecknam, late abbot of Westminster; about 60.

IN THE FLEET, LONDON.

D. Henry Cole, priest, D.D. octogenarius.

D. Robert Cook, priest; about 50.

D. Windam, LL.D. 50.

Ambrose Edmund, nobilis, [i. e. gent.] about 50.

Erasm. Saunders, nobilis, [gent.] William Iveson, gent. about 50. — Cotton, gent.

IN THE MARSHALSEA, LONDON.

D. Thomas Wood, priest; about 80.

D. Leonard Bilson, priest; about D. Thomas Cook, monk; about 70.

D. Thomas Bluet, priest; about 40.

D. Christopher Thomson, priest.

D. William Allen, priest; about 70.

Thomas Pound, gent.

William Philips, gent. 40.

Peter Carew, gent. 30 years old.

Edward Burnel, gent. 40.

Richard Webster, schoolmaster.

William Grene, layman.

Norwich, gent.

Becket, gent.

Gray, gent.

Grene, gent.

IN THE KING’S BENCH.

D. John Young, priest, D.D. 70.

D. Thomas Mirfeld, priest; 80.

Fra. Trigian, gent.

William Sherewood, gent.

Richard Holson, gent.

IN THE WHITE-LION, LONDON.

Peter Titchborn.

John Beckensal.

John Ludlow.

IN THE GATE-HOUSE.

D. Rosseus, priest,60. John Gifford, schoolmaster.

John Pinchin, and his wife.

Richard Sampson, 40.

John Savage, 20.

D. James Shaw, priest,60.

D. Thomas Harrison, priest,50.

John Hewes, 50.

John Geale, 60.

James.

IN THE COUNTER.

Henry Creed, 60.

Gregory Owinele, schoolmaster, 40.

Elizabeth Johnson, left by her husband; a gentlewoman, with her servant Leonard.

IN THE PRISON OF NORTHAMPON.

D. Fra. Stopford, priest,60.

Thomas Mudd, 50.

D. Ste. Hemsworth, priest,60.

John Thrackwray.

William Justice, with his wife.

AT WINTON.

D. Thomas Palmer, priest, 80.

Thomas Travers, 80.

Thomas White, gent. 33.

Hermanna — widow; whose husbands dyed in prison Waia, — widow; whose husbands dyed in prison Beckinsalla, — widow; whose husbands dyed in prison Grena, — widow; whose husbands dyed in prison IN THE PRISON AT HULL.

John Cumberford, priest, D.D. 80.

D. Wright, priest, B.D. 40.

D. Thomas Bedell, priest,60.

D. John Almon, priest,70.

D. Robert Williamson, priest,60.

John Terry, schoolmaster, 40.

Fra. Parkinson, layman, 40.

John Fletcher, layman.

William Tesmond, with seven others.

AT HERSAM.

Robert Boughwater, 80.

AT HEREFORD.

D. Thomas Feasard, priest,60.

D. William Basset, priest,60.

John Grene, of the laity.

William Smith, of the laity AT CORNWAL.

Richard Tremain, gent. 30.

Thomas Harrison, schoolmaster, 45.

John Kemp, gent. 40.

Richard ... gent.

John Williams, A.M. 35.

John Philips, 30. James Humfrey, 30.

Henry Benfeld, gent. 40.

John Hody, layman.

AT WEST-CHESTER.

D. Richard Sutton, priest, 80. D.

John Cuppage, priest,60.

With some others.

NUMBER 22.

Prowde, parson of Burton upon Dunmore, to the lord treasurer: exciting him to speak freely to the queen in behalf of religion, (as professed by some,) discountenanced. THE peace of God is felt in a good conscience. The which I wish unto your honour more and more, unto the end and in the end. Amen. Your bringing up in true religion; things published by you to the comfort of the brethren; (that hath bewrayed the smaching that we have of the sight of sin, and wrath of God against sin;) hath made me ever to love and reverence you with my heart: and sometime when I could pray, to pray and to be thankful to God for you: desiring him so to bless and preserve you, that you might increase in all godliness for ever; to the most furtherance of his glory and your comfort in Christ Jesu.

But afterwards the report was, that ye did openly revolt from your religion, and fell to go to idolatrus sarvys: and so, by your dead doings therein, consented to all the bloud of the prophets and martyrs that was shed unrighteously in Manasse’s days. And now in Josia’s days ye came not to God’s persecuted church, that he builded, maintained, and defended from time to time, against the force of the wolf and the lion; which was not corrupted, nor polluted with idolatry; wherein was the word of God purely preached, the sacraments godly ministred, and discipline without partiality executed: and hearty prayer to God was made for God’s afflicted church.

By the which I persuade my self, and for the suffering of the just of that church, that both ye, and others now in great authority, and the whole land beside, fared the better. Ye came not I say, I say thither, [viz. to Frankford, Strasburgh, Zuric, Geneva, &c.] as others did, that were in your fault; confessing there your open falls and sinning in idolatry; axing mercy of God for it, and purposing, by his grace, never hereafter to fall into sin again. And so to have entered into a new league and covenant with him; purposing fully in your heart, by his grace, never to do so ill again. But being rid out of idolatrous bondage, it is said and reported, ye gave your consent to the building of God’s house or church; that was not builded in all points so perfectly, as the other that he himself had builded, without any lawful or godly magistrate; and left in those days for an example, as I suppose, for you to have followed.

Also, it is said, that ye were one of them that at the first maintained that, for the which many good men lost their livings: and by little and little the practice of the papists, as it is feared, hath grown to displace good justicers, to put down profitable exercises of the word, as also of prayer and fasting, sometime used: where tears were shed, not only for their own sins, but of those murnyng souls of Sion, for all the abominations of Jerusalem. Which a heathen king seeing his people given unto, was so far from forbidding of it, that he confirmed it by his writing and dede-doing.

Which turned the wrath of God from them: as their desire was, that here used this exercise of prayer and fasting: foreseeing the evils now present, and more to be feared to be at hand. For I fear, they see not their practice that first set brother against brother herein.

Also, it is said, that you from time to time, fearing to exasperate the prince, and to make her worse in religion, have spared your plainness, and have not dealt with her so plainly from time to time, as your knowledge hath required, both touching God’s chierche, her own preservation, and the safe-tie and profit of the commonwealth; to the increase of God’s gospel to us, and our posterity for evermore.

For alas! my good lord, I know small of these things, for truthe, if any. But this, I say, the knowledge of God, and the benefits of your good prince, should move you (if you be not) to be bold and courageous in both their causes; venturing your life for her; as she doth daily for you. For he that dealeth plainly with her shall find more favour in the end, than he that flattereth. And when can you do God, your prince, country, and posterity, better service than now, in being courageous in all those good matters that ye know full well may serve well these turnes; although it should cost you your life?

I suppose, if it had been required of him, that, as it is said, cometh in, [the duke of Anjou,] that he should be heartily sory for his going to the idolatrous mass and popish religion: and so to acknowledge, and that openly before the whole congregation, that he hath done very evil in going to it, and that he now, nor never hereafter purposeth, by God’s grace, to do so ill again; that rather than he would have done this openly, he would never have come among us: except he be throughly persuade in godly religion: which is feared he is not. For the popish religion, you know, alloweth none to be Christians, except they renounce their faith openly, and bear a fagot. Nor the Jews custome in God’s religion alloweth any for a Jew, except he be thrice circumcised.

And in this methinketh (wishing well to your goodness) I have committed no great fault, if any at all; but to let you to understand what is said of you, that I hear; and my love to the whole church. And this rule seems to bear it, Do as thou wouldest be done by. And as I have written it, none knowing of it; so you may burn it, none seeing it. And thus God’s grace, I beseech him, to give you in all your great affairs; and his mercy embrace you for evermore, Amen. By him that hath great cause to love and reverence your honour; because of the great care you have of God’s church, as for the good you do unto it. Rychard Prowde, parson of Bowrton upon Donsmore, although unworthy of so great calling, having no greater learning. 13th of May, 1579.

NUMBER 23.

Mr. Hugh Broughttm, of Christ’s college, Cambridge, to the high chancellor of that university; conmplaining of his being wrongfully deprived of his fellowship, being that founded by king Edward VI.

Desiring justice against Dr. Hawford, the master. DR.HAUFORDUS adhuc obstinate reluctatur hono-ris tui literis, ut me affligat pecuniae ac temporis dispendio. Hoc autem jam controversum est, an licebit soli, vel cum paucioribus, honorario tuo arbitdo resistere. Peto autem quaesoque ita eum accipias, ut mihi aliqua ex parte compen-set itinerum sumptus: quandoquidem non potest inficiari, quin contra leges me ejecerit, indicta causa pulsum: nullo die condicto ad agendum. Quam vero me insuper cruciave-rit; quantum honoratis viris obstinatione sententiae displi-cuit; quantopere coegerit academiam plerumque meis casi-bus ingemiscere; nihil dico, in medio relinquo; tute judicabis.

Quoniam autem audio eum ad honorem tuum missurum quempiam actorem suae causae; nec ipse possum interesse; fractus antea laboribus, et nunc valetudinarius; necesse habeo et absentiae veniam summisse petere, et causam denuo ape-rire: nequa obscuritas aliorum sermonibus afferatur. De so-dalitio igitur Edovardi regis possum idoneis testibus confir-mare, atque adeo D. Haufordum ad fatendum cogere, soda-litium hoc primo fundamine medico fuisse designatum: qui collegio percommodus merito visus est: descriptum librum novarum legum, qui sic ordinaret: librum hunc dum gesta-retur ad Ridleium, tum visitatorem, infeliciter in itinere cum capsula quadam periisse. Haec pleraque D. Haufordus ipse crebro memoravit. Et quidam D. Johnsonus, tum Christi-cola, adhuc Cantabrigiensis, vir dignus fide, testabitur. Nul-las ex illo leges latas de hac re: consuetudinem autem et voluntatem contubernii licentiorem fuisse constat. Quum enim D.

Margareta duos non patiatur esse socios ex eodem comitatu; hic Sandersonus, Northumbrius, Lewinus, Es- sexius populares suos, alter Northumbrium, alter Essexium, collegas habuerunt. Lewinus etiam ministerium sacrum re-cusare situs est; quum dispensationes D. Margareta abjudi-cet. Quod si tolerationem nuncupabit D. Haufordus, cur non potuit idem mihi dare? Nonnihil autem valere debet sociorum sermonibus haec usurpata licentia. In quibus D. Stillus nuper procancellarius coram D.

Haufordo, multis au-dientibus, opinabatur, se nunquam futurum fuisse theolo-gum, si non Margaretam altricem studiorum, sed regem Edovardum habuisset. Haec dixit procancellarius, cum illius judicium valere in caussa potuisset.

