OF ORIGINAL PAPERS; REFERRED TO IN THE ANNALS.

BOOK I.

NUMBER 1.

Thomas Cartwright, B.D. lady Margaret professor, to sir William Cecil, knight, chancellor of the university of Cambridge; in vindication of his readings.

COMMUNIS totius literatorum hominum nationis (hono-ratissime vir) patronus et propugnator cum sis, in bonam spem venio, ut ipse quoque in aliqua parte curae et solicitu-dinis tuae maneam. Et cum multi docti vid singularem tuam experti sint, et praedicarint humanitatem, patere, quaeso, me hominem non a literis prorsus alienum, illius quoque fieri participem.

Video, et quidem meo cum magno malo sentio, quam sit verbum illud verum, Nihil esse magis quam calumnia volucre; nihil citius emitti, facilius nihil dilatari. Quae si nostris parietibus constitisset calum-nia, et aulae et tui imprimis honoratissimi viri aures non pulsasset, multum esset de dolore meo detractum. Mihi vero homuncioni te virum honorafissimum objici, et tan-quam adversarium opponi, id me demum pungit acriter. Hic ego primum eujquglw>ssouv (ut ille loquitur) desidero, qui si non defuissent, nulla mihi apud te purgandi fuit necessitas.

Liceat enim mihi apud te, quod vere possum, libere etiam profiteri, me esse a seditione et contentionis studio aversissimum, nihil docuisse quod ex contextu quem tracta-bam, non sponte flueret: oblatam etiam de vestibus occa- sionem, praetereundo dissimulasse. Non nego quin docuerim ministerium nostrum ab avitae et apostolicae ecclesiae mini-sterio deflexisse: cujus ad puritatem nostram exigi et effor-mari cupiebam. Sed dico hoc a me placide et sedate factum esse, ut in nullius nisi aut ignari aut maligni auditoris, et calumniarum aucupis, reprehensionem potuisset incurrere. De quibus tamen universis audio me apud tuam Praestan-tiam insimulari.

Quaeris, qui ista confirmem? En! fero tibi (honoratissime vir) plurimorum et incorruptissimorum hominum, qui inter-fuerunt, testimonium. Parum certe abfuit, quin academiam innocentiae meae testem protulissem. Nam nisi mihi ro-ganti vicecancellarius concionem cogere abnuisset, equidem non dubitarem, quin illa a me, contra quae perhibentur ca-lumnias, sententiam diceret.

Non possum omnia, quae ea ipsa lectione, quae istum ru-morem pepererit, continebantur, kata< lepto Ergo, ne patiaris (honoratissime vir) certorum hominum odio, me, imo ipsam veritatem, obrui. Nam cum mihi priva-tim invideant, per honestum et gloriosum pacis et ecclesiae nomen oppugnare volunt. Dominus Jesus tuam indies spi-ritu sapicntiae et pietatis Praestantiam augeat. 9 Julii, anno 1570.

Honoris tui studiosissimus, T. Cartwright.

NUMBER 2.

Letters wrote from divers of the university to their chancellor, in behalf of Cartwright, MAGNUM sane acrbumque dolorem cepimus, hono-ratiss, vir, ex eo, qui ad nos pervenit nuper, rumore, de molestiis tuis, et alienata a Cartwrighto nostro voluntate. Nam cum tibi omnes tanquam patrono singulari, ac acade-miae parenti unico devinciamur, Cartwrightum vero singu-lare literarum ornamentum eximie diligamus, nihil potuit nobis accidere quam ut ad curas et labores tuos a nobis quicquam adderetur, aut ille in discrimen nominis et existimationis suae cuique bono veniret. Putavimus itaque officii nostri esse, et ejus quam tibi debemus observantiae, aegritu-dinem illam ex falsa tantum opinione contractam levare, et Cartwrightum, si fieri potest, in veterem locum apud te, et gratiam reponere. Et quamvis videri possimus parum considerate facere, qui in maximis occupationibus, et quibus paene conficeris, reip. negotiis, tibi per literas obstrepere non vereamur; putamus tamen non convenire, ut cum alii ad accusandum fuerint tam celeres, nos ad defendendum non simus tardiores: beneque speramus, quod istam defensionem, quam falsam accusationem, multo libentius auditurus sis.

Primum itaque de Cartwrighti nostri moribus non erit necesse nobis multa dicere. Putamus neminem esse, qui eum alicujus criminis, aut in tota vita macule faedioris cri-minetur aut accuset, sed tamen, ut Honori tuo constet, qua-lem illis hominem vocant in invidiam, hoc de eo vere affir-mamus, quod exemplar sit pietatis et integritatis, et quod quo propius ad illius vitae consuetudinem et instituta acce-dimus, eo nos ipsos plura faciamus et amemus. Religionem scimus sinceram esse, et ab omni labe puram. Non enim emersit solum ex vasto et infinito papisticarum haeresium pelago, dulcissimaque Christianae religionis aqua se proluit, sed etiam ad nullam earum opinionum futilium et levium, quae quotidie disseminantur et disperguntur, tanquam ad scopulum impegit. Ad sacram scripturam, regulam morum et doctrinse certissimam se astrinxit; neque unquam ant errore lapsus, aut novitate seductus, illius li-mites, quod scimus, transilivit.

Itaque magnum in eo non solum adversus senescentes Romanensium fabulas, a quibus magnopere non metuimus, sed etiam peregrinas vafrorum hominum opiniones, quae graviorem plagam minantur, prae-sidium ponimus. Atque idem de eo tu tibi certo potes pro-mittere. Doctrinam suspicimus et veneramur. Vere n. de eo dici potest quod est alicubi apud poetam, Quae liberum hominem aequum est scire, solertem dabo. Junxit, quod ille in magna laude posuit, Graeca cum Latinis. Addidit etiam ultra, quod erat non exigui laboris, Hebraica. Atque ita quidem, ut etiamsi in singulis pares aliquos, in universis certe supe-riorem invenimus neminem. In ea vero quam profitetur theologia quantum valeat, ex eo potest intelligi, quod tanta omnium ordinum multitudo atque frequentia ad eum audi-endum quotidie confluat, tam diligenter attendat, in ejus-que sententia libenter conquiescat. Neque vero hoc fit propterea, sicuti fortasse quidam tibi in aures insusurrave-runt, quod semper veniat novus, et peregrinis sententiis au-ditorum aures titillet; sed quod acutus sit in interpre-tando, felix in docendo, denique quod rerum gravitatem atque pondus sententiarum verborumque copiam superare videatur.

Itaque haec nostra de eo sententia est, quam neque preci-bus ullis, neque privata amicitia persuasi ad te scripsimus, sed quia virtuti hominis et pietati favemus. Nunc humil-lime rogamus Honorem tuum, ut siquam de eo pravam opi-nionem concepisti, deponas, atque nobis potius, qui vitae ejus et religionis et doctrinae conscii sumus, fidem habeas, quam rumoris, qui auctorem non habet, aut certe multa non saris candide interpretantem.

Conservato, Cancellarie dig-nissime, academiae tuae virum eum, cujus semper cupientis-sima fuit, cujusque postquam nacta est, voce fruitur avidis-sime. Dignissimus est tam celebri academia alumnus, dig-nissimus tanto patrono cliens. Fuit in omni vita magno or-namento et splendori academiae tuae: sed nunc demum multo quam antehac unquam majori.

Non enim solum co-litur a nobis domesticis et familiaribus, sed a peregrinis multo magis; quorum exilium lenitur suavitate ingenii ejus, et doctrinae.

Quique non dubitant eum cum iis conferre, quorum tam illustris est apud exteras nationes, et pervagata fama.

Pauci sumus qui hoc ate rogamus; rogamus tamen voce multorum. Nemo enim fere omnium est, qui eum non ad-miretur, non diligat, non omni ratione defendendum putet. Si igitur academiae tuae prodesse vis, nihil utilius, si gratifi-cari, nihil acceptius potes facere, quam si Cartwrightum ei conserves et quovis in ea honore dignum censueris. Deus O. M. te reip. et nobis quam diutissime servet incolumen. Vale. Cantabrigiae, quinto nonas Julii Honori tuo devinctissimi, Gulielm. Pachet — Richardus Grenham. — Edmundus Rockrey. — Richardus Howland. — Robertus Tower. — Simon Buck. — Robertus Lynford. — Edmundus Sherbroke. — Robertus Soome. — Georgius Joy. — Bartholomeus Dodington. — Alan Par. — Osmundus David. — Thomas Aldrich. — Joannes Swone. — Gualter. Alen. — Robertus Holland. — Joannes Still.

Honoratissimo viro D. Gulielmo Cecilio regiae majestati a secretis, et academiae Catabrigi ensis cancellario dignissimo.

NUMBER 3.

Epistola alia, D. Cancellario data; ut restituatur Cartwrightus ad legendum. VIX credas, ac ne putes quidem (honoratissime vir) quantum nobis Cantabrigiensibus alumnis tuis nuper grati-ficatus sis, quantumque abs te beneficium accepisse arbitra-mur. Num cum avide jam diu expectaremus quid de Cart-wrighto nostro futurum esset, multaque pericula animo volveremus, lama non dubia ad nos pervenit, omnia illi apud te feliciter et ex votis nostris contigisse. Criminationibus enim illis, quibus injuste vexabatur, te eum perhumaniter liberasse: literasque ad praesides nostros, ad eorum animos leniendos, qui te contra eum exacuerant, misisse. Et quod unum laetemur maxime, ad ecclesiam poliendam, et nitori suo restituendam, operam promisisse. Quare non tu solum fecisti, idque merito, Cartwrightum, virtutis pietatisque tuae testem et praeconem, sed nos etiam, quotquot sumus, mul-toque plures, qui illius studio et doctrina ad religionem in-stituti, in Christiana rep. majore cum fructu deinceps versabimur.

Sed vide quam nihil sit omni ex parte beatum. Intervenit huic voluptati nostrae, quam ex tua in Cart-wrightum facilitate percepimus, dolor non mediocris, quod etiamsi nobis per te restitutus sit, vivat tamen in silentio, neque ad solitum docendi munus admittatur.

Hic igitur ad te, Cancellarium nostrum dignissimum, et patronum singularem, iterum confugimus, supplicesque ro-gamus, ut schola illi pateat, et ne ab eo cursu prohibeatur, in quem ingressus est cum magna laude sua, et utilitate nostra non minore. Est quidem nobis valde jucundum, quod bene tibi de eo persuaderi passus es: cui si hoc etiam addideris, ut illius doctrinam regustemus, qua jamdiu magno cum dolore caruimus, ultra tibi in hoc negotio, nisi quod urgeat vehementius, molesti non erimus.

Antea pro Cartwrighto tantum apud te intercessimus; nunc agimus communem causam. Non enim illius tantum, sed nostra etiam interest, ut illi haec facultas permittatur. Atque te quidem ad id scimus saris facilem et propensum esse: quia tamen ii, qui sub Honore tuo gubernacula reip. nostrae commissa sunt, hoc recusant facere: concede nobis et Cartwrighto rogantibus, ut majore abs te aucthoritate ad id confirmentur. Ita fiat, ut studiis nostris quam optime consuluisse videaris, et integerrimi hominis existimationi. Quam eousque necesse est, tanquam ad metas, haerere, quoad interpretandi munus illi restitutum fuerit. Lites ullas aut controversias non est cur verearis, habes sanctissimi viri fidem, scil. ne ullius quidem vulneris cicatricem refri-caturum. Perge itaque ut coepisti de eo bene sentire, et ab injustis malevolorum calumniis vindicare. Atque sic ha-beto neminem esse, vel propter religionem et doctrinam, tanti viri patrocinio et tutela digniorem. Deus Opt. Max. Honorem tuum quam diutissime incolumem conservet et in-stituta fortunet. Vale. Cantabrigiae, tertio idus Augusti.