Omitto multa brevitatis ergo, duobus ut respondeam, quae forsan objicientur. Alterum est obscuritas quaedam in do-natione regis Edovardi: alterum, jusjurandum datum D. Margaretae. His duobus saepius videri voluit D. Haufordus triumphare. Edvardo regi tenetur collegium unum socium sustinere per et juxta ordinem fundationis. Quae constat dici de stipendio, ut sit non minus alibile atque opimum, quam alia D. Margaretae.

Id nisi ita esset, quorsum illa con-silia et leges de medico? Unde nata contraria consuetudo atque judicia? Jusjurandum vero non dant aliud, quam de-bent etiam pensionarii; ut videat humanitatis tuae mollitudo nihil hoc contra me facere. Id. Mart.

Tuus supplex, Hugo Broughton.

NUMBER 24.

The fellows of Christ’s college, Cambridge, to the chancellor of that university: in behalf of Mr. Hugh Broughton, against the master of the college; who had declared his fellowship void. QUOD allatum ad nos fuit, quatuor ex nostris sociis una cum custode collegii ad honorem tuum seripsisse contra D. Broughtoni caussam; excitati sumus et nos, ut scriberemus, quid de hac re sentiamus; nequid potior aut probabilior caussa nostro silentio detrimenti caperet. Tres itaque literas honoris tui amicissime scriptas contemplati probavimus, et obviis ulnis amplexi sumus. Quae omnes D. Broughtoni caussae patrocinabantur.

Secundarum mentio facta est, quae nonnihil cederent: quas nec vidimus, nec videre cupimus ejusmodi. Namque ut sit sciens honos tuus, quantopere il-lius partibus meritissime studeamus; nos ipsi ad D. Mildmaium nonnulli scripsimus, ut alumnum suum, Graios mu-sarum agros fortiter colentem, cum fundi nostri calamitate non pateretur ex gremio collegii nostri penitus avelli. Nos iidem authores, et consuasores fuimus D. Broughtono jureconsulto, Broughtoni nostri germanissimo fratri, ut jurecon-sultus, ex jure frater fratris caussam fraterne tueretur. Nostrarum etiam literarum accitu, Broughtonus noster Dunelmo maturius quam alioquin voluisset cogitabat reditionem do-mum: quae tamen valetudinis perturbatione fuit praepedita.

Adhaec, cum D. Haufordus autumaret ac pronuntiaret cum socium non esse; iidem ex animo vere et sincere acriter restitimus: tam quod indicta caussa id fieri inhumanum et injustum esse rebamur; quam quoa ex jure juxta nobiscum socium eum esse justissimis ex caussis arbitrati sumus. Nec minus segre laturi illius talem amissionem, quam si ipsi de presidio et statione sodalitii nostri depelleremur. Et quid opus est plura? Nam et aequitas cum illo facit, uti tuum prudens et sincerum judicium statuit. Et si revivisceret rex Edovardus, silere leges potius mallet, quam utilitas collegii, et dignitas academiae suprema lex non esset. Quae cum ita sint, summisse petimus ab honore tuo ut ne desistas eum tueri, quem tutari tam humaniter et considerate coeperis. Cantab. id. Mart. [1579.] Tui honoris observantissimi, Joannes Ireton, Brake Babington, Ambrosius Barker, Martyn Kaye, Christopher Bambriggus, Thomas Bradocke, Roger Acroe, Thomas Todd, nuperrime socius, cum haec maxime agebantur.

NUMBER 25.

The lord treasurer to the earl of Sussex. News at court, concerning the French ambassador, and the prince of Conde from the king of Navar: both together in private conference with the queen. MY very good lord, with thanks for your letter and messenger: who on Friday met me coming from Theobalds. I came yesterday hither about five of the clock; and repairing towards the privy chamber, to have seen her majesty, I found the door, at the upper end of the presence chamber, shut.

And then understood, that the French ambassador had been a long time with her majesty, and the prince of Conde also. Where there were none other of the council, but my lord of Leicester and Mr. Vicechamberlain [Hat-ton:] Mr. Secretary Walsingham being sick in his chamber. And so about seven of the dock, the French ambassador being ready to depart towards London, came to me, and told me a great part of their proceedings, being pleased well with her majesty for her temperate dealings: but no way contented with the prince of Conde. In whom he findeth more disposition to move troubles in France, than to enjoy peace.

And he addeth, that he verily thinketh, that these troubles in France, and the princes coming hither, are provoked from hence. Wherein I know nothing of certainty; but should be sory it should be so in truth.

Nevertheless he augment-eth his suspicions upon the sight he hath of the great fayours shewed to the prince of Conde by certain counsillors here; whom he understandeth have been many times, both on Friday and Saturday, with him at the banqueting house, where he is lodged.

Yesternight late in the even, her majesty told me her dealing with the ambassador and the prince. Wherein she commended the prince’s modesty, in declaring the cause of his coming to be, to shew to her majesty the just causes that have moved the king of Navar to take armes for his defence against marshal Montmorencie and Byron. Of whose violences (as he supposed, without warrant from the king) he shewed many particular cases. To which the ambassador made defence, by retorting to the king of Navar, the occasion of the marshal’s actions to have grown from the king of Na-var first. The prince also declared the cause of his coming from St. John D’Angeli to have been, to serve the king in the government of Pycardy. Where he sought to obtain the good-will and liking of the townes in Pycardy. Because the king and his mother also had assented for their parts, that he should have the government; saving, that they found the states of the country unwilling. Which was, as he understood, but a suggestion, made by means of the house of Guise to them; that D’aumale might have the government from him. And so, he coming into Pycardy, found (as namely, at Soissons) the people glad at his access. And yet notwithstanding, his adversaries, on the part of the duke D’aumale, procured contrary suggestions to be made to the king. And in the end he found certain numbers of men of war amassed by the lige of Pycardy to have trapped the prince. And thereof complaining, and finding no remedy, he was forced to flee towards Almayne; leaving the house of La Fere guarded. And perceiving that the French king was induced by his adversaries to credit their false complaints, he came hither to entreat her majesty, that the French king would suspend his judgments, both against the king of Navar and him; and accept them as his dutiful sub-iects, as they meant and intended sincerely and plainly, without attempting any force, otherwise then for their de-fence against their oppressors.

And to this, as I understand, the ambassador used small defence. But excused the king, as one that was very loth to come to termes of war. But he answered, that his master was so provoked, as he thought it a hard matter to stay him from proceeding with such force as God had given him, to the expending of his life and crown.

The ambassador went to London, and the prince to his lodging; conducted by my lord of Leicester. And Wylkes the clerk of the council attendeth upon him. By her majesty I perceive the just cause of his coming is for mony in this sort; that is, after this rate: the charge to be born: viz. a part by the king of Navar, and his part: another by Cassimire and certain princes, protestants: and a third is required from her majesty. What they may prove, I know not. I wish her majesty may spend some portion to solicite for them some peace, to the good of the cause of religion. But to enter into a war, and therewith to break the ma-riage; and so to be left alone, as subject to the burthen of such a war, I think no good counsillor can allow.

It is likely that the prince shall depart to morrow by sea to Flushing: from whence he came by sea. And thither by the Rhine from Colen, without taking land. But I think he will now at his return visit the prince of Aurenge. Thus your lordship hath all my knowledge. Her majesty removeth on Tuesday. On which day I mean to be at Westminster, if I may. My lord Grey is making him ready for Ireland. From the court at Nonsuch this Sunday the of June, 1580.

Your lordships most assured, W. Burghley.

NUMBER 26.

Thomas Randolph, esq.; late-the queen’s ambassador to Scotland, to the lord chancellor: concerning the Scots king; Daubigny; and Scottish matters. WHERE I am so much bound, I ought not to omit any token of a grateful mind; lest, of all I be thought ingrate-ful. Seeing the duty that I owe is far greater than wherewith I have to recompence; I will rather compound as a bad debtor, than become clean bankrupt, to deceive my whole creditors.

Your honour therefore shall at this time, for myth that I owe through my long silence, be now re-compenced with a few lines, to informe your lordship of the state of Scotland, where I have now been a good space discharging my commission. Sought by all means to persuade the king and council to harken unto reason; to remember the queen’s majesty my sovereigns benefits unto them; to yield in reason to her requests, for the indifferent tryal of the earl Morton, and removing of count Debonie [D’Aubigny] from the king, a man known to be an utter enemy to Christ’s religion, and great disliker of any amity to stand between these two countries. To remedy these two evils, as her majesty hath taken no small care, so hath my travail been in will to answer unto her highness desire, according as I have been instructed from her majesty; or directed by others that have had power to command.

I find no good success of my travail to either of these purposes. The earl of Morton is very rich: he hath goodly houses, and well furnished. He hath great lands, and many friends in his prosperity. The doubt of his power, when he was at liberty, procured him many enemies. His great goodness to give that which he hath, is thought to many, quarel sufficient. I find little hope of his life the sooner, for that divers of his own most assured friends and servants, as he thought, are his accusers. Some, that he was guilty of the king’s murther: others, that he was consenting to the poisoning of the earl Athol: some, that of late he intended to have taken the king, and to have killed the earl of Argyle, the earl Lenox, and Montros. If this be true, his fault is greater than can be born with. If he be innocent, yet is the malice so great, as he cannot escape with his life. Nay, I cannot my self wish him any favour, if that be true that is said of him, and confessed by those in whom he had no small trust. This in time will be tryed: and her majesty shall be truly informed what his doings have been.

How I have dealt from time to time with the king and council; and what answer I have received; as also of my hasty departure out of that country, that both had libells set up against me, and harquebuse shot in at my chamber window, I trust your lordship knoweth, by such letters as are come to Mr. Secretary Walsinghams hands. I will no further trouble your lordship, but humbly remembring my duty, I take my leave. At Barwick.

NUMBER 27.

The bishop of Ely to the lord treasurer: informing him of intelligence he had received of 12000 Italians to be sent by the pope and Spaniard against the realm. ETSI multis modis tibi notum sit, et satis cognitum, quid moliatur ille antichristus Romanus; interim tamen cum per amicos procul dissitos antichristi incendium accen-datur Romae, et in omnem fere orbem divulgetur; ut nu-per accepimus a vere amicis nostris, et regno et reginae nos-trae, atque ejus proceribus, impensissime faventibus: quod antichristus ille, ut bulla Alexandrino cardinale exhibere-tur contra sereniss. Angliae reginam, atque quingenta exem-plaria imprimerentur, quae in eam orbis partem emittantur, quae catholicissima judicantur; antichristus et Hispanus in idem consentiunt. Adeo ut duodecim millia Italorum in militiam Hispanorum brevi conscribantur.

Haec quidem ad me jam ex Helvetia transmittuntur: quae pii fratres candide nos admonent. Etsi procul a nobis absint, precibus tamen prope adsunt, &c.

Dominus Jesus Christus te nobis diutissime servet incolumem. Downamiae, 18 Junii, 1580.

Tuae celsitudini ex animo longe carissimus, Richardus Coxus.

NUMBER 28.

Rodolphus Gualter, minister of Zurich, to Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury: informing him of many copies of the excommunication of pope Pius V. against the queen, printed at Rome; to be dispersed: and of the pope’s and Spaniard’s preparation for invading England.

S.QUEMADMODUM anno praeterito amplitudini tuae ex animo gratulabar, domine et pater in Christo reveren-dissime, quod de tua liberatione seu restitutione lama apud nos pervenisset; its postea non absque magno dolore cog-novi me isto nuntio falsum fuisse. Rursus tamen mihi spem bonam fecit nuper suis literis dignissimus praesul, Eboracensis archiepiscopus; quae ut rata sit toto corde Deum precor, per filium suum dilectum, Jesum Christum.

Scribendi vero occasionem mihi praecipuam praebuerunt in praesenti, quae per fidos mercatores Norinbergense ex Roma cognovimus. Nimirum, Alexandrinum cardinalem exempla bullae Pii V. papae, qua hic serenissimam Angliae vestrae reginam excommunicavit, plura quingentis exprimi curavisse: ut non Romae modo, sed per omnes aulas re-gum catholicorum (ut ipsi loquuntur) publicentur. Insti-tutionis hujus causae potissimae hae adducuntur. Prima, ut hac ratione legatus Anglicus ab aula Portugalensi excluda-tur. Altera, ut eadem opera impediantur nuptiae inter Alazonium regis Galli fratrem et reginam Elizabetham. Tertia et praecipua, ut ab ea omnes reges ac principes alie-nentur; nequam illi opem ferant adversus Hispaniae re-gem. Qui classem instructissimam parare fertur, qua vobis bellum moveat. Additur, conscribi debere in Italia duo decim millia militum qui classi isti imponantur.

Haec (inquam) Roma scripta sunt, 23 Januarii proximi. Etsi vero non dubitem serenissimam reginam, et regni consiliarios habere suos excubitores, qui illos de omnibus, quae alibi fiant, admoneant; quia tamen Angliam vestram magno suo merito, semper amavi, et eam nobis unius et ejusdem fidei confessio arctissime conjunxit, me hoc ex officio vobis debere putavi, ne celarem quae vobis struuntur insidias. Ut si forte nihil hujus ad vos pervenerit aliunde, per me hoc vobis innotesceret.

Moveat me etiam, quod addebatur, Hispanum occasio-nem istam ex eo arripuisse, quod papistae vestri in plurimis locis res novas moliantur. Scio quidem Deum esse regno-rum omnium praesidem, et regem regum; Christum item regna ea conservare ac tueri, quae ecclesiae suae hospitium tutum praebent; quod jam multis annis serenissima regina vestra fideliter fecit. Attamen nobis quoque vigilandum est adversus Antichristum, qui oculos hominis habet, et irre-quieto studio occasiones omnes captat, quibus Christi reg-num evertat; aut saltem piis turbas det.

Scripseram de hac re jam ad dignissimos praesules, Ebo-racensem et Eliensem. Sed quia ille procul a Londino habitat; hic vero per aetatem frequenter se domi continet, necessarinm putavi ut tuae etiam amplitudini ista significa-rem; et hanc meam pro vobis solicitudinem, etsi fortassis supervacanea sit, vobis tamen gratam et acceptam fore, non dubito. [NUMBER 28] The content of a letter written by one Solomon A1fred, (sometime a hosier in Birching-lane, London,) from Lions or Rhemes; to Robert Downes, esq. now prisoner in the gaol of Norwich.

IN the first part whereof was conteyned the great enter-teynment, geven to the writer, his wyfe and her woman, by the pope his holiness (as he termed him) at his house, where he then lay; within twelve miles of Rome. Where at their first coming was a chamber prepared to them to dyne in; and six gentlemen, appointed by the pope himself, to attend upon them at dynner: and how the pope did send unto them a reward of every dish of meat that was upon his own table: and that when at their departure they came to take their leave of him, he gave unto him and his wife a pension of twelve pistoletts a moneth, during their lives: willing them, if they thought it too little, to ask more, and they should have it graunted: and dismyssed them with such courteous words, as there was none of them that departed without shedding of tears.

Secondly, The writer wished Mr. Downes, that if he would take the benefit of a licence, which he heard he had, to go beyond the seas, he should now put it in execution: advising him, if he mynded so to do, that he should make means to his brother’s factor at London, to take order for the exchange of his mony, to be delivered him agayne, either at Depe, or else where he would within France. And admonished him for his better securitie, to take shipping at Rye, and to land at Depe. And there to chuse, whether he would go to Rhemes, or else to Lyons: where he would procure his brother to meet him, and to brynge him to his house; where he and his wife should be very honourably received. But he willed hym in no wise to come by Paris, for feare of the ambassador. And if he would nedes see the city, he bade him then first, to leve his wyfe at his brother’s, house, and to go from thence to Paris for three or four dayes. And at his return agayne from thence, he would take such order with his brother as he should be placed in France, where he best lyked.

Thirdly, He signified, that there was a bulle: whereof there were printed either iii score, or iii score and odd copies; I do not well remember whether: which should be delivered to Dr. Morton and to one Webbe. But what the contents of them were, or how to be employed, I do not remember it specified in the letter.

Fourthly, He said, that there were two Jesuites, and other persons, that were to come over, to do the country good.

Lastly, He certified, that there was at Rome, as I take it, a nobleman, either of Turkie or Jurye, with xx persons more, christened, whilest he was there.

And this is the whole content, as far as I can remember, of all the letter: which was written, as I hear, in April last. Mychael Hare.

An account of the abovesaid letter, given by Roger Martin, esq. and the occasion of his hearing, it read, and of the burning of it.

Our supper prepared by our keeper, I came owt of my chamber, and went into an entrye, which some termyth a gallerye, having lyght but on the one side, (where our sayd keeper was attending upon us,) towards the place where we should suppe. Where I saw Mr. Downes openyng and redying of a letter in the wyndow: which he sayd came from beyond the seas, from one that he dyd not see this xvi yeres. Wherein standing by, I hearde hym rede, what grete interteynment and pension the sender of the letter had of the pope, being then a xii myles from Rome. And also he dyd sygnifie what enterteynment the sayd Mr. Downes shold have, yf he wold come over and take the benefice of his lycense: wishyng him not to go to Paris, onless yt were for 3 or 4 dayes, for fere of the imbassador. And so red imperfectly for lack of lyght: that I could not in some places understand hym, tyll as I gesse he came to about half of the letter, or somewhat more. Then goyng into the place where the cloth was layd, and the candel brought in by our sayd keeper, Mr. Hare being there, Mr. Downes de-lyvered yt to hym.

Who red yt somewhat openly unto the place, as I thynke, where he namyd, that yf Mr. Downes wold come over, as ys abovesayd, he shold be honorablye receyved. Whereat Mr. Syllyard and Mr. Bedyngfeld, standyng by the fyre, lawghyd and scoffyd. Then Mr. Hare coming to a place, where a bull, and certeyn copies were namyd, whether to be prynted, or was prynted, I know not, he red that saftely to hymself, I standyng by; yet here and there I myght heare hym: and dyd hear him name one Morton. But whether the copies shold, or were delyvered to hym, or to any other, or to whom, or what shold be done with them, or what was the effect of them, I do not remember that I heard hym rede that: neyther, to my knowlege, was that expressyd in the letter.

Then, as I remember, he sayd, certeyn persons, namyng none; whereof there shold be one or two Jesuytes, as I remember, which shold come and do the countrey good, not namyng the countrey by name.

And fynally, then he sygnyfyed, that a grett man, and a xx Jewes or Turkes, or Jewes and Turkes, were there chrystenyd.

The letter I dyd not rede; neyther ever dyd see any of the persons mencyoned, savyng my prison fellows.

Which letter before Mr. Hare had red yt to the full end, Mr. Downes seeyng them styll scoffyng at hym for his honorable receyving, (my self saying to hym, God send thee honestie, and let honour go,) did take yt of Mr. Hare, and sodenly threw yt into the fyre, and burnt yr. Which after Mr. Hare and I had told hym, that yt was to be detected and disclosyd, he repentyd: who in my conscience dyd not rede a word thereof, after he came into the chamber. Whereupon he and we beyng sorry that he had so rashly burnt yt, we callyd to our remembrance every man, what the effect of the letter was. And so did truly and plainly set yt down in wrytyng, accordyng to every man’s knowledge. And was not quyett, tyl we had sent notice thereof to my lord. Which we dyd with all spede; without the advice, counsel, or pryvitie of any other person; voluntarily, and of our own minds: desyrous to shew our selves such subjects, as we have and do professe our selves to be: that ys to saye, not wylling to conceale any thyng which may prejudice the state, and be hurtful to thys our natural countrey of England.

Of the which we agnise Elyzabeth to be our sove-raigne and lawful quene; and we her obedyent vassals and subjects: beseeching Almyghty God to preserve and defend her from al enemyes, foreyne or domestical. Amen.

Your dayle orator, Roger Martyn.

NUMBER 29.

A trewe note of certen artycles, confessed and allowed by Mr. D.

Feckenam, as well in Christmas holiedays last past, as also at divers other tymes before that; by conference in lerning before the reverend father in God, the bisshoppe of Elye, and before D.

Perne, dean of Elye, master Nicholas, master Stanton, master Crowe, Mr. Bowler, chapleines to my lord of Elye: and divers others, whose names be here subscribed. FIRST, That he doth believe in his conscience, and before God, thatthe xiiii, chapter of the First to the Corinthes is as truly to be understanded of the common service to be good in the mother tongue, to be understanded of the vulgar people, as of the preaching or prophesying in the mother tonge.

Secondly, That he doth find no fault with any thinge that is set forth in the book of common service now used in the church of England: but his desyre is to have all the rest of the ould service, that was taken out, to be restored agayue: as the prayer to the saincts, and for the dead, and the seven sacraments, and external sacrifice: and then he would most willingly come thereto. He liketh well to have the sacrament ministred under both kinds to the laye-people; so it were done by the aucthoritie of the church.

Thirdly, He doth very well allowe of the interpretation of the othe for the quenes majesty her supremacie, as it is interpreted in her highness Injunctions; that is, that the quenes majesty under God have the soveraintie and rule over all manner of persons, born within these her realmes, dominions, and countries, of what estate, either ecclesiastical or temporal soever they be. The which othe he offereth himself to be at all tymes readie most willinglie to receave, whensoever it shall be demanded of him by aucthoritie.

Fourthly, He being demaunded, whie he wyl not come to the service in the churche of England, as it is set forth this day, seing he doth find no fault with it, and doth think it in his conscience, that it may be lawful to have the Common Prayer in the mother tonge: he answered, Because he is not of our church for lack of unitie; some being therein protestants, some puritanes, and some of the familie of love. And for that it is not set forth by the authoritie of general councill.