Dignitatis tuae studiosissimi, Thomas Aldrich, — Simon Bucke, — Ruben Sherwood, procurat. Acad — Robertus Tower, — Edmund Rookrey, — Alanus Par, — Robertus Soome, — Rogerus Brown, — Robertus Rhodes, — Edmundus Chapman, — Joannes Moore, — Hugo Boothe, — Thomas Barbar, — Will. Tabor, — Hen. Knewstub, — Gualterus Alen, — Thomas Leache. — Robertus Holland, — Edmundus Sherbroke, — Robertus Willan, — Richardus Grenham, — Georgius Slater.

NUMBER 4.

An astrological calculation concerning the queen’s marriage.

Written by secretary Cecil, propria manu.

De significationibus 7mae domus, et de conjugio. SIGNIFICATORES conjugii sunt quinque; Sol et Mars, Cancer signum, Luna et Saturnus.

Sol et Mars reperiuntur in signis negantibus conjugium. Igitur negant affectionem moventem ad conjugium.

Sed domus septimae Cancer, et ejus domina Luna conju-gium promittunt optimum.

Saturnus vero loci sui ratione, conjugium promittit aetate consistente: et ex dispositione significatorum, principaliter ex Saturno in angulo occidentali, expectatur tarditas con-iugii; et quod post maturam aetatem habebit juvenem vi-rum, qui antea non duxit uxorem, circa annum suae aetatis labentem.

Uni tantum viro socia dabitur. Colligitur ab eo, quod uni tantum planetae matutinati, videlicet Saturno, applicata. Idem etiam testatur constitutio solius Mercurii inter medium coeli et Venerem. De qualitate viri sui.

Cum extraneo contracturam matrimonium indicat pars conjugii in nona domo. Similiter peregrinatio Saturni prin-cipalis significatoris conjugii, virum extraneum promittit.

Abhorrere et non multum delectare videtur in conjugio, praecipue in medietate vitae, indicant Mars et Venus in sig-his masculinis, et Saturnus in septima. Viro obediet, reveretur, et in magna aestimatione habebit eum, indicat utrumque luminare in signo foemineo.

Perveniet ad matrimonium prosperum, sed tarde et post multa consilia, et vulgarem ubique gentium rumorem. Et de ejus matrimonio erit ubique locorum maxima disputatio et altercatio per multos annos, universis personis, priusquam ad matrimonium perveniet. Et tamen sponsa fiet sine ullo impedimento. Haec colliguntur ex trino aspectu Martis, Veneris et Mercurii, et ex sextili aspectu Saturni et Solis.

Vir praemorietur, et tamen diu vivet cum marito; et pos-sidebit muta [multa] bona viri. Id Saturnus in septima af-firmat. De liberis.

Nullus planetarum reperitur in locis prolium, excepto Marte, qui parcos liberos promittit; nisi trinus Veneris as-pectus ad cuspidem domus filiorum ipsius Martis judicium annullaverit.

Verum Venus est in domo propria, conjuneta Mereurio, domino filiorum.

Et idcirco spes maxima datur de filio uno robusto, claro et felici in aetate sua matura. Luna in Tauro unam filiam designat.

NUMBER 5.

The charter for wrecks on the coasts of Sussex; granted by king Henry VI. to Adam, bishop of Chichester. HENRICUS Dei gra. rex Anglie et Francie, et dom. Hib. Omnibus ad quos presentes literae pervenerint, Sal. Monstravit nobis venerabilis pater Adam epus. Cicestren. et custos privati sigilli nri’, qualiter quamplurima dominica et collata prope costeras maris in comit. Sussexie situata exist-unt, homines et tenentes; non solum ipsius epi’, verum etiam homines tenentes canonicorum, et aliorum ministrorum ejus-dem ecclesie, necnon residentes super eadem dominica, ma-neria, terras, ten’ et feod’ per admirallium nostrum Angl’ et ejusdem locum tenentem, ac eorum deputatos, officiarios et ministros multipliciter, &c. Clam’ etiam per cartam et diploma manerii de Ripla cum hundred’ et ecclesia et pertinentiis suis, tempore conquestus Angl. et a tempore quo non existat memoria.

Item, Clam’ wrakea maris per omnes terras et feod’ sua ja-cent, juxta mare de tempore ante conquest. Angl. et a tem-pore quo non exstat memoria: et quod ipse et predecesso-rum suorum plene usi sunt libertate predict. &c.

NUMBER 6.

Cautions given by Mr. Fox to the reader of his Acts and Monuments; concerning, some things mentioned in the first edition thereof. MR.GEORGE BLAG is named one of the privy chamber. Nota bene, That tho’ he were not admitted as one of the privy chamber, yet his ordinary resort thither, and to the king’s presence there, was such as tho’ he were one of them; and so commonly taken.

In the story of the duke of Somerset, where it is said, that at the return of the earl of Warwic out of Norfolk, there was a consultation among the lords, assembling themselves together at the house of Mr. York, &c. against the duke of Somerset: here is to be noted, that that coming of the lords to the said house of Mr. York, was not immediately upon the duke of Northumberland’s return, but first he went to Warwic, and from thence, after a space, came to that house aforesaid.

Item, Here is also to be noted touching the said duke of Somerset, that albeit at his death relation is made of a sudden falling of the people, as was at the taking of Christ; this is not to be expounded as that I compared in any part the duke of Somerset with Christ. And tho’ I do something more attribute to the commendation of the said duke of Somerset, which dyed so constantly in his religion; yet I desire the gentle reader so to take it not, that I did ever mean to derogate or impair the martial praise or facts of other men; which also are to be commended in such things where they wel deserved.

Item, Touching the duke of Somerset, where the story is, that he was attainted, read indicted.

Item, Where mention is made of one Nicholas Under-wode to be the betrayer of the duke of Suffolk, joyn with the said Underwode also Nicolas Laurence, alias Nicolas Ethel, keeper of Astely-park. Who taking upon him and promising to keep the duke for two or three days, until he might find some means to escape, conveyed him into a hollow tree, and after most traiterously bewrayed him. Both these live, one at Coton by Nun Eaton, and the other at Nun Eaton.

Item, In the story of sir Tho. Wyat, there is also to be corrected, that where the story saith, that he was taken by sir Clement Parson, which was not so, nor he no knight, amend it thus: that he came first to Clarentius, being sent unto him, and after yielded himself to sir Morice Barckey.

The martyrdome of one Snel, about Richmond, [in Yorkshire,] in Q.

Maries time, omit in the history. There were two of the Snells taken up for their religion. One, after his toes were rotted off by lying in prison, by order of Dakins, the bishop of Chester’s commissary, and so went upon crutches, at last went to mass, having a certain sum of mony given him by the people. But in three or four days after, drowned himself in a river called Swail, by Richmond. The other [Snel] was burned.

A story of one Laremouth omit in the body of the history. He was a Scotchman, and chaplain to the lady Anne of Cleves. The story, for the strangeness and incredibility thereof, he would not insert in his history of the Acts and Monuments. But being testified by one Thorn, a godly minister, yet alive, which heard it of the mouth of the party himself, he added it here. He heard a voice sounding in his ears, being in prison in Q.

Maries days, Arise, go thy ways. Which he giving no credit to at first, the same words were spoken the second time; which was about half an hour after.

So he arising upon the same, immediately a piece of the prison fell down: and as the officers came at the outward gate of the castle or prison, he leaping over the ditch escaped. And in the way, meeting a certain beggar changed his coat with him; and coming to the sea shore found a vessel ready to go over, was taken in, and escaped the search. [NUMBER 6] Dr. Thomas Wylson to sir William Cecill, kt. when he sent him the copy of his translation of certain orations of Demosthenes for his patronage thereof.

ET jam quidem Demosthenis tres Olynthiacas orationes, cum quatuor Philippicis, tandem aliquando indigenas feci, et nostrates, ut potui: sed ita tamen ut advenas, ut ex ser-mone cognoscas. Tam enim concisus orator iste est, tam astrictus, et acumine sic ubique excellens, ut illud in eo to< deinoNUMBER 7.

Mr. Walsingham, the queen’s ambassador, his letter from Paris to the lord Burleigh. His discourse with the queen mother, concerning her majesty’s matching, with the duke of Anjou.

IT may please your lordship to advertise her majesty, that Mr. Cavalcant arrived here the 24th of this month: by whom I received her majesties letters. The contents whereof after I had perused, and conferred with him touching his proceeding, for that both the king and queen mother were departed out of this town, the one to S. Leggiers, the other to Monceons, to bring the duke and dutchess of Lorain onward on their way; it was agreed between us, that he should repair the next day to Monceons to the queen mother there, to deliver her majesties letters; as also her answer to the articles propounded by the king. Touching his proceedings with her, I refer your lordship to his own letters. By him I understood at the return, that Q. mother would speak with me at her return to the town, if I had any thing to say unto her. So the 26 of this month [April] she repaired hither.

And for that during the time of her abode here, she could have no leisure; she sent me word, that the next day, in the morning, I should repair unto her to S. Clou, four English miles from Paris; and that there I should have audience. So according to her appointment, I repaired thither the next morning, and at the time of my access unto her presence, I shewed her, that I was come thither to know how she rested satisfied with the answers she received from her majesty, sent by Mr. Cavalcant, to those articles as were propounded by the king and her, to the end I might advertise her majesty.

She shewed me, that the answers made unto the articles seemed to her not to be direct; saving that which was made unto the second article concerning religion. Which, saith she, is very hard, and neerly toucheth the honour of my son; so far forth, as if he should yield thereto, the queen, your mistress, should receive also some part of the blemish, by accepting for an husband such an one, as by sudden change of religion might be thought drawn through worldly respects, void of all conscience and religion. I replyed, that I was willed to say unto her from her majesty, that she doubted not but that monsieur, her son, by her good persuasions, would accept in good part the said answer. Who meant not such sudden change of religion, as that he or his houshold should be compelled to use the rites of the English church, contrary to his or their consciences. But forasmuch as the granting unto him of the exercise of his religion, being contrary to her laws, might, by example, breed such an offence as was like to kindle such troubles as lately reigned in France; whereof both her self and her said son had too good experience; she therefore hoped that he, who, if the match proceeded, was to sayle with her in one ship, and to run one fortune, would not require a thing which she by no means could yield to: who tendred nothing more than the quiet and repose of her subjects.

And therefore, in respect thereof, could by no means consent to any such permission, as by any likelyhood might disturb the same.

To which she replied, that the not having the exercise was as much as to change his religion: which thing he could not do upon a sudden, without the note to be of no religion. Which dishonour I am sure (added she) no respect can draw him to endanger himself to. And as he in respect of the said ignominy is resolved fully not to yield; so can I with no reason persuade him thereto. And as for any peril that may happen by the same, I think rather it shal be the best way of safety for your mistress: who always, by the way of his brother’s sword, should be the better able to correct any such evil subjects, as should go about to disturb the repose and quiet of her estate: which she may assure herself he wil do, without having respect to any religion: whereof lately some trial hath been made, by his consenting with the king, to have some good justice and example of punishment don at Roan.