Lastly, Mr. D. Feckneham will not conforme himselfe to our religion, for that he can see nothing to be sought, but by the spoyle of the church, and of bisshoppes houses, and of colleges landes: which he sayth maketh manye to pretend to be puritanes, seking for the frutes of the church. Alwayes requesting Almighty God to put in her majesties mind, and her honorable councell to make some good stay therein; otherwise, he saythe, it will bringe in ignorance in her highnesses clergie, with a subversion of Christiane religion; and finally, all wickedness and paganisme. Richard Ely, Andrew Perne, John Fecknam, priest.

Gulihelmus Stanton, [NUMBER 29] Radulphus Gualter to Grindal, archbishop of Canterbury; concerning a purpose in the synod at Frankford, of framing a general confession of all the protestant churches; and an harmony of confessions.

S. .... In Germania passim [dissensiones] dat con-cordiae formula, quam Jacobus Andreae, Brentii successor, et ubiquitatis apostolus, cum suis conjuratis, cudit: et cui tres electores principes, Saxo, Palatinus, et Brandeburgien-sis, cum multis aliis, subscripserunt. Opponunt sese constanter illustrissimus princeps. Hessorum Guilhelmus, et Anhaldinus.

Octobri mense inter trium electorum legatos et Guilhelmum Hessum acerrima actio fuit Cassellis. Cui Jacobus Andreae etiam et Chelnitius theologi interfuerunt. Sed virum sese praebuit Hessus; neque se a sententia, et semel suscepto veritatis patrocinio dimoveri passus est. Interea ex synodi Francofordianae, quae anno 1577. mense Septembri habita fuit, decreto, confessionem fidei commu-nem scripsit vir doctissimus Hieronym.

Zanchus, quam D. Beza et nos [ecclesiae Helvetiorum] examinare debebamus: ut, postea ab aliarum quoque gentium ecclesiis cognoscere-tur.

Quia veto D. Zanchus, dum multa diligentius more scholastico persequitur; neque brevitati, neque perspicui-tati studere potuit, quae in causa hac potissimum requirun-tur; et rix fieri potest, ut inter tanto locorum intervallo dissitas gentes, absque longissimi temporis mora, et crebris conventibus, in unam confessionem consensus fiat; dum qui huc usque obscurius locuti sunt, suas phrases retinere studebunt, ne sententiam mutasse videantur: alii veto a recepta et semper usitata perspicuitate discedere neque vo-lent, neque poterunt; putavimus consultius esse, ut confes-sionum omnium harmonia conscribatur, adjectis interdum marginalibus scholiis; quibus quae in nonnullis obscurius dicta videri possunt, illustrentur. Ut ex illa deinde toti orbi constet nostrarum ecclesiarum consensus.

Laborant in hoc opere conficiendo D. Beza, Danaeus et Selvardus. Et fortassis jam illud ad finem deduxissent, nisi D. Bezae adversa valetudo obstitisset. Qui ex gravi morbo sub hujus anni initium, decubuit. Sed jam per gra-tiam Domini nobis restitutus est. Quod si infelix illa dis-cordis concordiae formula, electorum principum subscrip-tione munita, prodierit, poterimus nos harmoniam illam con-fessionum plurimorum illi opponere.

Quam piis omnibus jucundum cognitu, et ad veritatis defensionem utilissimum fore speramus.

De his tuam amplitudinem, reverendissime in Christo pater, certiorem facere libuit. Quam precor, ut haec mea benigno vultu excipiat. Deus Opt.

Max. hostium suorum consilia ubique gentium dissipet, ecclesias server, et te quo-que, dignissime praesul, servet ad nominis sui gloriam, Amen .

Tiguri, 8. Martii; anno nati in carnem aeterni Filii Dei, 1580.

Cum nihil novi apud nos his nundinis prodierit praeter Psalmos, quos quidam pius et doctus frater Phalucio carmine non infeliciter reddidit, eos literis istis conjungere li-buit; quod lectu non indignos neque ingratos putarem.

Tuae amphtudinis observantissimus, Reverendissimo in Christo patri et doRodolphus Gualtherus. mino, D. Edmundo Gryndallo, archiepiscopo Cantuariensi dignissimo, domino suo summe observando.

NUMBER 30.

The Apology of Mr. Robert Horn, (afterward bishop of Winchester,) giving the reasons of his flight abroad in the beginning of the reign of queen Mary. Set before his translation of two sermons of Mr. Calvin. GRACE, peace, and mercy from God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

After that God had stricken our head shepherd under Christ, that worthy king and confessor, Edward VI. (good Christian brethren,) which he threatned, by his faithful servants long before, if we would not turn from our sins and wickedness; I perceived it could not be avoided, (God so disposing the matter for our unthankful-ness,) but that the kingdom of God, at least for a time, must be taken from us, and the Christian flock dispersed. The which thing began to appear to me more plainly, when I saw God’s book, containing the word of life, taken forth of the churches in the bishopric of Durham; and a foul sort of idols, called laymens books, brought in therefore: when the Common Prayer, commanded by authority, set forth after St. Paul’s rule, to the edyfying of Christ’s congregation, in the vulgar tongue, was, against God’s law, and also against the law of the realm, banished; and in the place thereof a kind of prayer used, far dissonant from God’s law, and the example of thc primitive church, in a strange tongue, farced full of superstition, idolatry, and false fables; having nothing tolerable in it, saving, that the people could not understand it. And therefore were less harmed thereby. Although I suppose the popish prelates keep it in a strange tongue, lest that if the common sort of men should hear it in their own tongue, they should perceive it to be vain, false, lying fables.

And therefore credit their doings much worse in all other things.

But especially when I saw the Lord’s table, whereon was ministred the holy supper of the Lord, according to his own institution and ordinance, was caried away; the communion abhorred as heresy. And for these, Baal’s altars reared up, and his priests and monkish hypocrites returned to their abominable, blasphemous, and idolatrous mass, as dogs to their vomit.

Wherefore I began to record with my self, and call to my remembrance, not without earnest calling on God’s name for the assistance of his Spirit, mine own state and condition: and to examine more deeply, both the doctrine which I had taught, whereof I perceived that of necessity I must render an account, and that within short time; and also of my duty of allegiance unto the queen’s highness. Wherein I found my self so clear and blameless, that if the Devil himself and all mine enemies should do their worst, they could not have accused me justly; neither of word nor deed perpetrated against her grace. And as concerning the doctrine which I had taught, the more diligently I did examine it by the holy scriptures and the testimony of the antient fathers, the more sincere and pure it appeared; I was the more earnestly persuaded and settled in the truth thereof. My conscience did more plainly lay to my charge, that I could not revoke, say against, or dissemble it, without blasphemous contempt of God, and most horrible denyal of his Son Jesus Christ. So that I found no fault in my self, as touching my preaching, but that, as an unprofitable servant, I did not so much as I ought to have don; although I had done much more than some thought I should have thanks for.

But whatsoever men thought or spake, as touching thankful reward for my labour, I persuaded my self, that I should have all things weighed after equity. And therefore considering both mine own integrity, that I had offended no law of the realm, and lived like an obedient subject; and also that the same men bare the chief rule under the queen’s highness, and should be my judges, as did know that the sword was delivered them for defence of the good and obedient subjects; so soon as I heard tell that I was exempted the queen’s highnes pardon, I took my journey towards London with so much convenient speed as I might. Where I found all things far otherwise than I would have believed, if I had not been put in experience thereof my self. For I found in the place of equity, prejudice; for law, lust; for reason, will; and such as should have given sentence, according as matter had been objected, and justly proved, played both the part of the accuser and the witnesses, and also of the judge: and gave this sentence immediately, that I should either understand that I had done, or else... What that or else meant, I knew well enough. For I had the exposition thereof by his own holy ghost, [meaning bishop Gardiner,] then my good lord chancellor: who was always sure at a need. Perceiving [viz. bishop Tonstal] that I stood to this, that I had offended no law, to help at a pinch, objected, yea, three or four time for failing, a matter no less malicious than false. But because nothing should be left out that would help forward the matter, this good old father of Durham, who had played three parts, [i. e. under king Henry VIII. king Edward VI. and now under queen Mary,] chargeth me with a matter, not only malicious and false, but so foolish, that I had much to do to refrain my self from laughter; I could not choose but smile.

At the last my lord chancellor, after certain talk had unto me, and mine answers made, concluded, that it was not only preaching, wherewith I should be charged, the which he perceived I sufficiently defended by the king’s laws, (indeed I had asked counsil of them that were learned in the laws of the realm,) but also matters touching the queens highness, which were the same wherewith he and the bishop of Durham had charged me before; as I learned by three or four of the bishops own servants: who had made no false report of their master before of my matters; but as they wrote home to Duresme to their companions, what things I should be charged withal; and what should be my judgment: so afterwards I found it true.

And therefore upon the Monday at afternoon, which was the 30th of October, after it was told me by a friend of mine dwelling in London, who was familiar in that bishop’s house, and at that time frequented it, the more to hear somewhat as touching me, that he had learned, and was credibly informed, both that all my goods at Durham were seized on, in the queen’s graces name: that I my self should on the morrow be committed to the Tower; both because I had contemned the queen’s highness letters; and also for that I was a Scot. I say, after I heard these things, considering, how many godly, learned preachers were imprisoned, and commanded to their houses, for religion without all doubt, and yet another pretence made; perceiving, that abiding could not profit my self, nor yet the congregation, and my departure might do both; I committed my self to the guiding of the Lord, and went my ways; not making any man privy to my departing.

Mervail not, good brethren, though after that I was en-tred into my journey, I were troubled with sundry cares; but chiefly with this, lest that I should now be apprehended by mine enemies: and so give them (that they would have been glad of) some honest colour, wherefore they might have seemed justly to have wrought on me their will. For that they were not ashamed to invent false and feigned accusations; how would they have rejoyced, yea, triumphed over me, when they might have laid to my charge flying the queen’s realms; and that not only without her graces licence; but being convented before her highnes honourable council, and commaunded to attend till they espyed a time for me. You may be assured a lawyer’s wit, wanting neither cunning, nor yet good will, and having full authority to say and do what he list, could easily have amplified this crime; and have formed of a small gnat a mighty elephant.

But after that the Lord had delivered me, at the least at that time, out of the mouth of the lion, and saved me out of the hand of all mine enemies which hated me, I began to study with my self, and more diligently to consider, to what end God had wrought thus my deliverance. Which was not that I should now live as one that had no regard of God’s glory, nor of mine own duty. But that, as I was appointed to be a workman in his vinyard, and a watchman over the house of Israel, so I should now most earnestly hunt those wild swine that destroy the Lord’s vinyard: gather together (so much as in me lieth) the Lord’s sheep that now are dispersed throughout mountains, hills, and groves; and to give them warning of the fearful sword that hangeth over their heads. Which thing I shall not cease to do by the aid of God’s most holy Spirit.

But forasmuch as I knew right well, the proud papists, whose mouths are full of bitterness and cursed speech, will not cease, yea, out of their pulpits, with boasting and glorious words to carp and slaunder me, for my sudden departure, as though thereby they had vanquished and overcome God’s truth, which I had set forth; and my kinsfolks and friends will much lament my state; taking this to be unkindness, that I should not make them privy of my purpose; thinking that they should have turned my mind: and also (which moveth me most of all) the weak flock of Christ, which I had fed with the true doctrine of the gospel, may by the subtil persuasions of the crafty hypocrites be brought in doubt of the verity thereof; as though I my self should have forsaken it; and thereby be offended, and brought from God: I say, for these causes I thought best to answer the malicious hypocrites; whose mouths although I could not stop, yet at the least they should not hereafter say, but that they were warned; if that they would not cease to speak that they ought not, they should hear that they would not.

And hereby satisfy my kinsfolks and friends, who I know, of friendship and loving-kindness, look upon my matter with a wrong eye. And also to admonish the weak Christian brethren, both to beware of the leaven of the dissembling hypocrites; who although they be clothed in lamb-skins, yet by their fruits they may know them to be ravening wolves: and also to confirm themselves in that doctrine which I have preached unto them; which also they have received; and not to be easily caried away into any other contrary, although an angel should come from heaven and preach it to them, &c.

But this I know they will charge me withal, and many others; that herein I shewed myself a carnal preacher; for that I did not live a sole life, without mariage, as they do. If they live chast without mariage, let them give God thanks therefore. I do not envy in them that gift of God. But surely God gave not me that gift, that I could live a virginal, chast life, but after the maner of hypocrites. And therefore did enter into that holy estate of matrimony, (which is honourable among all men,) to the end I might serve God in pure chastity of matrimony, &c. I will not now enter in the dispute of this matter. I may be so occasioned, that I shall speak of it another time.

But I will herein purge my self of this crime, whereof I and my fellow preachers are accused, as carnal, because we are ma-ried. And I will purge my self after the order of the canon law, as I saw it put in practice once in Cambridge, for the purgation of a holy and learned virgin, if all unmaried priests be virgins. The order was, that being accused of whoredome, four or five, as honest as himself, and of no lower degree in that university, must (after he himself have taken an oath that he is no whoremonger) swear that they think his oath to be true. Which done, the matter standeth clear; and he may justly take an occasion of slaunder against them that accuse him. Nor do I affirm before my judge, Jesus Christ, and the whole church, that I have not sinned, because I took a wife. And therefore again falsely accused, as a carnal and fleshly man for so doing. And for my purgation herein, and to prove my saying to be true indeed, and also to approve my doing herein, I take to witness the law of God, the law of nature, and the civil laws, till three hundred years after Christ’s ascension; the example of Christ’s apostles, St. Paul’s counsil to the Corinthians; and in many other places; the council of Nice, and all the fathers of the church to the second Carthage council, which was 420 years after Christ’s ascension. Afterwards speaking of king Edward’s reign, and the preachers then, thus he wrote. The rulers themselves took us so much contrary to flatterers, and men-pleasers, that they did much blame us of too bold and plain rebuking their sins. Insomuch, that they would at the last hear no more sermons.

Which was a manifest token that God’s plague was at hand: as indeed it shortly followed upon them and the whole realm. And for the lordly loitering prelats, with all their sentinel of dumb dogs, I trust they will bear us witness, we flattered them no deal, &c. And then in excuse of the flight of professors in those times. But is it any mervail that we run away from the cruel claws of these wild beasts, in whose hands there is no mercy? We fled not, because we did suspect our doctrine; but because we knew well their cruelty. We went not away, because we would not abide by our doctrine, and prove it true; but for that truth could not be heard with indifferent judgment. I pray you make this practice, and look, if the like were found in any history. They cast the chiefest learned men in prison, or commanded them to keep their houses, or not to come abroad; or banished them the realm: as P. Martyr, John a Lasco, with others. And when they be sure of them, that they shall not meddle, (for they were not able to abide their learning,) then they blind the eyes of the people: they pretend a disputation; and Call the matter into question, when there is no man to answer them, as they think: and also when they be already determined, let the truth appear never so plain to the contrary, what they will decree.

Then cryeth a stout champion at Paul’s Cross boldly, Where be our new preachers now? Why do they not now come forth, and dispute? Think you this lusty roisterkin doth not know full well that they be fast enough? They may not come to answer him. Yet by those whom God hath delivered out of their hands, although they be nothing to be compared in learning with them they have locked fast up, it shall plainly appear to all indifferent men, that their doctrine is true, and may easily be maintained by the scripture and testimony of the antient fathers of Christ’s church: and that the contrary cannot be defended, neither by God’s word, the antient church, nor by no honest way. And therefore they are drove, and with shame enough, to bolster and keep it up with fire and sword; with, Thus will we, and thus it shall be. And because they would seem in the face of the world to do it by learning, and the consent of most part of learned men of the realm; they gather a sort of blind priests together into the convocation house; whose living hangeth, as they called it, of making Christ’s body; and of pretenced chastity; being for the most part unlearned asses, and filthy whoremongers. And these with a shout, Yea, yea, yea, or Nay, nay, nay, must determine these matters.

Another practice, (which in very deed was that moved me to save my self from them, by fleeing out of the realm,) they have not lately invented, but derived from their forefathers, the Jewish pharisees, and yet put not in ure of many years: and that is, they will not leave alive one learned man in the realm, which is not of their own sect. No, nor yet ere they have done, one nobleman that now liveth. Although they will not pretend religion to be the cause, but invent some other weighty matter. I must needs here give the noblemen warning of that I heard, because I love them, and am sory to hear of strangers this dishonour of them; that they are not able to rule themselves; and therefore must desire a pole-shorn bishop to govern them, and the whole realm.

At my last being at London, waiting, at the parlament house, on my lords of the council, as I was commanded, I met with a familiar acquaintance of mine; although not of my opinion in religion; but one that for matters of religion doth favour the popish bishops: and is both familiar with the best of them, and also taken to be a wise man, and of great foresight, as he is indeed. He asked me of my state, saying thus unto me, Did not I tell you, that your religion would not continue? And so would have persuaded me to give place, and revoke my opinion. Wherein when he saw he prevailed not, he said friendly, He was sory for me, and wished that he were of power to do me plesure. To whom I said, It was sufficient for me, that he would continue his familiar friendship with me. And thereupon I charged him, as I was often wont, of friendship to tell me, what he thought of our bishop-like proceedings. Whereto he answered, As to matters of religion, very well. But in other matters, nothing so. For, saith he, I have entred talk with some, that be most nigh of their counsil; and I perceive this by all their proceedings and purposes, that they are fully bent to set up the power of the clergy as high as ever they were above the laity: and I have good reason that moves me also to think this to be true. Whereunto I said, That can never be brought to pass. For although the noblemen do favour their religion; yet they will never suffer them to climbe so high again. Tush! said he; they shall first of all help them to bring to pass at this parlament that they would: and then they will have their heads off one after another.

What! said I; they will never so do: for the nobility favoureth them. Yea, said he; and they favour some of them again. But they love none of them so well, but they love themselves better. They see that the whole youth of the realm, and especially of the nobles and the worshipful, are affected with this heresy and new learn ing: and they shal hereafter undoe again all that they now do: and then the latter end shall be worse than the beginning.

And therefore will they chop off the heads of the fathers. And thereby both their children are disinherited, and shall be hable to do no harm. And also they may in their place make noblemen of their own kindred and friends.

What! said I; it were too much cruelty. Whereunto he saith, Yea, yea, they think it is better, an inconvenience than a mischief. God deliver the noble bloud of England put of the danger of these dissembling wolves: and let the noblemen consider, how many of their own friends, and most dear darlings, with whom they were joyned in confederacy for the bishop of Rome, wretched Winchester and devilish dreaming Duresm have brought to confusion: and they shall have sufficient warning how they may trust these bloudy butchers. If Dr. Ridley were alive, the bishop of Durham’s chaplain, and one hand, he would vouch it to his face, as he did the last time he ever did speak to him: that he careth not whose bloud he shed, to bring his purpose about. What would this unsatiable bloudsucking hypocrite have cared, to have wrought my destruction, whom he took to be an enemy to his devilish devices? He invented all the ways he could, to bring me to revoke the truth. He caused two noblemen to charge me with preaching, as he termed it, heresy. He himself accused me that I had infected the whole dioces with new learning. But when that would not serve, because I had done nothing but that was confirmed by the laws of the realm, he was not ashamed to lay to my charge, that I was not an Englishman born: that I had exercised his office in his bishoprick: that I had brought a wife of mine own into that church, wherein never woman came before. And then the lord chancellor chargeth me with contempt of the queens highness; as though I should have received three letters of commandment to repair, and make mine appearance before the council; and would appear for none of them. If both these butchers had been so well known to king Henry VIII. for rank traitors to the crown of England, as they were indeed; which now they shew plainly, (As I am well known to be a mere natural Englishman,) they should never have brought that noble realm now in danger to be overrun and conquered by strangers. The which thing men that be half blind may plainly see they go about. I never meddled with his office. I was in danger of much displesure, as the honourable council did well know, because I would not take upon me his office. And herein he uttereth his malicious hypocrisy, and what an unshame-faced baud he hath been, is, and will be to the monks of Durham, when he saith, there never came woman within that house before my wife came there. For he knoweth right well that the church of Durham was replenished with maried priests. For bishop William, by the help of Lanfrank, archbishop of Canterbury, did obtain licence from pope Hildebrand, to banish the maried priests, and to bring monks from Warmouth and Jarrow, [the former place in Northumberland, the latter in Durham.] And also it is not unknown to him, nor to his chancellor, nor to any one of his officers, that every monk of them all for the most part hath a concubine in the town: who hath come, and doth come to their church and chamber, and no fault found. And the honest men of the town, and also of the country, are offended therewith; but dare say nothing, for fear of the great baud their patron. Yea, the bishop and his monks know well enough, that I did know too much of their juggling. And therefore it is time to rid me out of the way.

But when Winchester came in also with his false accusation, (for I never received one letter nor token of commandment from her highness, nor from her honorable council; but a letter the post delivered me by the way, as I was coming to London,) and laid it earnestly to my charge, as though I had been a stubborn rebell; I perceived they would serve me, as they had done others; I mean, to punish me for religion, and pretend treason; and suborned two or three false witnesses, (and they have plenty in store,) to affirm that I had made some offence to the queen’s highness, &c.

Wherefore I thought it best to deliver my self out of their hands, by forsaking my native country; seeing there was neither equity nor just judgment to be looked for; although my doctrine was never so pure, my behaviour never so upright, and I never so able to answer with truth to that was objected.