In answer whereof, I then besought her to consider as wel the queen’s danger, as her son’s honour. I shewed her that of this permission three great mischiefs would ensue. First, the violating of her laws. Secondarily, the offence of her good and faithful subjects. And lastly, the encouragement of the evil affected. Which three mischiefs if you wil weigh, said I, together with your son’s honour, you shall find them of great moment and that the queen’s majesty, my mistress, hath great cause to stand to the denyal of any such permission, whereof is like to ensue so manifest peril. And as for the aid of the king’s sword, I shewed her, that I thought, that the example by permission would do much more harm, than either his own or his brother’s sword could do good. For that the issue of our mischiefs by civil dissensions fell out commonly to be sudden and short, but very sharp; and were not drawn in length, as those that happen in other countries: we having neither walled towns nor forts to retyre to, thereby to protract our warrs.

To this she answered, that she feared that her son would too soon be overcome with the queen’s persuasions in that behalf; who was more zealous than able by reason to defend his religion. Whereby the same inconvenience of example wil not long last. For, saith she, it is generally feared by the catholics, that this match wil breed a change of religion throughout al Europe. In the end, she concluded, that neither monsieur, her son, nor the king, nor her self, could ever yield to any such sudden change for any respect: neither could her majesty wel desire it, considering how much it would touch his reputation, whom she is to match withal, if it procede.

I asked then of her, whether she would have me so to ad- vertise her majesty. She desired me in any case so to do; and to know directly, whether by yielding or not yielding to the said second article, with al reasonable caution, she meant to procede or forbear. Whereof she desired her majesty, at the furthest, to have answer within ten days; for that the king stayeth his progress onely upon that. And if so be she meant to procede, then to send the articles that are to be propounded by her majesty.

Monsieur de la Mot, as I learn by monsieur de Foix, hath given very honorable report of the queen’s procedings, assuring them, that there is nothing but sincerity meant. If her majesty resolve to procede, I learn that monsieur de Foix shal come over with the king’s answer to such articles as shal be propounded by her majesty; and so to grow to some true conclusion. And so having nothing else to advertise her majesty at this present, I most humbly take my leave of your honour. At Pads, the 28th of April, 1571.

Your honours to command, Fra. Walsingham.

NUMBER 8.

A motion in parliament, 13 Elizab. about the succession to the crown; according to K. Henry VIII. his will.

SO great a matter as we have in hand, which concerneth the whole realm universally, and every one of us particularly, I think I should not need any long proheme to purchase your favours, to be content to hear, or to move you to be attentive to mark, what shal be said. For as we, a few, be chosen of an infinite multitude, to treat and do those things that shal be for the benefit of the commonwealth, and be put in trust for all the body of the realm, so I trust hath nature grafted in us a desire to seek those things that may do us good, and avoid that may do us hurt.

Wherefore not minding to use mo words than needs, nor fewer than methinketh the greatnes of the cause re-quireth, I wil directly procede unto the matter. The horrible murthers and bloody battels, that were of long time between the factions of the red rose and the white, the houses of York and Lancaster, for the crown of this realm, by the happy marriage of king Henry VII. and Q. Eliza. beth, were ended. Whereby great quietnes and peace (thanks be unto God) hath followed in this realm. God grant it may so continue. This K. Henry VII. and Q. Elizabeth have issue K. Henry VIII. the lady Margaret and the lady Mary. K. Henry VIII. had issue king Edward, Q. Mary, and Q. Elizabeth, the queen’s majesty that now is. The lady Margaret was first maried to James, the king of Scots; who had issue James, king of Scots, father unto Mary, now queen of Scots. After his decease she maried the earl of Angus; and had issue by him, the lady Margaret, now countess of Lenox. The lady Mary, the other daughter of K. Henry VII. was first marled to Lewis the French king, and had no issue by him. After that she was maried to Charles duke of Suffolk, first secretly in France, and after openly in England. The duke and shee had issue the lady Frances and the lady Eleoner. The lady Frances being eldest was maried to the marques of Dorset. By whom she had issue the lady Katharine and the lady Mary. The lady Eleanor was maried to the earl of Cumberland, and had issue the lady Margaret, now wife to the lord Strange.

By the statutes of the 28th and 35th of K. Henry VIII. the crown was entayled, as yee know, for lack of issue of K. Edward, to Q. Mary, and after to the queen’s majesty that now is. And for lack of heirs of their bodies, to such person or persons, in remainder or reversion, as should please K. Henry VIII. and according to such estate, and after to such maner, form, and fashion, order or condition, as should be expressed and limited in his letters patents, or by his last will in writing, signed with his most gracious hand. For the more sure establishing of which succession, we the subjects of this realm (besides our promises by that act declared) were al sworn by oath, that we should be obedient to such as K. Henry, according to his said statute, should appoint to succede to the crown, and not to any other within this realm; nor to any foreign authority, power, or potentate. Which words I beseech you to imprint wel in your minds.

Whereupon some say, K. Henry made his will accordingly, and put the heirs of the lady Frances first; and next of the lady Eleanor, in the remainder. Others say, that he made a will, but not to the statute; for it was not signed with his hand; and some say, that he made no will at all.

The question groweth, whether the heirs of the Scottish queen, or the heirs of the lady Frances and the lady Eleanor be next inheritors to the crown; if it should please God to take from us the queen’s majesty, without heirs of her body. Or whether none of them is inheritable; whereunto I wil declare my mind and judgment. For the legacies and bequests that Henry the king made to divers, both of lands and mony, declare manifestly that he made a will: for al were performed and satisfyed. As I am informed also, after his decease divers indentures tripartite were made between K. Edward, the executors of K. Henries will, and others. And divers letters patents passed under the great seal of England, in consideration of the accomplishment and performance of K, Henries will. Thirdly, There was a will in name of K. Henry enrolled in the chancery, and divers con-stats thereof made under the great seal.

In the which will the reversion of the crown was in the heirs of the lady Frances first; and after of the lady Eleanor. Finally, in the same will there was a clause, that al other wills made at any other time, should be void, and of none effect. Which needed not, if there had not been other wills made at any other time; and those signed with his hand. Al which be evident arguments, that K. Henry dyed not intestate; but that he made a will: and that it was the same will that was enrolled in the chancery. For it is not to be thought that such enrollment was in vain. If this will was made according to the statute, then it is without al doubt, that as we be bound, and have taken them for kings and queens that be expressed in the statute by name, so we be bound to accept them that be declared by the will in remainder or reversion; that is, the heirs of the lady Frances and the lady Eleanor. For they be expressed in the will, and ought to have it by like authority and title, as others expreased in the same statute. Because it was in like manner don with the consent of the whole realm, and confirmed with our oaths: which not being contrary to God’s law and the law of nature, and being in our power to observe and keep, we ought not in any wise to alter or break. For you know the judgments of the Lord are certain, that he wil not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain. And so the act and wil is a bar and conclusion [exclusion] to al others, be they neerer of bloud, if any be.

But some say, it is no will made according to the statute. Why so? Because it is not signed with the king’s hand, say they. I pray you consider wel the matter. If it should now be doubted, whether it was his hand; and that none should be interpreted his hand, but that was written with his own fingers, yee should adnull some of his parlaments, made by king Henry VIII. For the statute made in the 33d of K. Henry VIII. cap. 21. saith, that the king’s royal assent by his letters patent under the great seal, and signed with his hand, and declared in the higher house to the lords and commons, is of such force as if he were present. According to which act, divers assents of parlament were made; and in some of them [some] were attainted of treason, and suffered. Now if we should doubt whether it were his hand or not, we might perchance bring such things in doubt as we would not gladly should come in doubt. For we should put whole parlaments in doubt.

But it may be, sith by these statutes that power was given to K. Henry, that he might make his will of the crown, (which otherwise by law he could not do,) reason it is that he followed the form that the law prescribeth. If he have not done it, then it is void in law: for because forma dat esse fei. To this I answer: that albeit it were not signed by his hand, yet it is not a sufficient cause that we should reject it. For if the form be so necessary to be observed, why, I beseech you, do you allow Q. Maries parlaments, that were called by writs without the addition of the title and style of supreme head in earth of the church of England, &c. when there was a special statute, and of the greatest importance therefore before made, of purpose to declare, that the bishop of Rome had none authority in this realm; and chiefly upon this case: for that K. Henry, seeing his daughter Maries stubbornness and malice to his doings, and her fond devotion to the pope, meant, that if she should at any time come to that place, she should not, if she would, undoe that he had done. If yee wil say, that these words of supremacy mean [need] not, albeit there were such a statute, much less say I these words, with his hand, need in this case. For if yee mark wel the consideration, why this authority was given to K. Henry VIII. for the establishing of his succession, yee shal find, that it was to none other end than the statute of the 28th of Henry VIII. declareth: that is, because after his life, this realm should not bd destitute of a lawful governour; which yee see in this part by this will is fully performed.

For by this will he hath put no remainder out. First, The heirs of the lady Frances, and then of the lady Eleonor: who being next of the bloud and kin, and such as he loved, and had no cause to hate, nature did move, and reason did teach him to prefer above all others. The heirs of the Scotch queen, you know, he did cease to love. For king James, when he had promised to meet him at York, mocked him; and after made war against him. And when the lords of Scotland, after king James’s death, had promised him the marriage of this queen, they deceived him. And her marying with the earl of Angus was not only without his consent, but also unorderly and unlawfully don, as it is said.

And for these words in the statute, The wil to bee signed with his hand, they are not of necessity, to the end that it was meant for the succession.

For he might have appointed a successor certain, without his hand-writing.

But for a more surety, that there might not be any counterfeited will in his name; which cannot be presumed of this will, when those be named in remainder, that of nature and right ought to be preferred thereunto. Shal we then with cavilling of words go about to subvert the statute, when by true meaning of the statute, without injury to any, we may maintain and preserve our country in quietness and safety? Surely, in my judgment, there is no reason, equity, nor conscience, that can lead us so to do.

But say they, it is not his wil, signed with his hand, as his statute requireth.

How prove they that, sith it must be disproved by a sufficient number of witnesses? such as I take the law civil and common doth allow. For by what law it was made, by that law it must be disproved; or by comparing of the hand and sign wherewith the prothocal is signed with other writings that were signed with his hand. But such conferring cannot be, because the original cannot be found. And to say the very truth, after the will was once proved and allowed, (which I take to be sufficiently don, where it is enrolled in the chancery, and published under the great seal of England by king Edward VI. being supreme head in earth of the church of England, and so sufficient,) ordinary [original] and prothocal needed not, for the record was of more strength. But say they, there can be no such record found in the chancery. Whether there be a record remaining thereof, or not, I know not, but sure I am there was a record thereof, and divers constats made of it under the great seal of England; for every of the executors, and also for some others. But I pray you tel me, is it reason, because the original, nor any record thereof appeareth, the right of those that bee in the remainder should be lost? Do men loose their inheritance, if their inheritance be by force, or otherwise destroyed? Did sir Richard Sackvile, sir John Mason, sir Henry Nevyl, the heirs of sir Philip Hoby, loose their right to the bishop of Winchester’s lands, because the record was destroyed? I trow, you wil deny it: because the last parliament yee did orderly restore them. And albeit there be some of the constats do remain; and also copies thereof, and the memory thereof is yet so fresh, that albeit al the constats and copies were destroyed, yet there be men living that do remember there was such a wil; and that the remainder was declared to be in the heirs of the lady Frances, and after of the lady Eleanor.

But let us consider, I beseech you, at what time, and to what purpose and end, the record and the wil was defaced and destroyed. It was don in queen Mary’s time, as the common report goeth. And it must be presumed, so wise and circumspect men as then bare the sway of the realm, would not do it for nought. Was it because Q. Mary would not satisfy the bequests and legacies therein declared? That cannot be; for al were largely performed and payd, before her time, to the uttermost. Was it because they would not have the obits and masses therein expressed, continued? That cannot be thought, when she, and those that did it, put their chiefest trust of salvation in masses and obits. Was it because they tendred so much king Henry’s honour, that they would not have it appear, that his wil after his death, and his doings in his life were contrary? How could that be, when by al means they could, they laboured to undoe al that he had don, to dishonour and debase him in every thing; and, as some think, burnt also his bones. Was it because there was any thing in his wil that might authorize the executors to withstand queen Mary’s affection? None were so pliable to her devotions, as the executors and those that were named in the wil.

Was it because they would defeat the queen’s majesty that now is of her right of the crown? That could not be; for she claimed not by the wil, but by the statute.

Sith then none of these causes that I have told you served to maintain their doings for the destruction of this will; and that both the original, and also the record of the wil be destroyed; it must needs of necessity be concluded, it was only don, for that they knew the wil to be lawful, and saw none other way to deprive the heirs of the lady Frances of their right to the crown; or else that they had no cause to concele it. Which to imagine of them (esteeming themselves so wise and so learned) would be deadly sin; considering that William Sommer used not his madness to do any thing, but he would render some reason or colour for it. And I pray you, is it like, when lust was law, will reason, wrong right; and some so earnestly laboured, contrary to the law and their oaths, to dissolve the acts of succession, if they had known that any man could justly have preferred their purpose, and said it was a counterfeit wil, would they not have made him to have don it by hook or by crook, for hope of reward, or for fear of torture? Would they not have don it by some colour of law, by examining of witnesses? Should it not have been published in the star-chamber? preach’d at Paul’s Cross? declared by act of parliament? proclaimed in every quarter of the realm? Yes, doubtless, nothing should have been omitted that had been possible to have been devised, whereby so manifest an untruth, so much to their commodity, might have appeared. But because they saw they could not do it justly, nor yet handle the matter so craftily, but every man would perceive their doings, and in time disclose their jugglings; therefore belike, like politic men, they took an unorderly means, and destroyed the whole record.

If then no witness could be found, and now some wil appear, methinks it were a very strange thing. For if it should be said, either it must needs be his will signed with his hand, or els it is no wil at al, it wil be as easy to prove the one, as to deny the other. But say they, it cannot be but a will.

For there be eleven witnesses, men very honest and substantial, that with the subscription of their names to testify the same. And upon that foundation the executors proved the will, took upon them the administration; and have in every point fulfilled it. Surely it cannot be denyed but the witnesses were very honest men, substantial and worthy to be credited. But the self same witnesses that say it was a will, affirm in like manner, that it was signed with the king’s own hand. For the words of the will be thus: “In witness whereof we signed it with our own hand in our palace at Westminster, the 3d day of December,” &c. being present, and called to be witnesses, these persons that have written their names under, John Gates, &c.

So that I can see no remedy, but either both must be granted, or both denyed. That is, that either it is no will, or els it is signed with his own hand. Against their own testimonies can none of the witnesses come. If they do, they discredit themselves. If any of the executors wil go about to impugn this foundation and testimony of the witnesses, then shal he not only destroy his chief building, but also now say against that that he hath manifestly before confessed; when he allowed it, and procured it to be enrolled and put forth under the great seal. And so with his doubleness shal make himself no meet witness. Besides these two kinds of witnesses, I cannot imagine [others.] For some of the executors, and these eleven witnesses, were such as were continually waiting upon the king’s person. If any other will come forth, and say it is not his hand, then it is to be considered, how many, and what they be. Not one or two will serve the purpose. They must be many, and those omni exceptione majores. If they were privy or consenting to the embroiling of the prothocal, or destruction of the record, then the law will not admit them for witnesses. For it accounteth them falsarios, and so infamous. But sith in this will, which is called king Henry’s will, there is this clause, that all other wills made at any other time should be void, it appeareth then, that [he] had other wills.

If any man will deny it, not only the words of the will (which otherwise should be in vain) will plainly reprove him, but also there be yet living that have seen the same: and how some of them were interlined by king Henry; and some of them, in all or the most part, written with his own hand.

But perhaps it will be doubted, whether there were any successor limited and forth set in the said wills; which me-thinketh ought not. For it will appear by manifest presumption. First, It is not to be doubted, sith king Henry, so long before, like a prudent prince, foresaw the dangers the realm mought have fallen into for the uncertainty of succession; and that he had procured authority and power by his parliament to establish it; and that minding in his old days personally to invade France; but that like a good father of his country, with good avisement and deliberation, he made his will, and established the succession. Now, secondly, it must needs be, that in that will so made before his going over, the limitation of succession was in such manner and form as is declared in his last will. For, as I said before, there was no cause why he should bear any affection to the Scottish queen, nor yet to the lady Lenox: and having no cause to be offended with his other sisters (the French queen’s) children, it is to be judged, that he would not leave it to any other before them; especially, when he had none other kinsfolks of his whole bloud to leave it unto. Thirdly, This last will can be no new will devised and made in his sickness; but the copy of his former will, and fair written; if it were not the very old will. For if it had been a new will they devised, who could think, that either himself would have declared manifestly himself contrary to himself, or that any man durst have moved him to put so many things therein, contrary to his honour. And sith it seemed to be so before wrkten of his own advice, and no man durst move him to alter it in those points that were against his honour; much less durst they themselves advise any new succession, or move him to alter it, otherwise than they found it: when they saw it otherwise could not naturally be disposed.

And therefore if it could be justly proved, that this will that you call king Henry’s will, were not signed with his own hand, as it will be a very hard matter to prove negati-vum factum; yet cannot it be denyed, but some of the other wills (out of which this will was copied) was written and signed with his own hand; or at the least enterlined. Which may be said a sufficient signing with his own hand; albeit perhaps at this present the very originalls cannot be brought forth.

Sith then it appeareth that king Henry made a will: sith it appeareth by the testimony and subscription of eleven witnesses, that it was signed with his own hand: sith it was so proved by the executors: sith it was, as his will, enrolled in the chancery, and published under the great seal of England: wherein it was written, that it was signed with his own hand: sith the prothocal and the record be without order destroyed: and sith there can come forth no such witnesses to disprove it, as the law admitteth for sufficient, and as we ought to credit: sith he had other wills written with his own hand to the same effect that this will is; methinketh, that there is no reason nor colour to men, as to think that this was not king Henry’s will, made according to the statute; and that that we call king Henry’s will is the very true, right will, and that by the statute and by our oaths we be bound to receive them for kings and queens, that be in remainder by the will, if it shall please God to take the queen from us without issue.

But let us admit an untruth, that there was no will, to the end there may nothing be imagined, that cannot justly be answered. And that the truth may be known, (which for my part I only desire may appear to all men,) who is the right and lawful heir in reversion to the crown; it will be said, the Scottish queen; because she cometh of the eldest sister, and is next of bloud to king Henry VIII. according to the maxim in the law. Truth it is, there is such a maxim: but it may not be so largely taken, but it must be restrained to such as be inheritable by the laws of the realm. Which be such as be born in the king’s allegiance, of father and mother English; or out of the king’s legiance, of parents English, and in the king’s legiance. For if yee will put strangers and right English in one case, what availeth the liberty of England, or what profiteth it to be an Englishman born? Yea, it were a great deal better to be born a stranger, than an Englishman: for strangers, albeit they have not so great commodity in England in all things as Englishmen have, yet in some things they have more: neither be they bound to serve the realm with their witts, to maintain it with their goods, serve it with their bodies, defend it with their bloud, as we be: but may come when they will, tarry as long as them listeth, and depart when it pleaseth them.

Wherefore by nature there ought to be great difference between strangers and Englishmen: and those should enjoy the sweet, that be bound to tast of the sowre. And so our laws have provided, if ye will suffer them to stand in force. For the statute of the 23 Edward III. (which expoundeth the law in this case) saith, that the king’s children, wheresoever they be born in the realm, or without, be inheritable to their auncesters: and that others which from time to time shall be born out of the legiance of the king, whose fathers and mothers at the time of their birth, be at the faith and legiance of the king of England, should be in like manet inheritors to their auncestors.

Whereby it is a consequent, a contrario, that these that be born out of the legiance of the king of England, be not inheritable to this realm. And so it appeareth by Bracton, that the old law before was, For he saith in one of his exceptions thus; Sicut Anglious non auditur in placitando aliquem de terris et tenementis in Francia; ita non debet Alienigena et Francigena, qui sunt ad fidem regis Francisae, audiri placitando in Anglia. In another place, Libro 4to de exception. dilatoria, Bracton saith thus: Ita respondere poterit, quod particeps, de quo di-citur, nil capere potest, antequam fiat fides regi Angliae. And Lit. saith, as yee know, “That in an action real or personal, brought by one born out of the king’s legiance, it is a good plea for the defendant to say, that the plaintiff was born out of the king’s legiance.”

But some say, that Scotland is a member of the crown of England. and therefore the people therein born be in the legiance of the king of England.

Although Scotland by right belong to the crown of England; yet it is not a sufficient cause to prove, that the people born in Scotland be in the king of England’s legiance. It cannot be denyed, but that Normandy belongeth of right to the crown of England; yet it followeth not, that the Normans therefore be in the le-giance of the king of England. Now, albeit Normandy be-longeth to the crown of England; yet because the people thereof declined from their faith and allegiance that they ought to the king of England, and became subjects, and gave their faith and legiance to the French king, their lands were eschiated; as appeareth by the statute, De Prerog. Regis, cap. 12. Callis was a member of England. The people therein born, when it was under the government of England, as free of England as those that be born in England. But yet now being in the French king’s hands, those that be born there, be no more free in England than those that be born at Paris. So in like manner, albeit Scotland belong of right to the crown of England, and the king of Scots have sometimes done their homage therefore to the kings of England: yet we see they have of long time forsaken their faith and legiance to England, and have not only become rebels, but rather have been taken for enemies to England. For they have been [not] unusually ransomed upon their taking, like enemies, and not executed with death like tray-tors. And by that means king James, their now queen’s father, was at the time of his birth, and at his death, out of the legiance of England. Wherefore to say, that she was born in the king’s legiance, because she was born in Scotland, is a mere cavillation, secundum non causam, ut causam; more worthy to be laughed at, than requiring any answer at all.

Now let us compare these things together. You know, that the Scottish queen is not the king of England’s child, nor is a free-woman of England.

Wherefore by the laws of England she cannot inherit in this realm. And if yee desire a precedent and an example for the very self same cause that we now treat of, ye may find it in the chronicles, how Margaret, daughter and heir unto Edward, the outlaw, son and heir to Edmond Ironside, king of England, being maried to Malcolme, king ofScots, never claimed the crown of England, nor any of her children after her. But both her husband, and her three children after her, and their issue, kings of Scotland, did homage to the kings of England.