And therefore my friends and kinsfolks have no cause to be sory for me.

For though I have lost a great living, all my goods I have, not one farthing left me; am banished my native country; shall use no more the familiar company of my friends; what have I lost? Nothing: but shall be a great gainer. For if to save these things, a man loose his own soul, what hath he won? And if the departure from these have everlasting life to reward, what damage is there? Our Saviour Christ, whose promise is much more sure and precious than the uncertain and flattering glory of the world, hath made faithful promise, that whosoever for-saketh house, brethren, sisters, father, mother, wife, children, for his name’s sake, the same shall receive an hundred fold, and shall inherit everlasting life. As for living, he that feedeth the sparrows will not see me unprovided for. Godliness is great riches, when a man is content with that he hath. When we have food and rayment, let us be therewith content. For this is a plain case, We brought nothing into this world, nor we can cary nothing away. We have here no dwelling place, but we seek a city to come, the heavenly Jerusalem; where our Saviour Jesus Christ is. For whose sake I count all things but loss, and do judge them but dung, that I may win him. And then as to his own translation of Calvin’s two sermons, he shewed; that he did it for the sake of his friends that were left in the midst of so much idolatry at home: that they might learn to bear Christ’s cross on their backs, and to follow him strongly, he translated for them two sermons of that great, learned, and godly man, John Calvin, made for the purpose.

These I have done travailing; having no place certain where I will remain.

But I trust shortly to be where I will stick down the stake, till God call me home again.

And forasmuch as the bishop of Durham did openly to my face call the doctrine which I taught, as touching the popish mass, heresy; I shall, by God’s grace, declare and prove by the testimony of scripture, and the ancient fathers of Christ’s church, that the popish mass is the greatest heresy, blasphemy, and idolatry, that ever was in the church. Which shall be the next thing that you shall look for from me, by God’s grace.

NUMBER 31.

The answer of AElmer, bishop of London, to divers objections made to him, for felling and sale of the woods belonging, to the see.

Objection. To Kendal and. Wray, 300 timber trees.

Answer. A piece of wood stocked by Edmund, bishop of London. And a few trees left in it, in the time of Edwin, bishop of London. The same trees were cut down by the middle, in the name of lopping: which for the most part grew seare, and withered. Which the said bishop confesseth to have sold. For else they would have withered all. And not thirty timber trees among them.

Object. To Parkinson; for one hundred trees of timber.

Answer. I do confess the sale of so many in two years: but all such as were withered in the tops, and seare. The most part of those that remain; which, if they be not felled, will shortly decay. The choise of these my predecessors sold for 4s. a tree.

Object. To Mr. Cholmely an hundred timber trees.

Answer. To him, being my steward, I think I sold eight, or thereabout.

Object. To Tarry and Kimberly, twenty timber trees.

Answer. This article is untrue.

Object. To the repairing of an house in Harnesey, bought by my lord, trees.

Answer. I bought no house in Harnesey; but a lease of a copy-hold; where I have bestowed eight trees, being the lands of the see; and the trees seare.

Object. To two brewers of London 30 acres: 4l . the acre.

Answer. In two years I sold coppice wood 21 acres. Which I might lawfully do, saving the spring.

Object. To the dutchess of Suffolk 6 or 8 acres.

Answer. Onely I sold to her of coppice wood, two acres.

Object. To Kimberley 6 or 8 acres.

Answer. Onely one acre. The springe whereof being my woodwards, he destroyed. Whereof I have him in suite.

Object. Lopt and topt a great number of trees.

Answer. Lopt and topt for the poor certain trees.

Object. Wood and timber sold since Michaelmas, in Finchley and Sowe wood, the great park and little park, for the sum of 400l.

Answer. It is utterly untrue.

Object. To Mr. Clark and Peacock sixscore acres of wood, at 4l . the acre. To every acre two timber trees.

Answer. I confess so much sold by my lord Dyers arbitre-ment; and the consent of the tenants; sold before by Edmund bishop of London’ allowing two pollards to every acre. Which were no timber trees, nor never so taken.

Object. To Barret and Kimberley sixscore acres. Two timber trees to every acre.

Answer. Barret I know not; but I confess I sold these three years, annis 1577, 1578, 1579, of coppice woods sixseore acres by his said arbitre-ment; with two lopt and doated trees to every acre, ut supra.

Which I will justify to be an increase of wood. For when I have, and shah have 300l . at the next sale, the spring being kept, there are that will give 500l.

Object. To Lynford 7 acres and 60 timber trees.

Answer. I confess 5 acres, and no timber trees. The 60 trees I confess: but not 10s. a tree.

Object. To Kimberley 9 acres.

Answer . I deny this article. But being but copt wood, I might lawfully have done it.

Object. To Lynford and Paxton 200 trees.

Answer. I confess so many, but pollards, and not timber trees. For the best of them will not be sawed to boards. And if with great labour they be sawed, some for timber; yet in the sawing they fall insunder. So that they are compelled to pin them together.

Object. The sales in the whole amount to 1000l .

Answer. I think all the sales in three years come to 600l . First, Note, that in these three years I have and must pay to her majesty 1800l . besides my house-keeping. In which I have threescore persons, young and old. I have bought my fewel at Fulham wholly. At London and Harnesey coals, sparing wood. Which comes to sixscore pounds yearly.

In the whole, in fewel eightscore pounds. The burning of my house charges, 200 marks. And I am able to prove, that where 400 acres of wood be destroyed by my late predecessor, and three acres in my time are, but within these dozen years, the see shall be better yearly by an 100l .

NUMBER 32.

A form of government by rural deans, or superinterutents; exhibited by the chancellor of Norwich, from the bishop. THE strength of God’s enemies being grown so universal; and their spreading so dangerous to the state; and licentious looseness of life through corruption of ecclesiastical officers so untamed; that it is time that ecclesiastical government be put in due and severe execution, without affection and corruption, according to the wholesome laws, provided and established in that behalf.

And for that the bishop is counted in the law the pastor of the whole diocess, in consideration thereof that antient father cryeth out; Vae mihi: non essem de numero dam-natorum, si non essem de numero praelatorum.

And therefore bound to have a special knowledge of every particular man of his diocess, as near as possibly he may. And he must devise and practise the most certain and ready way, to set before his eyes, as it were in one view, the true estate and platform, and every several part thereof.

To which end, since it appears by antient records in the bishop’s office, for these three hundred years, that certain choise, picked men were appointed and authorized in every several deanry, called in law decani rurales; and in the bishops canons, superintendentes; that is, some preachers, resident in the deanry, orderly, grave, learned, discrete, and zelous: it is necessary to renew and revive that antient, commendable practice.

Whereby the commissaries and officials, to the great ease of the country, and avoiding excessive charges, may be en-joyned to keep their circuits; and once a year, or twice at the most; whereto law restraineth them.

In whose visitation, what selling of the peoples sins, without any regard or consideration of duty at all; what unfiling of verdicts for mony; what manifold corruptions and briberies are used by abuse of registers; all the whole country, with detestation, seeth. And thereupon most men, by the abuse, do utterly contemne all ecclesiastical government.

Whereas the dean rural or superintendent, (if prophesie may continue,) to prophesy; if not, to a sermon every month, may call the ministry and questmen. And then and there inquire of all disorders. And to compound and reform the lesser, and certify to the bishop the greater.

Which superintendent shall make faithful, careful, and diligent enquiry, not only of every minister in the deanry, but also of every man of account; which may either be profitable or dangerous to the state, in their several parishes. And exhibit their names, according to every several deanry, in a fair long parchment scrole, to the bishop, or his chancellor; to remain with them, or either of them: giving advertisement from time to time, of their amendment, or waxing worse and worse. Whereby the bishop shall be able to cut off any mischief, as it first springeth forth; and be a most notable instrument of advertising and preserving the estate. Besides, by the authority resident, and as it were overwatching the behaviour of the neighbours round about, all smaller, usual offences, as swearing, drunkenness, leud, lascivious talk, and such other enormities, which are as it were entrances into the more grievous and enormous sins, may be restrained and punished. Which now are jesting matters, of small account.

The better countenance and assistance of which deans rural, such justices of the peace as are zelous in religion, and favourers of the gospel and state, are to be moved and required, to help and fortify, their lawful proceedings: to be present at their solemne assemblies and preachings; to their better encouragement, and the good example of the common sort.

And whereas there hath been a solemne order of long time commonly observed, that every Sunday a publick sermon hath been used and frequented in the Greenyard in Norwich; it were very convenient, that these superintend ents, having open warning of their days appointed at the synod, should as it were in course be called, to supply that place: not onely to testify to all the world, and to make manifest to the enemies of the truth, the uniformity and consent in religion; but also to confer with the bishop, and his chancellor, touching the several scrolls of every deanry, exhibited, as before; to impart unto them of the amendment of the former abuses certified. And to take both order and courage to procede in the same or other accordingly.

And whereas now the usual synods are gathered together only, as a briday, to set and spend their mony, (the synod-mony not commonly received then, but committed over to the registers at their plesure otherwise,) these superintendents, whom the law termeth testes synodales, assembling and meeting there, and having countenance of the bishop or chancellor, setting openly, as their assistants, if any slothful or disorderly minister, or other person whatsoever, after his often private or public admonitions, should not amend and conform himself, he might there be rebuked, or suspended, before, all the clergy of the diocess, and the whole congregation there assembled; to his speedy amendment, and the example and terror of others.

Where also the bishop or his chancellor, being advertised by conference with them of all disorders, might give present order for redress. And for the undoubted fears of maintaining schismes and factions in prophesyings, if they were established, or preachings otherwise, these superintendents, being conformable men, are to be appointed moderators of the exercise.

And whereas law hath plainly forbidden, that process out of the court should be awarded to bo served by the adverse party, or any of his assignment, whereof we see by daily experience the inconveniency; for that the adversary, keeping the process by him, will await such time and business of the party, that he cannot appear, and often such slender returns are made as bear no credit: it were greatly to the furtherance of justice and indifferent dealing, all process should be directed to the superintendents in their several deanries, by their officers to be executed, and returned authentically according to law. Whereby the subject shall have no cause of grief; and justice better may be executed.

If it be objected, that the usual courts of archdeacons should hereby be abridged: nay, the lawful authority of archdeacons shall be renewed and established; and their unlawful usurping, to the great charges and trouble of the country, restrained; and law duely exercised without corruption.

Beside, that this office of superintendent is presumed by common law to be joyntly at the bishops and the archdeacons appointment; unless the custome and prerogative of the bishop be otherwise. Which is to be proved by continuance above 300 years, by antient record, without interruption, only to appertain to the bishop of Norwich. Whereby the archdeacon’s right is shut out, in appointing himself joynt with the bishop: howsoever he be in law a common officer of both.