But it will be objected, that K. Henry II. was born out of the king’s legiance. His father was no denizen; and yet he inherited the crown. True it is, that he was born out of the king’s legiance: but whether he was free or no, that is uncertain. Albeit it is to be supposed, that his grandfather minding that he should succede, omitted nothing that might serve for that purpose. But this ye may know by our chronicles, that he came in rather by election and consent of the realm, than by inheritance. For Henry I. procured, that the clergy and nobility should be twice Sworn to the succession of Maud the empress his daughter, and her heirs. And for breaking that oath, and receiving Stephen, the history sheweth, how the realm was marveillously plagued, and especially the clergy and nobility; and that by Stephen himself. And besides, if we will weigh the matter indifferently, we may truly say, that Henry II. enjoyed the crown lawfully by inheritance. For albeit Maud were not queen of England de facto, yet was she dejure: for Stephen was but an usurper. And so king Henry was the queen’s child. Which yee se, by the statute of Edward III. is free, wheresoever he be born.

Another objection there is in Richard II. how he was born at Bourdeaux, out of the realm, and yet was king. To this I answer, he had it justly; for he was born of father and mother English. Thus I take it to be very plain, that the Scottish queen can make justly, by the law of England, no claim to the crown thereof; because she hath no right in law nor reason.

And therefore will procede to the examination of the title of the lady Lineux [Lenox.] Whom perchance some will think to have the next right, because she was daughter to the lady Margaret, the eldest sister of K.

Henry VIII. Truth it is, she was her daughter: but her father, the earl of Angus, was a Scot, an alien, and no denizen. But it will he said, it maketh no matter what her father was; for she was born in England, as it cannot be denyed she was. For, as some say, the law of England alloweth every person to be English, that is born in England, of whatsoever nation that his parents be; if his parents, or father only be ad fidem regis Angliae, that is, sworn to be true to the king of England, and his subject; as the earl of Angus, at the birth of the lady Lineux his daughter, was not.

Perchance it might somewhat make for that purpose in the opinion of the common people: albeit in very deed, and by the laws of the realm, it seemeth nothing at all. For it appeareth [by] 14 Edward III, and 14 Henry VI. that albeit an alien be sworn to be true to the king and the realm in any leer or session; yet he is [not] abled thereby to purchase lands, but he must be enabled thereto expressly by the king’s letters patents. But that the child should inherit, and the father not free in England, it cannot but seem very strange, how any such opinion should be conceived by any man learned.

For it differeth from the laws and policy of all other places of the world, [and] written taw of this realm. Nane is to maintain it; and reason, whereon such custom should be grounded, hard I think it should be to find. In all other places the law is, Partus sequitur patrem. That is, the child shall be counted of that nation where his father was born. If the father be French, whensoever the child be born it shall be counted French. Or if he be Italian, the child shall be Italian: if he be Dutch, the child shall be Dutch; except the father hath forsaken his own native country, and hath not only given faith to another prince or state, but also is admitted to be a citizen or freeman there.

And the reason seems to be this, that sith a man is naturally disposed to live in some society, and must needs so live, if he will indeed live well and safely like a man, and not wander abroad like an unreasonable beast, he must joyn himself to some one society or congregation: wherein as he desireth to enjoy the benefits that grow of such civil society, so it is meet and reasonable that he should be partaker of the burthens, and faithfully to maintain and defend it, by which he himself is preserved and maintained.

And because God first made man, and of man woman, and hath made him a more apt instrument to serve in the commonweal, in the functions both of the mind and of the body; therefore is man preferred to woman, and thought the more worthy person; not only by the laws of nature, but also by all other laws, and by the laws of this realm; as appeareth 47 Edward III. And so the children in all other places follow the condition and state of their father, as the most worthy person; which others do also here in England. For the law in like maner saith, Partus sequitur patrem. Which, if it should be examined only in the cases of the bondman and his wife, and that the child should be bond or free, according to the condition of the father, then it is no maxim, as the law termeth it. For a maxim is a rule that serves to rule and discuss more eases than one.

But let us seek if we can find out a reason to maintain this opinion, that every person born in England, of what nation soever the parents be, shall be free. For positive law written, that is contained in the book of the Exposition of the terms of the laws of England: (which of what authority it is, I know not.) But what saith that book? verily thus: “If an alien come and dwell in England, which is not of the king’s enemies, and there hath issue, this issue is not alien, but English.” But now such alien was the earl of Angus: for as the chronicle witnesseth, he came not into England with mind to tary and inhabit there. But after he had maried the Scottish queen, both without K. Henry his brother’s consent, and also of the councils of Scotland, there fel such variance between her and him, and the lords of Scotland, that she and her husband (like banished persons) fled and came into England, and wrote to the king for mercy and comfort. The king enclined to mercy, sent them apparel, vessels, and all things; willing them to live still in Northumberland, till they knew further of his pleasure.

Whereupon they lay still at Harboute, where she was delivered of the said lady Lyneoux. And after, when the king sent for her and her husband, the earl, to come to the court, and the earl promised so to do, and she was coming and asked for him, he was returned to Scotland, (belike to his own wife, as ye shall hear hereafter,) or mistrusting that the king had understanding, how he had distained and abused his sister: and so she came without the earl to the court. When the king heard that the earl of Angus was so departed, he said, it was done like a Scot. And so after this queen had taried a year in England, she returned to Scotland. Whereby it may appear, that the said earl of Angus is not of that sort of aliens of whom this book of the Exposition of the termes of the laws of England speaketh. For he came not into England to dwel, nor had any dwelling place there: but rather was to be judged as a guest; or as a bird, that for a time leaveth his native country while the foul weather lasteth: or as a wild beast chased with hounds out of his haunt, flyeth, till he perceive they persecute him no longer. And so the lady Lineoux can claim no benefit by this law, if it be taken for law: but rather it maketh altogether against her.

Moreover, statute there is none to maintain this opinion, that saith, every person is English that is born in England, of whatsoever nation his parents be. Then of necessity it must be by custom, if it be law: which having no reason to maintain it, or if it be contrary to reason is no law, have it never so long continuance; but is, as evil, to be abolished, as the laws of the realm do plainly teach us. For they say, customs not grounded on reason, or contrary to reason, cannot prescribe.

But yee will say, the reason is to entice strangers the rather to come into this realm. What enticement can it be, where they themselves shall not, by their coming, be free, nor may purchase any land to leave to their posterity?

And albeit that reason maintained this custom, yet can it not serve the lady Lenoux. For her father, the earl of Angus, came not into this realm to inhabit and dwel in the same, as before is sufficiently declared. Perchance it will be said, that it is the nature of the soil to make all such bee born in England, free of England. But how happeneth it, that this property is private to England, and not common to all other countreys? Truly, this is not allowed in any other country: and not without good reason. For the constitution of kingdoms and states, ordinances of cities and commonweals, and the liberties and freedoms thereof, are not by nature, but come by the consent of men and mens laws. And they receive none to be free, and they allow none to be free in their commonweals, but such as either for the faith and truth their parents, being citizens, bare thereunto, they do not suspect but that they will walk in the steps of their parents fidelity; or else are such as upon great consideration and promise of their faith and allegiance, they do newly admit citizens. Of which number young babes cannot be for simplicity. The magistrate can have no respect of them: nor they be not able to make any promise, or bond of fidelity to the commonwealth. For as the commonwealth is bound to preserve them that be free thereof from injury and injustice; so it doth require of them promise to be true thereunto, to serve and defend it to their uttermost power.

And mark, I pray you, now into what absurdities ye shall fall, if this should be admitted for law, that every one born in England should be free in England, of whatsoever nation his parents were. I ask this question, If the child of an alien born in England should be free in England; and by reason his father is a Scot before also in Scotland, (as doubtless by the law he is, wheresoever he be born,) if wars should happen, (as it hath done many times between these two realms,) whose part shall he take? No man can serve two masters at one time, saith the right Lawmaker, and also common reason. If he follow the Scotch part, then he is a traitor to England. If he should with England, then he is a traitor to Scotland. If he will take part with neither, then is he a traitor to both. For every man by the laws of nature, (which is God’s law,) and by the law of every realm, is bound to declare himself a member of one commonwealth: that is, to bestow his life and goods in the defence thereof, when need requires. Therefore I ask, which part it is like that he will take, that is a mongrel of both nations?

Truly in my judgment, there is no reason to move either England or Scotland to think such a person can be true to either of them both. For it hath been a principle received of all men, even as long as division of states and commonweals have been, that no man can be a citizen of two cities or commonweals; because he cannot serve them both at once. Wherefore I cannot see how this proposition, that every person born in England (of what nation or parents soever he be) should be free in England, should be justified by law or reason. And therefore the lady Leoneux can take no benefit thereby.

But admit the law of the realm were certain, that all children born in the realm should be free, of whatsoever nation the parents were: if it be true that is reported, the lady Leoneux is clearly excluded by the laws of the realm to be heir of any person, of any possessions within this realm. For as it is said, when her father, the earl of Angus, was maried to the Scottish queen her mother, he had another wife living. Wherefore a divorse was sued between him and the Scottish queen. And after the same divorse, the Scottish queen, in the life of the earl of Angus, the lady of Lineux father, maried the lord Muffyn. With whom she continued all her life, as man and wife, without any trouble or appele to revoke the divorse. But it may be said, that divorse cannot disable the lady Lineux to be inheritor to the crown of England. For albeit he had another wife living at that time he maried the Scottish queen; yet forasmuch as she was ignorant thereof, and maried him bona fide, the child born of them is by the common laws lawful. True it is, that by the common laws she is legitimate: but the laws under which we be born, whereunto by God’s law, and the law of nature we be bound; and whereby in cases of inheritance we be, and must be ruled, do not allow her for legitimate: that is to say, inheritable; as it doth not likewise others in other cases.

The canon law saith, if a man beget a child of a woman, not maried, and after the birth of the child do mary her, the child shall be counted legitimate, and as if it had been born in lawful matrimony. But the laws of England be, and ever have been contrary; that it shah not be taken for legitimate, albeit that great suit hath been made to the contrary: and to bring the laws of the realm to agree with the common laws in this point, as appeareth in the statute of Marton, cap. 9. So in like maner albeit the common law alloweth the child born in second mariage, the first not being dissolved, to be lawful, if any of the parents think the mariage good; yet do not the laws of the realm allow the same. But because the first mariage was never lawfully disallowed, but that one man can have but one wife at once, it accounteth the second mariage void; and the child born therein it adjudgeth bastard, and not inheritable in this realm: as appeareth by Glanvile, Bracton, and Britton. And all the whole course of our laws received and used from the beginning to this present time.

Wherefore the lady Leoneux can pretend justly no title to the crown of England. So that it may appear by the laws of the realm, neither the Scottish queen, nor yet the lady Leoneux have any maner of title or claim to the crown of England, be they never so neet of bloud. The one because she is not the king’s child, nor free in England; the other, because if she were free, that yet the law cannot allow her for legitimate, as inheritable to this realm. And therefore as the next of bloud, and the true and just heirs of our laws, the crown ought to descend to the heirs of the French queen; which be the daughters of the lady Frances and the lady Eleanor. And presently to the lady Katharine, being the eldest daughter to the eldest sister, the lady Frances.

Against these heirs of the French queen is objected: say they, These cannot inherit. Why so? Because they were not lawfully born. For Charles, duke of Suffolk, had at that time, when he maried the French queen, another wife living; that is, the lady Mortymer. To this I answer, that altho: it were true, that the lady Frances and the lady Eleonor were not lawfully born, (as it is not true, as ye shall hear hereafter,) yet it hurteth not the title of the heirs given by king Henries will. For it is appointed to the heirs of them, not to themselves, as the will plainly de-clareth. But verily, this is a mere slander grown altogether on malice; and no accusation made upon any just presumption. For I beseech you tell me, is it like, or can any reasonable man think, if duke Charles had had another wife living, when he had maried the French queen, that king Henry would have consented, that his sister should have received so great an injury, that she should have been kept for a concubine? Would the council have suffered so great infamy to have come. to their master’s stock? Would the nobility of the realm with so great triumph have honoured so unlawful an act? Would the common people, who many times are ready to speak evil of weldoing, have holden their tongue in so manifest adultery? Is it like, that in so long time as the French queen and the duke lived together, as man and wife, (that is, all the days of the French queen,) that she should not have heard of it? Was it possible, that among so many women, that daily resorted unto her, (whose natures are to seek for all such things, be they never so secret, and to communicate them to others,) that none should have told her? Is it to be believed, that she, contrary to the nature of all women, would have content that another should be partaker of that flesh, that she, according to God’s word, took only to be her own? Or can any man think, that any woman can be content to live in mean degree, when she may be a dutchess; as the lady Mortymer should have been justly, if she had been the duke’s wife? Surely, methinks, there is no reason to make any man to think, how much less to report so.

But suppose that the duke had another wife living, at what time he maried the French queen; yet forasmuch as he and she were maried openly, continued together all their lives, as lawful man and wife; and nothing said against them; and every man took them for man and wife: and that the lady Frances and the lady Eleonor were not, during their lives, taken to be bastards; now, after their death, neither they, nor their children may by the laws of this realm, be convented therefore. For the laws of the realm say thus, Nec justum est aliquando mortuum facere bastardum, qui toro tempore suo tenebatur pro legitimo: as appeareth by judgment given at Westminster, 13 E. I.

But for the declaration of the truth of this matter, and to pluck out of the heads of the people their fond opinion and consideration; and maintained of such as pass not so much of the truth, as they desire to satisfy their fond affections; yee shall understand, that the duke being sir Charles Brandon, living in the court, being sole and unmaried, made a contract of mariage with a gentlewoman called Anne Brown; and before any solemnization of mariage, not only had a daughter by her, which afterwas maried to the lord Powis; but also brake promise with her, and openly and solemnely maried the lady Mortymer. Which mariage the said Mrs. Anne Browne judicially accused to be unlawful. For that the said sir Charles Brandon had made a precontract with her, and had carnally known her. Which being duely proved, sentence of divorse between the said sir Charles and the lady Mortymer was given. And he maried solemnely the said Mrs. Anne Browne. At which mariage all the nobility was present, and did honour it.

And after had by her another daughter: which was maried to the lord Mounteagle. After this the said Mrs. Anne Browne continued with him all her life as his wife, and dyed his wife, without any impeaching of that mariage. After whose death, king Henry, having the said Charles Brandon in great favour, meant he should, for his better preferment, have maried the lady Lisle, being a young madam, and an inheritrix. Whereupon the said Charles Brandon was created viscount Lisle: but that mariage, by reason of her youth, took no place. After this he was created duke of Suffolk. And Lewis the French king dyed; and leaving the said lady Mary, king Henry the Seventh’s daughter, a widow, the said duke Charles being sent into France for her, with consent of king Henry maried her twice: first, secretly in France; and after openly here in England, as before is de-dared. And then lived together quietly, as man and wife, all their lives. They were so accepted, and taken of all persons. No person impugned, or gainsayed the said ma-riage. For there was no cause. And had issue between them, the said lady Frances and lady Eleonor.

Against whom the said lady Powis, their base sister, in the time of king Edward VI. alledged bastardy: but they were, by the laws of the realm, and the canon laws, declared to be legitimate, and born in lawful matrimony.

So that no man that hath understanding, can say they be bastards: and if they could, yet at this present, (because it was once adjudged for them; and also that they both be dead; and dyed taken as legitimate,) he ought not to be heard by order of any law in the world, if he would object against them.

But having no true ground of occasion; but spewing out his malice, is rather as a slanderer to be reproved; going about to sow sedition in the common weal, as a seditious person to be punished; minding to sow civil warrs in the realm, and to bring it to destruction and dissolution, as a traytor to the realm, to be taken; persuading to subvert the providence of Almighty God, as God’s enemy to be adjudged and used.

Thus have I declared my judgment unto you, touching the right heirs of the crown in remainder and reversion: which is, as I take it presently, the lady Katharine, daughter to the lady Frances; both by the will of king Henry, and also by the common laws of the realm. And that we be bound both by our oaths, and also by the law, so to take her. If we shall for any affection take away the right from those that have the right, let us remember the saying of the Holy Ghost, Propter injustitias et injurias transfe-retur regnum a genre in gentem. This have I put in writing, that I may be the better and more perfectly answered. If any man will take the pains to do it, I require it may be don in writing: so it shall quickly come to an issue. If he can confound by just argument that I have said, he shall satisfy many; and find me ready to say as he saith. If he cannot, then do I desire him for God’s sake, and for the love of his country, to give place to truth: quickly.

NUMBER 9.

A letter of Mr. Randolph, the queen’s agent in Scotland, to the lords Graunge and Lyddington: exciting them to leave the Scottish queen’s party. WHERE we see how little our dealing with you by mouth can do, to bring you unto that which we know is best for your selves; having spent a great deal of time to little effect; wee thought good to try another way: which is, to prove by our advice in writing, if we can win that out of you, that by word we are not hable to do: because we will have nothing undon that we may do, or at the least minded to do. That we be not charged hereafter by you, not to have don as much as in friendship we might do.

We are commanded to deal with you in two principal points: the one for your obedience to the king. The other, to acknowledge the regent. Against these you alledge conscience, honour, and saufty. If in all these you be reasonably answered, I trust you will remain satisfied.

For the first, she is not worthy to live, whose cause ye defend, having committed so horrible offence. Ergo, No conscience, by order to put her down: and less not to obey her; least, to obey her unjust quarrel. This you know your selves: this you have spoken your selves: this you have allowed your selves. Your selves wrot against her, fought against her, and were the chiefest cause of her apprehension, and imprisonment, and dimission of the crown; with somewhat more than we might say, if it were not to grieve you too much herein. But plainness argueth friendship, and so do I trust yee take it. If at that time there was nothing don against conscience, what moveth you to take conscience to leave her; but alledge conscience for your defence in setting up of her, that hath been the overthrow of your country, shame, and cause of all the misfortunes that have fallen unto you, or shall fall hereafter, if ye remain in the will ye be of?

Can either of you believe, that your lives shall be happier under her, if she be at home again in her former estate, whom ye have so many ways offended, than now it may be under her son, a babe ignorant and without malice or will to revenge, if ye dutifully live under him, and yield your obedience unto him? If ye doubt the time to come, when he shall be of lawful years, ye may well think it easier by good deserts in the mean time to obtain his favour at that time, than you can at any time, if this woman, whose nature ye know how vindicative it is, full of malice, and presently (whatsoever ye judge of her your selves) as evil disposed and bent towards you two, as to none worse in Scotland. So that you two were the chief occasions of all the calamities, as she hath said, that she is fallen into. You, lord of Liddington, by your persuasion and counsil to others to apprehend her, to imprison her; yea, to have taken presently the life from her. And you, lord of Graynge, by your solicitation, travail, and labour, to bring in others to allow thereof, and to put in execution that which by the other you, lord of Liddington, was devised.

Set apart therefore all conscience in this matter, where we believe that neither of you both is touched in this matter, so much as you pretend, or wish that we should believe. If not in conscience, which is dearest, and wherein men ought to be precisest, much less in honour; in which the world is chiefly respected, and yet weighs down. But that may be so solved, and your selves by all honest and godly men better allowed of, in respect of your countries weal, somewhat to yield of your own particular; yea, though to your disadvantage, then to se daily so much bloudshed; besides many calamities that men suffer through the occasion of this intestine sedition. Honour is to be respected where justice procedeth. If the cause you defend be unjust, what honour can there be to maintain it? but rather shame and ignominy to stand so long by it, as yee have done? How unjust it is, if no more could be said of all your practices, of all your attempts, the extremity of all those that hitherto in this action took her part doth sufficiently manifest.

Of these two points, because in my conscience you can sooner resolve your selves, than we can sufficiently write of them, receive them to your own consideration. And go to the third, which is the chief, and to you hardest.

To us not of such difficulty as ye make it.

Mary, my lord of Lyddington, like his, Tu si hic esses, aliter sentires; truly we are with you in care of mind. We have compassion of your present hard state and extremities, apparent to ensue. As friends, we lament it: as wellwillers, we are careful to provide for it. Thus far therefore we may promise, that your state by composition shall be no worse than theirs presently is, that have been of your part and mind with you. Saufty to your life we dare promise. Restitution to your lands and livings we dare assure you of. And so to all others that take your parts. What may be done for recovery of your losses, there shall be as reich don as lieth in us: and so much I dare say, as your self shall be witness more cannot be don for the recovery of it, wheresoever it be found or be heard of.

If ye doubt of the regent person, yee seem to know less now then beforetime ye have don. Whose honesty towards the world ye have allowed of in time past. Of whose particular good will toward your self, we have well reported and thought. Of whose zele and love towards the word of God, and love to his country, no man ever doubted. What my mistres advice to him, and reverence he bears unto her to follow the same, doth or may work in him, we find, and can assure our selves sufficiently, that it is such as neither shall his promise be broken unto you, nor any thing be left undon by him, that is in his power to perform.

Whatsoever ye doubt of my lord of Morton, ye shall have the like security of him; and my mistress to interpose her self so far, as in honour and reason she may. If this be not sufficient, be your selves the devisers, yee shall find us friends, fellows, companions, debters, commissioners; term us as ye will; faithful and indifferent any way that we can to do you good. If nothing of this will serve, trust us upon our words, ye stay to your greater destruction. Yee are disappointed of your purpose, and shall be driven to that extremity, that we are both loth to think of, much less willing to put it in writing. Give us your answer hereunto. And so wishing you to be well advised, we bid you both farewel.

NUMBER 10.

Dr. Stories last will and testament, made at Lovain, anno 1552. EMANUEL. In the name of God, Amen, and in the year of our Lord God 1552, and in the last day of May, I, John Storie, doctor [LL.] lawded be Almighty God, being whole of mind and body, do to God and the world declare my last will and testament in maner and form following. First and before all things transitory, as I do most humbly render thanks, lawd, and praising to my Lord God, for my creation and redemption; so do I also most humbly acknowledge his great mercies by leading me, a wretched sinner, out of my native country; the which being swarved out of the sure ship of our salvation, I beseech Almighty God of his infinite mercy to restore again to the unity of the same vessel, being our mother, the holy catholic church, for his holy names sake. And having full trust and alliance, that I am one, and within the number of the said catholic visible church, (which doth, and here on earth shall, contain both bad and good, until the same by wilful leaping out, or lawful separation be excluded,) I do confess to God, and before the world, that I in this perillous time of tryal of the corn from the moveable chaff, do believe, and have full trust and alliance in all and every article, clause, or sentences that our said mother, the holy church, continued from the time of the apostles, hath and shall decree, set forth, and deliver to be kept and observed by us her children. And for my breaking any commandment set forth by the authority of the same church, and for my non-observance of any decree, ordinance, or counsil of the same; and especially, for mine offence in forsaking the unity of its by the acknowledging of any other supreme head than our Saviour Jesu Christ did depute here in earth to remain, which was S. Peter, and his successors, bishops of the see of Rome; I do most humidly and penitently crave God mercy; desiring of him pardon; as I do also ask forgiveness of all such as by my said offence and evil example, I have by any means slandered or offended in this world: desiring all Christen people remaining within the unity of our said mother, the catholic church, to pray-for me, being a simple and a wretched member of the same.