And whereas probates of wills, and granting of administration, as matter of civil law, are therefore committed to the queen’s disposition and jurisdiction; for that the law presumeth the bishop, for his profession, to be a man of that conscience; and for his wisdom a man of that policy and care, most tenderly to provide for the state of widows and orphans; their parents and husbands so deceased: the corruption of the officers hath been such, and the greediness of registers so intolerable, that men of these countries, presuming for a little mony thereupon, have not feared, either to suppress the testators true will, making him dy intestate; or to alter and forge his will after his decease. For that the offlcers, one greedily snatching before another, without due examination or consideration of the circumstances, either unawares, or wittingly, through corruption, prove these wills by a proctor. Whereby the party deemes himself to have taken no oath: and therefore may do what he list, as most free. For remedy whereof these superintendents might do great service to us, if any should dy withintheir deanry, to send for the minister, or some of the parish, to examine the truth of the will without alteration; or the occasion of his dying intestate.

Which all might be very well done at their assembly at prophesies, or preaching every month or fortnight. Whereby all those which otherwise of devotion would not peradventure frequent those exercises, might upon occasion of necessary busines do it. Then the superintendents, upon tryal and knowledge, taking the parties oath, to forth it to the officers, there to be proved accordingly. This one service of the superintendents would stay infinite suites.

And whereas the strength and comfort of God’s people consisteth in mutual love, peace, and amity, how many wrangling suites of defamation, tiths, and other causes, shall his wisdom and discretion cut off, before they rise, even at home; for the perfect knowledge he may quickly, or must already needs have of his neighbours causes.

If it be objected, that the archdeacons may prove wills, (although by common law they cannot,) yet let them set down what by prescription or composition they may truly chalenge: and let every man have his own. Or let order be set down, what value the commissary or official shall or may prove. And let them enjoy the same. But in the mean season let not that frivolous delay hinder the course of ecclesiastical discipline: which all good men groan for; and without the which speedily put, and wisely and strongly, in execution, the enemy will even swallow up the state.

And whereas the lewdness of apparitors, scouring of the countries; following their masters trade and exercise; some have been detected of marks bribery in half a quarter of a year, in half a deanry; the superintendent shall cause some honest, religious, quick person, to whom he shallupon his credit commit those things he shall be put in trust with.

Who attending every consistory day upon the court, may certify and return all processes; and advertise of all abuses needing reformation.

And if the making of ministers be according to the late canon ordered, as well for their competent sufficiency, as public ordering upon due and severe examination of half a dozen of such incorrupt persons, as the bishop shall name, with a testimonial of their allowance, subscribed and delivered to the bishop under their hands: and further, for such as be, upon presentation, made by their patrons, instituted to any benefice, one day in the week, and one time appointed, when and where they come to be examined: and then and there, in presence of the bishop or chancellor, with four, five, or six others, orderly appointed, and requested to take pains therein: that as well the parties sufficiency, thorowly sifted and known; and consideration of the greatness of his charge, the quantity of his living, and the necessity of the time, and the party likewise; to pass their allowance subscribed under their own hands. Which exhibited to the bishop, the bishop then to set to his hand of allowance. And not otherwise to pass the chancellor; to whom the institution by my lord bishops graunt appertaineth.

I do not see, but the minister thus sifted, before his entrance into the ministry, or taking any benefice, and by watchful oversights of superintendents, urged to usual speaking at the exercises, and restrained by admonitions, and other censures ecclesiastical, from their loose, loitering, or gredy, covetous life; the preaching of the gospel, and other usual exercises of religion so frequented; but the word of God would flourish, the enemie be daunted, who could not lurk in any corner; and her majesty have an assured, safe, and quiet government: my lord bishop in part perform his great charge; and his officers enjoy the true comfort of performing their duty to the uttermost of their power. And that which is worth all the world, the number of the elect appear more and more, by the means of preaching, the ordinary and effectual means of their vocation. But this must be done without revocation and it must be ready to be put in execution before it be known to the enemy.

NUMBER 33.

A letter of the lord Burghley, high chancellor of the university of Cambridge, to the vice-chancellor, and the heads of the said university: sending them his determination of two graces: whereof there had been great debate between the heads and the other doctors: sent by Dr. Barrow. AFTER our very harty and loving commendations, with wish unto you all in general, and particular, the grace of God’s Spirit, to lead and conserve you in concord and peace. So as the knowledge of God may encrease among you, that by your altercations and dissensions the enemies of learning and of the gospel have not just occasion to rejoyce thereof; and spread abroad slaunderous reports, to the defamation of the whole body of that famous university. And not without cause do I simply begin thus to write, that from the bottome of my heart, perceiving as I have done by late letters received, sealed with your common seal, and subscribed in the name of you, the vicechancellor and senate; and other letters also from all the heads and masters of colleges, subscribed with their own proper names; that there is arisen some cloud, containing a matter of some tempest of controversy among you. Which, if by some favourable wind of admonition in God’s name, the father of peace, it be not blown over, or dispersed, is like to pour out upon the whole body of that university some contagious and pestilent hu-mour of contention, sedition, or some worse thing than I will name.

And upon the receipt of these contradictory letters, and perusing the grounds and causes thereof, I was somewhat Comforted, in that both parties had so courteously and reverently (which I mean in respect of the office I have, to be your chief chancellor) referred the order and direction of all these begun controversies to my censure. Wherein although I think by direct laws, ordinances, and antient customs of that university, I might challenge to my self such a power so to do; yet I cannot but very thankfully and comfortably accept this your courteous and loving manner of yielding to be ordered by me. And therefore I have been more careful how to discharge my self herein. For which purpose, without using any prejudicial conceit of judgment, by mine own consideration of the cause, I did by my special letters partly recommend this controversy, and the whole cause, to the most reverend father in God, my very good lord, the archbishop of Canterbury’s grace: requiring him both to consider of your letters, and to hear as well Mr. D. Barrow, coming with the letters from you, the vicechancellor; as Mr. D. Howland, master of S. John’s college, coming from all the heads of the colleges; and to peruse the statutes mentioned in this controversy. And to call to his grace also some persons of experience in such university matters. Which I perceive, and so Mr. D. Barrow can inform you, his grace hath done very diligently and painfully, as by his letters his grace hath signified: declaring to me, at good length, what either party hath al-ledged for maintenance or disallowance of the two motions called graces; whereupon the controversies have principally arisen. And thereupon his grace hath plainly imparted to me what he thinketh thereof.

Wherewith, after some further consideration of the particular chapter of the statutes, against which these graces have been preferred, I do concur. And so, although verbally I have pronounced mine opinion to be, the foresaid doctors being the mes-sagers at this time, whom I think sufficient to declare the same unto either part; yet I have thought my self not discharged in conscience and office, without also expressing my censure and determination, as your chancellor and chief officer. In writing which I most earnestly require per om-nes charitates to accept, as from one that herein am touched with no particular affection towards any person; but in the sight of God, whose assistance, by the Spirit of peace, I have invoked, I do declare my mind as followeth: which, as your chancellor, I require to be obeyed and allowed.

I do think and judge it meet and necessary, that the two late graces should be reputed as void and none. Whereof one was a motion to have all other doctors, not being heads of colleges, to be joyned with the doctors that are heads of colleges, in the pointing or pricking of officers; though by the statutes the same be expresly limited to the heads. The second was, that doctors in divinity should be compellible to preach as frequently as other younger divines. Which two, called by you graces, though indeed disgraces to the queen’s majesties statutes, may percase not be in precise words well avouched; because the same I have not present with me at the writing hereof: yet my meaning is manifest unto you, that I do deem and adjudge them to be void, and not to be accepted, as things to bind any person thereby. And though I have and do see many reasons to move me hereunto, whereof I have expressed some to Mr. D. Barrow; and that I hope there will be none so unruly among you as to impugne this my sentence; yet as briefly as I may in a letter, I will touch to you a few reasons, as fol-loweth.

First, I cannot allow to have any decrease attempted, to please a multitude, to the violation or alteration of any her majesties statutes, so lately with great deliberation and advice made; and by that whole university accepted and approved; except there shall be better consideration afore-hand had, than was in those proceedings. Wherein I may not forget to remember you, that in respect of the office I have to be your high officer, and have never shewed my self careless of your causes, it had been at this time meet and convenient, and so hereafter ought to be, to have made me first acquainted; and to have had my clear consent, as well to the violating or changing of your statutes; as I was at first a principal author to procure them to be made. And though I perceive, and hear by some report, that some of you have in your defence alledged, that you had heretofore on your part moved this matter to me, as indeed you did, and that I had allowed thereof, which is not so; I omit words of worse sense, to controle such reporters. And some hath, as I hear, in open assembly alledged, that I did to that end write my letters to M. D. Howland, then vice-chancellor, which he was charged to have supprest: I am sory, in this my common letter to you all, to be constrained to use some sharper speech than my nature alloweth of, to be contained in a letter from a chancellor to his loving scholars, as generally I esteem you to be: my speeches shall onely touch the private persons, that have forgotten their dutyes, to alledge an untruth against me. And not contented to speak of me untruly, being absent; but have hazzarded rashly their credit against D. Howland, that was vicechancellor, charging him with suppression of my letters. But in few words I affirm, that I never did consent to this motion: neither did I write any such letters to D. Howland for that purpose.

When M. D. Hatcher, and, I think, his son in law D. Lougher, and D.

Barrow, as I remember, moved me herein; and added another matter, that the vicechancellor and heads of colleges did not use to make the Oppidan doctors acquainted with the university causes: I answered, That I thought it reasonable they should be called, as others of their degrees were, to be made acquainted with the causes of the university. But to have authority with the heads in causes against the statute, I never asserted. But i said, I would speak with the heads of colleges therein; as I did, and found good cause in my opinion, as yet I do, to the contrary. And that is principally, because I think the statute very good, as it is; to reduce the nomination of these kind of publick officers to be done by a number; neither too few, for lack of consideration; nor committed unto too many, for fear of confusion.

And none other can I think than the heads of colleges, or, in their absence, their vicegerents: who are to be thought to have best knowledge of their companies, both for discretion and learning: and fewer do I not think, than all the heads of the colleges: lest some colleges might lack preferment. And contrariwise to encrease this multitude by foreign doctors, that have not domicilia fixa, but are here and there at their pleasures; and have not either special care or certain knowledge of the learning and discretion of scholars in colleges, must needs carry an absurdity two ways. The one is, that the number of such extraordinary or extravagant doctors may exceed the number of the heads; to controwl their censures, grounded upon knowledge. The second is, that there may be by faction drawn a devotion of scholars from their heads, to serve the appetites of foreigners; and so leave their own fathers for stepfathers.