And as concerning such my temporal goods as, by the sufferance of Almighty God, I have been steward of here in this vale of misery; my mind is, that all my debts be truly contented and payed by mine executor, &c.

Also, I give and bequeath to Ellen Storye, my daughter, the sum of and threescore florens, to be payed and delivered to her at the day of mariage: so, and under this condition, that she do take to husband and mary such one as her mother then living, or my overseers here under named, or any one of them, do first consents &c. And if my said daughter, following her own sensuality, do chance to mary with any man without or against the good will, pleasure, &c. then my mind is, that she shall have only threescore florens towards her rayment, and no more. And if my skid daughter Ellen, by God’s good motion, do enter into religion, then I do give and bequeath to the house and company where she shall chaunce to be professed 120 flo-rens; desiring them to be good instructors of my said daughter, and of their cheritie to pray for the souls of my father and mother, Nicolas and Joan, for my soul and all Christen souls.

Also, I do bequeath my soul to Almighty God; of whom this my mortal flesh hath received the same: and my body to be buried within the Grey Friars in Lovain, if I do depart in Lovain, as neer unto the burial of Mr. Thomas Tybald as may be permitted. For the which my funeral exequies, and other divine services, then by that convent to be don and solemnized for the wealth of my soul, I do bequeath to the same convent twenty florens. Also, I give and bequeath to the said convent forty florens more, desiring them of their cherite, in their daily celebration of mass, that they will pray for the souls of Nicolas and Joan my parents, for my soul and all Christen souls; and to limit and appoint one devout person of their company, by the space of two years next after my burial, daily to make a special memory to God for my soul and of all Christen souls. And my mind is, that the same convent, the next day after my months mind is by them to be kept for my soul, do receive of my executrice the same whole sum of money, viz. threescore florens. For the which I beseech them that I may have my years mind kept with mass and dirige, by the space of three years.

Also, I do give and bequeath to the house and companie of the Charter- Louse in Lovain, the sum of twenty florens; requiring them of their cherite in their celebration to pray by special memory for the soul of my said parents, and for my soul; so long as by their cherite they shall be moved thereto. Also I give and bequeath to the great hospital, which lodgeth and keepeth sick persons, the sum of ten flo-rens; desiring them of their cherite to pray for my soul and al Christen souls.

The residue of al my goods and specialties, in whose hands soever they be, upon ful trust and confidence that I have in the promise of my welbeloved wife Joan Storye hereafter mentioned, I do give and bequeath unto her; whom I make my whole and sole executrice to performe this my last wil.

Provided always, and it is my ful mind and deliberate wil, that my said executrice shal not take ne demand my whole mony out of my great and special friend Mr. Bonvice hand by the space of three years next after my decease: but shal receive only such mony of him, as wil pay my legacies, to be prayed for, &c. Item, I do desire my said good friend, Mr. Anthonie Bon-vice, to be overseer of this my last wil; most heartily desiring him to be a good instructer of my wife, to keep and performe her promise made to God and me. Whereupon I have altered the last end of my wil above written. Which promise that she at no time, until the land of England be restored to the unity of the church, wil resort thither, or cary her daughter and mine into that land: except it be for the only intent to procure her mother to come thence. And in such case not to tary there above the space of three months, unless she by compulsion be forced thereunto. In witness whereof, I have written these presents, and subscribed my name. Per me Johannes Storye.

NUMBER 11.

Two letters of Jewel from Oxford to Parkhurst; soon after the access of queen Mary to the crown. PARKHURSTE mi, mi Parkhurste. Quid ego te nunc putem agere? Morine an vivere? In fletune esse, an in fleto? Certe quae tua semper fuit aequitas animi, nihil dubito te haec omnia, quaecunque sunt, boni consulere, &c.

Nova apud nos nulla sunt: plus enim satis est veterum. De Har-leio quid factum sit, quo in loco tuae res sunt, quid speres, quid timeas, nisi molestum est, quaeso, rescribe. Saluta Vrianum, Robinum, Hallingum, et omnes tuos. Vale. Oxon. 15. Octobr. Jo. Juel tuus.

Quid ego nunc ad te, Parkhurste, scribam, vel quid po-tius taceam? Quid agas, quid egeris, quo loco sis, jamdu-dum audire cupio. Etsi Claeva tibi erepta est, et alia mu-tata sunt omnia, animum tamen illum tibi tuum nec eripi, nec mutari posse spero, &c. Saluta meo nomine Vrianum. Octobr. 22. Oxon.

NUMBER 12.

Certain puritans, taking offence against a sermon preached by the bishop of Norwich, digested their exceptions thereto under certain articles, sent to him by way of letter; as followeth.

THE grace of our Lord Jesus Christ direct you by his holy Spirit, that you may walk rightly, after the sincere truth of the gospel.

Beloved father in the Lord Jesus; so long as ye walk sincerely in this truth, and continue in the same: wee, being somewhat aggrieved with your late sermon, are moved in conscience to utter some part thereof: desiring your wisdome not to be offended, because we use not the name of lord: which willingly we would have done, if God did approve it by his holy word. Our griefs are as followeth.

First, In the entry of your matter, among other things you recited a place out of Jeremy, chap, 23, where it is said, He that hath my word, let him speak my word faithfully. What is the chaff to the wheat? saith the Lord.

But in the end, you yourself delivered us chaff and wheat together, persuading us to content our selves therewith; and so to receive the same; saying, we had the wheat, let us not strive for the chaff. And sith we had the kernel, let us not strive for the shell, &c. Concluding, that those that did not content themselves therewith were wanton and full, and had not the Spirit of God. Truly, a very hard and severe judgment. But we fear, least this persuasion uttered by you, neither came from the Spirit of God, nor savoured any whit at al thereof. And this is our reason: God is not pleased with a mixture in religion. Neither did we read, neither, as we believe, shall you ever be able to prove, that God’s Spirit in the patriarchs, prophets, Christ, and the apostles, did at any time exhort God’s people to content themselves with a corrupt maner of serving of God. But you think God may be served with a mingle mangle, and have taught the same.

Therefore we are fully persuaded, that in this point you speak not by God’s Spirit. We demand this question, If one of your farmers should give you freely an hundred quarters of pure and clean wheat: and his servant, whom he put in trust, should deliver you wheat and chaff together; would you think him a good servant? And that sith I have the wheat, I will not strive for the chaff? We think not. Even so, sith God hath given us the pure wheat of his word, and saith, What is the chaff to the wheat? may either you teach the same, mingled with the chaff of anti-christian traditions, or we, or any other receive the same from you, seeing we know it to be contrary to God’s wil, reveled in his word? Judge your selves, that you be not judged of the Lord.

Secondly, You said, that you came not to defend those things: neither could you deceive one child of God for all the good in the world. But I pray you consider, what greater deceit could you use, more deeply to deceive, than to alledge these scriptures and examples which seemed to make for you, and to omit those which were and are directly against you?

And what greater colour of deceit could be devised, than to bring particular examples of men uncompelled, to confirm general corruptions without reason urged. Indeed Paul did circumcise Timothy, and sheare his head. But who compelled him thereunto? The same Paul would not circumcise Titus, tho’ it were required. Much less would he have observed the law of a Nazarite, or gone with his head shorn twelve years together, if he had been thereto enforced. And whether that fact of Paul were allowable, or not, we will make you and your fellow bishops judges therein. Whose words in the Great Bible, set forth by your own consent, upon the same place of the 21th of the Acts, are as followes. “Paul yielding to the same ceremony offended as sore as Peter did, when he was reproved of Paul for abstaining from meats in the presence of the gentils,” &c.

Again, circumcision and the law of the Nazarites had their original from God, and were by him commanded. But these things which you retain, and labour by these examples to defend, were not commanded by God at all, but have their beginning from the Devil and antichrist: whose implements and trappings they are.

Third, Ye said, that some were offended, because that in giving orders you used to say, Receive the Holy Ghost. Confirmations, by which you seemed to approve that the same may lawfully be retained, were specially two, so far as we remember. 1. By words used in baptism. 2. By words that our Saviour Christ spake to his disciples concerning absolution.

And the effect of their reason was this; Ministers in baptism may say, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.

Therefore we may say, in giving of orders, Receive the Holy Ghost.

Ministers, perceiving a man to be truly penitent for his sins, may certify him, that his iniquities are before the face of God in Jesus Christ forgiven him. Therefore bishops in ordering of ministers may say, Receive the Holy Ghost. But, good Lord! what slender proofs be these! They neither savour of reason, nor smell of divinity. For the apostles, and in them their successors, had a special commandment to baptize in the name of the Father, &c. And also a promise, that whose sins they remitted were remitted. But you in giving orders have neither a commandment to say, Receive the Holy Ghost, neither any promise, that the Holy Ghost shall be given by your hands. You may as well breathe upon them, which is Christ’s action, as use his words, saying, Receive the Holy Ghost. And you may as lawfully allow the papists these words, in consecrating their massships shavelings, Receive the yoke of chastity, as arrogate to yourselves power and authority to use these words, in ordering of ministers, Receive the Holy Ghost. But if you do worthily mislike and disallow that in popery, so do not, contrary unto right, retain this or any other ceremony in the time of the clear light of the gospel.

Again, if these words, Receive the Holy Ghost, had been either commanded or thought necessary of the Holy Ghost to have been used, the eleven apostles would not have omitted the same, in the allotting of Matthias: and also with the rest, would have used it in making of their ministers. Of whom we read no such words, altho’ you affirm you never heard or read the contrary. God grant you speak not contrary to knowledge.

Now whereas you wished, that if you were the cause of this rent in the church, you might be cast into the sea with Jonas: surely wee are not of that mind. But this we wish, and heartily do pray to God, for that he would once in mercy stir you up from slackness in doing your duty, as he did Jonas from drowsy sleep under the hatches, to an earnest and diligent executing of your office, in preaching the gospel sincerely and purely. And that as he moved the mariners to cast Jonas into the sea, so he would put it into the heart of the queen’s majesty (whom God preserve) to move you from your over-quiet states, pompous livings, and lordly titles. Neither crave we at this present any other thing, but that which once Mr. Elmer exhorted bishops unto: as appeareth in a book, intitled, The harborough of faithful subjects. And this also we wish further, that that be not verified in you, which Christ pronounceth against Scribes and Pharisees; namely, that you shut up the kingdom of heaven. For yee yourselves go not in; neither suffer yee them that would enter, to come in. Our meaning is, because yee will neither reform religion, in God’s church, yourselves, for fear of losing your pomp and honour: neither will ye suffer those that would, even with the loss of living, liberty, and life, that the beautiful face and purity of the apostolic church might once shine in England. Which God, for his crucified Christ Jesus sake, bring to pass at this parlament, if it be his good pleasure. Amen.