But because I see I should excede the limits of a letter, if I should prosecute this matter, I will alter my purpose with concluding my former sentence for both the graces: which without the allegation of any arguments ought to be accepted in favour of continuance of laws, against any that will take the office to abrogate: which you know how in some commonwealths were so disliked, as they were ordered to speak thereof with ropes about their necks: you can tell why. And yet I do not, like a stoic, maintain this opinion; but I do know how the same may be limited in times and places.

As for the intention of your last grace, to compel doctors to preach more ortner than by constraint they need; I like well of all voluntary actions; especially in such action as preaching is. Wherein I think admonition more convenient than to make new laws so suddenly against laws in use. And so far forth am I moved to have them preach, as I wish them to lese the name and preferment of doctors, that will leave the office of doctors; which is by etymology to teach.

I must now end, with my most harty exhortation to move you all to concord; and to shew your earnestness in observing the laws which you have: and especially to be more careful for government of the youth, being, by common report, far out of order, in following all sensuality in sundry things that I will not now name. For I should then speak of sundry things ungrateful to hear; and yet not unknown to you that are heads of colleges, nor to you that by marriage are heads of families.

NUMBER 34.

A part of a letter of the bishop of Ely to the lord Burghley; of the ill state of St. John’s college: for want of statutes. ALIUD est, quod sedes D. Johannis maxime attingit. Jam agitur triennium fere, quod gregis illius nescio quam visitationem molimur. Statutis illos fraudavimus. Hacte-nus enim nullis statutis, nullis regulis, nullo regimine, et nullo ordine continentur, nullis fere lectionibus, nullis fere disputationibus, nulla prorsus obedientia, nulla reverentia, omnia confuse, aguntur. Seniorum vix pars dimidia adesse dicitur. Omnes fere huc illucque sparguntur, atque eva-guntur. Magister bonus homo; sed saepe procul abest, sa-cerdotiisque suis saepe vacare cogitur.

Desideratur et meus et tuus Ithellus. Ex cujus quidem morte, ne unus quidem ex visitatoribus ad me accessit. Unde in tanta tanti collegii confusione et dissipatione, ad te solum in tam gravi et horribili hominum malitia confugere invitus cogor. Scio enim quam undique maximis variisque negotiis adhuc obrueris atque involveris. Facile quidem hoc negotium meo judicio absolvere poteris, si vel antiqua statuta reddideris authoritate regia confirmata, et admodum paucis mutatis, et in ordinem redactis. Hoc autem meo ju-dicio facile tu quidem effeceris, si vel acutius calcar addere digneris istis in academia substitutis. Ipsi enim ad tuum incitamentum in re tanta, tam pia, festinabunt currentque. Est enim, ut Ithellus mihi retulit, ad umbilicum perducta. Utinam autem, ut res tanta perficiatur, priusquam ipse fatis concessero: quocl mox futurum esse sperandum est. Dom. Jesus Christus te nobis diutissime servet incolumem.

Dow-namiae, 18 Junii, 1580.

Tuae celsitudini ex animo longe carissimus, Richardus Coxus.

NUMBER 35.

The names of all the noblemen and great officers of the queen, from the beginning of her reign till about the year 1580. Drawn up by the lord treasurer Burghley’s own hand.

Note, Those that have a * standing before their names were then deceased .

LORD CHANCELLORS. * Archbishop Hethe. * Sir Nich. Bacon.

Sir Thomas Bromley.

LORD TREASURERS.

Marquess of Winchester.

Lord Burghley.

GREAT CHAMBERLAIN. * Earl of Oxford, the father.

Earl of Oxford, the son.

LORD PRIVY SEAL.

Lord Paget.

Lord Howard.

LORD MARSHAL. * Duke of Norfolk. Earl of Salop.

LORD ADMIRAL.

Earl of Lincoln.

LORDS OF THE PRIVY-COUNCIL. * Archbishop of York. * Sir Nicolas Bacon.

Sir Thomas Bromley. * Marquis of Winchester.

Lord Burghley. *Earl of Arundel. *Earl of Salop Earl of Salop.

Earl of Sussex.

Earl of Darby.

Earl of Warwick.

Earl of Bedford. * Earl of Pembroke.

Earl of Leicester. * Lord Howard.

Lord Hunsdon. * Sir Thomas Cheny. * Sir Thomas Parry.

Sir James Croftes. * Sir Edward Rogers.

Sir Francis Knowles.

Sir Henry Sydney.

Sir Christopher Hatton. * Sir Thomas Smith.

Sir Francis Walsingham.

Dr. Wylson. * Sir William Petre. * Sir Ambrose Cave. * Sir John Mason.

Sir Richard Sackvile. * Dr. Wotton.

Sir Ralph Sadleir.

Sir Walter Mildmay.

OFFICERS OF THE HOUSEHOLD.

LORD STEWARD. * Earl of Arundel.

Earl of Pembroke.

LORD CHAMBERLAIN. * Lord Howard. Earl of Sussex.

TREASURER.

Sir Thomas Cheney.

Sir Thomas Parry.

Sir Edward Rogers.

Sir Francis Knowles.

COMPTROLLER.

Sir Thomas Parry.

Sir Edward Rogers.

Sir James Crofts.

MASTER OF THE HORSE.

Earl of Leicester.

VICE-CHAMBERLAIN.

Sir Edward Rogers.

Sir Francis Knowles.

Sir Christopher Hatton.

CAPTAIN OF THE GUARD.

Sir William Saint Loe.

Sir Francis Knowles.

Sir Christopher Hatton.

TREASURER OF THE CHAMBER.

Sir John Mason.

Sir Francis Knowles.

Sir Thomas Heneage.

MASTER OF THE REQUESTS.

Dr. Haddon.

Dr. Wylson.

Thomas Sackford.

Dr. Dale.

MASTER OF THE JEWEL-HOUSE.

John Astley.

Mr. Waldgrave.

MASTER OF THE WARDROBE.

John Fortescue.

MASTER OF THE REVELS.

Sir Thomas Benger.

Tylney.

MASTER OF THE POSTS.

Sir John Mason.

Mr. Randolph.

STEWARD OF THE MARSHALSEA.

Thomas Sackford.

KNIGHT MARSHAL.

Sir [Owen] Hopton.

Hopton.

Sir George Carey.

OFFICERS FOR JUSTICE.

Lord Chancellor.

CHIEF JUSTICE OF ENGLAND.

Sir Robert Catlyn.

Sir Christopher Wray.

CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE COMMON-PLEAS.

Sir James Dyer.

Sir [Edmund] Anderson.

MASTER OF THE ROLLS.

Sir William Cordal.

Sir Gilbert Gerard.

LORD PRESIDENT OF WALES.

Lord Williams, of Thame. [Sir Henry Sydney.] [Earl of Pembroke.] L. PRESIDENT OF THE NORTH.

Earl of Salop.

Earl of Rutland.

Archbishop Young.

Earl of Sussex.

Earl of Huntington.

WARDEN OF THE STANNERY.

Lord Loughborough.

Earl of Bedford. [Sir Walter Rawleigh afterward.] OFFICERS FOR THE REVENUE.

LORD TREASURER.

Marquis of Winchester.

Lord Burghley.

CHANCELLOR.

Sir Thomas Baker Sir Walter Mildmay.

CHIEF BARON.

Sir Edward Sanders.

Sir Robert Bell.

Sir John Jeffrey.

Sir Roger Manwood.

UNDER-TREASURER.

Sir John Baker.

Sir Richard Sackfield.

Sir Walter Mildmay.

CHANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY.

Sir Edward Waldgrave.

Sir Ambrose Cave.

Sir Ralph Sadler.

MASTER OF THE WARDS.

Sir Francis Englefield.

Sir Thomas Parry.

Lord Burghley.

NUMBER 36.

A catalogue of all the English popish books writ against the reformation of the church of England; from queen Elizabeth’s first entrance to the year 1580. With the names of such learned divines as answered them.

I. Harding against the Apology of the English Church. Answered by Jewel.

II. Harding’s Answer to Jewel’s Chalenge. Answered by Jewel.

III. Harding’s Rejoynder to Jewel Answered by Edward Deering.

IV. Cole’s Quarells against Mr. Jewel. Answered by Mr. Jewel.

V. Rastell’s Return of Untruths. Answered by Mt. Jewel.

VI. Rastel against Mr. Jewel’s Chalenge. Answered by William Fulk.

VII. Dorman against Mr. Jewel. Answered by Mr. Nowel.

VIII. Dorman’s Disproof of Mr. Nowel’s Reproof. Answered by Mr. Nowel.

IX. The Man of Chester, answered by Mr. Pilkington, bishop of Duresme.

X. Sanders of the Sacrament. In part answered by Mr. Nowel.

XI. Fecknam’s Scruples. Answered by Mr. Horn, bishop of Winchester.

XII. Fecknam’s Apology. Answered by William Fulk.

XIII. Fecknam’s Objections against Mr. Gough’s Sermon. Answered by Mr. Gouge and Mr. Lawrence Thomson.

XIV. Stapleton’s Counterblast. Answered by Mr. Bridges.

XV. Marshal his Defence of the Cross. Answered by Mr. Caulfhil.

XVI. Fowler’s Psalter. Answered by Mr. Sampson.

XVII. An infamous libell or letter (incerto autore) against the teachers of the divine Providence and Predestination. Answered by Mr. Robert Crowley.

XVIII. Allen’s Defence of Purgatory. Answered by William Fulk.

XIX. Heskin’s Parliament. Repealed by William Fulk.

XX. Rishton’s Chalenge. Answered by William Fulk and Oliver Carter.

XXI. Hosius of God’s express Word, translated into English.

Answered by William Fulk.

XXII. Sander’s Rock of the Church. Undermined by William Fulk.

XXIII. Sander’s Defence of Images. Answered by William Fulk.

XXIV. Shacklock’s Pearl. Answered by Mr. Hartwel.

XXV. The Hatchet of Heresies. Answered by Mr. Bartlet.

X XVI. Mr. Evans. Answered by himself.

XXVII. A Defence of the private Mass. Answered (by conjecture) by Mr. Cooper, bishop of Lincoln.

XXVIII. Certain Assertions, tending to maintain the Church of Rome to be the true and catholic Church. Confuted by John Knewstub.

XXIX. Sander upon the Lord’s Supper. Fully answered by D. Fulk.

XXX. Bristow’s Motives and Demands. Answered by D. Fulk.

XXXI. Stapleton’s Differences and Fortress of the Faith. Answered by D. Fulk.

XXXII. Allen’s Defence of Priests Authority to remit Sins, and of the Popish Churches Meaning concerning Indulgences. Answered by Dr. Fulk.

XXXIII. Marshal’s Reply to Mr. Calfhil. Answered by Dr. Fulk.

XXXIV. Frarius railing Declaration. Answered by Dr. Fulk. These Popish Treatises ensuing are in answering.

I. Stapleton’s Returns of Untruths.

II. Rastell’s Reply.

III. Vaux his Catechisme.

IV. Canisius his Catechism translated.