IV. That Paul’s word, 1 Cor. iii. (where he only blameth those which preferred one with the dispraise and contempt of another, they all teaching one sincere truth, without any pharisaical mixture, and may rightly be applied against such, who only refuse to follow those which couple their own devices and antiehristian remnants with the gospel of Christ) is yet unbelieved of us. For it is very unlike that Paul, who so boldly reproved Peter, because he went not the tight way to the truth of the gospel, would so sharply rebuke such, as sectaries, which did walk rightly therein; but after his doctrine and example: who willed to be followed, as he followed Christ. And who also said, Be yee followers of me, and look on them which also walk so, as ye have us for an example.

But now whether more nigh the apostles institutions and ordinances; whether treadeth more rightly the paths; whether walketh more sincerely in their ways, they which are said to be sectaries, or renters of the church, or they which so term us, let the mighty word of God, which only is the truth it self, and which alone must end controversie, and which shall either justify or condem us in the terrible day of the Lord, uprightly judge.

V. You said, As meat was for the belly, and the belly for meats, yet God should destroy both: even so the back was for apparel, and apparel for the back: but God shal destroy both. To which we answer, God indeed shall destroy the use of both. For in heaven we shall neither hunger nor be a cold. But meat is prepared for the belly in this life, to serve necessity, not for excess and gluttony. And so is apparel for wameness; and not for pride or superfluity: as woolen upon linnen, and linnen upon woolen, and silk upon silk, &c.

VI. Yee said, Meat commendeth us not to God: but if I eat, I am not the worse; neither, if I eat not, am I the better. This is very true. But if we drink till we are drunk, and eat till we surfet, and that with the offence of our brother also, wee are then the worse. For drunkards and gluttons shall not inherit the kingdom of heaven. Even so, if wee use excess or pride in apparel, or delight to wear strange apparel, as is the habit of antichrist; and do wear the same to the hurt of our brother, and to offend the weak, grieve the strong, encourage the obstinate, confirm the hypocrite; and by defending the same, make glad the hearts of God’s enemies, and make sad the hearts of his dear children; then we see that apparel thus used maketh a man the worse: and God will punish such as so use it. And if you had but one spark of that love which Paul had in Christ Jesus, yee would not have said, What is white? What is black? What is square? What is round? But ye would have said with Paul, you would never wear white, black, round, nor square, while the world standeth, that you would not offend your brother.

Neither would you for these matters, which you yourself confess are but trifles and of small importance, have deprived from livings, thrust into prison, stopped the mouths of so many grave, learned, and godly zelous preachers, as you have done. Neither would you have kept back, as you daily do, from preferment such as well and worthily have deserved the same; and such as the Lord God himself hath from time to time stirred up to the simple service of, according as he hath reveled. The Lord lay not the sin of persecution to your charge.

And what should move you to maintain them so stoutly, seeing you confess they are but trifles? Wee say, not. For trifles are not to be maintained in God’s church; because they edify not; because they are not expedient; because they are not to be allowed in the service of our jealous God; because God will be worshipped as he himself hath prescribed in his word; which is not with trifles, but with earnest, pure, and undefiled religion.

VII. The last thing which grieved our consciences was, your demand which you made: What is white? What is black? What is round? What is square?

They are, said you, the good creatures of God. But we are sure, that white, black, and square, as you now use them, are not God’s creatures, as he created them, but as antichrist hath formed them. From whence you have received both fashion and form. And therefore still the creatures of antichrist. And that in such sort, as all the laws and proclamations that ever have been or shall be in England, cannot make them theirs, as [to] form and fashion, neither God’s creatures, nor the princes; no more than the king of France can with a proclamation make acts of another noble king his. As also, for example, if the Turk should decree by laws, statutes, and edicts, that all the ceremonies of Moses law, as offering of calves, incense, oyl, and flower; and all Aaron’s attyre should no more be taken for Moses’s ceremonies and Aaron’s attyre, but for his ceremonies and his attyre: should not Moses’s ceremonies continue Moses’s ceremonies still? and Aaron’s holy garments continue Aaron’s garments still? Wee think, yea: and wisdom hath so thought also. Then no proclamation, law, or statute can dispossess antichrist, the pope, from his ceremonies, ordinances, constitutions, and attyre. But look, what ceremonies, ordinances, and constitutions and attyre were his twenty years ago, shall be his ceremonies, ordinances, and constitutions and attyre still, tho’ a thousand proclamations should command the contrary.

Therefore herein we consent with you, that in respect of substance they are God’s good creatures; but in the consideration of the use, form, fashion, and end, whereunto they were and are appointed, we judge them altogether unlawful, proceding from antichrist, that man of sin, and the sworn enemy of God and his truth.

And what estimation shall the minister get by wearing the badge and cognizance of his masters deadly foe, we referr it to your own wisdom and discretion. And thus, although rudely, yet truly, we have declared the cause of our griefs; wishing them to be satisfied by you or some others, out of God’s word: whereupon we may ground and settle our consciences. For bare asseverations are but weak confirmations. Neither may we be carried away with the countenance of any man’s calling: but whereunto we must subject both our senses and our selves, is the mighty word of the eternal God. Which if it might bear sway, as of right it ought, O Lord, how many sinners should be extinguished and buried, that now a vain policy doth maintain and strengthen! How many and grievous burthens should then be taken from us, that no Christian’s eyes and ears can scarce behold and hear! God grant, that all abuses may be with expedition reformed; and that you and your fellow bishops may labour speedily to reduce our English church as nigh as may be to the form and patern of the apostles church.

Amen.

NUMBER 13.

A true report of the words and confession of Thomas late duke of Norfolk, at his death on the Tower-hill, June the 2. 1572. THE duke came forth of the Tower to the scaffold on Tower-hill, guarded with the sheriff of London and officers; and accompanied with sir Owen Hopton, lieutenant of the Tower, sir Henry Lee, Mr. Nouel, dean of St. Pauls, and Mr. Fox, sometime his schoolmaster, with other gentlemen.

When he ascended the scaffold, after a little talk that he had with Mr. Nouel, he demanded of the standers by, which way he might best direct his face to speake unto the people. And it was answered him, Toward the east side of the scaffold. Where presently he placed himself, and uncovered his head, with taking view of the people, and especially of such as stood neer him. To whom with a cheerful countenance and bold looks, he uttered these words: It is not a rare thing, good people, to se a man come to this place, to take his death: although in our queens gracious and most merciful reign, you have had no experience thereof. And it is my fortune, first to be; I thank God for it, and pray unto God I may be the last. Whereunto a number of the people said, Amen.

I must desire you, good people, to bear with me. For it is not usual with men of my vocation to speak in such an assembly, and surrender to every man that is not bold spirited alike, and especially in such a place and at such a time as this is. Yet if you will give me leave, I trust to speak, as my conscience shall be discharged, and not one of you offended. For I would be loth to offend the least that is here. And that you may the better understand and cary away that which I say, I will divide my speech into three parts; and I pray you take altogether with you, and do not take here and there a piece. For if you will take it together with you, it wil plesure you the better.

First, as concerning my offence, I come not hither to excuse my self and my fault. For I must heeds confess, that I have had dealing with the queen of Scots, more than either my duty or allegiance doth permit me. And after my first coming to the Tower, I made my submission to the queen’s majesty; which troubled me most of all; though not by solemne [vow] or receiving the communion, never to deal in it again, as I have been charged.

But I promised her grace in writing, that I would never deal with the Scottish queen. And this notwithstanding, I must needs confess, that after my delivery out of the Tower I had secret conference with divers concerning the aforesaid queen. The which yet sticketh in my stomac. But what moved me to do it, God knoweth. Some may think, for fear of my life. But a man should never fear death. Furthermore, I must needs confess, that I conferred with divers suspected persons. Of which some have been found faulty. As namely, Rodulpho for one, being a stranger. Whom I never dealt with, but only except for a recognizance, wherin I stood bound; which all the world knoweth. And then, I confess, I found him apt to attempt any treason that could be devised, and [having] an envy to this commonwealth. Whereof I cannot excuse my self. For although I did not condescend to their request, I did not bewray and disclose it, as a good and dutiful subject ought to do.

Further, I did see two letters from the pope; the which my men deciphered; but I did never consent unto them. And for the depriving of the queen’s majesty, and the invasion of the realm, and the destroying of the city of London; it was never my intent.

Here the sheriff interrupted him, and said, the time now served to make manifest his faults, and not excuse them, by the impeaching of the good name of his peers: who justly have found him guilty. Whereunto he answered, and said, Good Mr. Sheriff, I come not hither to justify my self: but my meaning is to clear my peers. And therefore I desire you, masters, to bear me all witness: and so report of me afterwards. Then proceding a little further in such like terms, Christopher, one of the secondaries of the Counter, interrupted him the second time, and said, That he was condemned and judged to dy by the order of the law and his peers, and that he had as princely a tryal as any man had. And now the writ was come to execute him. And therefore wished him, either to surcease from such protestations, or else to hold his peace. Whereunto he answered, I pray you, good gentleman, give me leave to speak, and you shall well perceive, that my coming [meaning] is not to excuse my self of my fault at all. And turning himself to the people he said:

You see how I am interrupted. And therefore I think that I shall hardly make an evil tale. Well, I will come to my second particular, which is my conscience and religion. And as touching my religion, I have been suspected to be a papist. I must confess, that divers of my familiar friends, and divers of my servants and officers under me, were papists. But what meaning I had in it, God, who seeth above, knoweth it. For my self, God is my witness, I have always been a protestant, and never did allow of their blind and fond ceremonies. And now, before God and you all, I utterly renounce the pope, and all popedome. Which thing I have always don, and will do to my life’s end. And to that which is the chiefest point of our belief, I believe and trust to be saved by faith in Jesus Christ only, and by none other means. For if I did, I should be greatly deceived at this instant.

Lastly, I do crave pardon most humbly of the queen’s majesty for all mine offences; whose gentle clemency I have abundantly tasted, as well in forgiving me my faults, as also granting me so long a time of repentance of my bypast life. And furthermore, I thank her gracious majesty, that it hath pleased her to promise to be good and gracious lady to my poor and orphant children; which was my only request. And I beseech Almighty God to grant her a long, prosperous, and quiet reign over you.

I could use a similitude, although the place and state of the speakers are far unlike; yet not unmeet for this time and place. I did once hear in king Edward’s time, Mr. La-tymer, a good old and blessed martyr, preach, that he feared great plagues were to come upon the people for their exactions, and contentions, and disobedience. But contrary, I hope verily, that this realm shall be blessed, and the state of it most prosperous, by reason of your dutiful obedience to your prince and her laws. Which by my death I pray God you may take example to do. Most earnestly, I beseech you to continue true, good, and faithful subjects to your prince. And before all things beware of factions, con-spiracles, and disobedience, as whereof men cannot be good, as daily experience doth teach us. And I fear me divers of you, if you might have your wishes, full little do you know in what safety you should live afterwards. Wherefore, for God’s sake, beware of it.

Thus I beseech God to grant the queen’s majesty long life, to reign over you in peace: and, if it be God’s plesure, even to the end of the world, the which I think is not long thither. And thus I desire you all to pray for me.

Then turning about, he kneeled down, and read with a loud voice the lth Psalm, with two other Psalms, [whereof one was that, beginning, O Lord, rebuke me not in thine anger, &c.] And happening upon a sentence, wherein was contained forgiveness of sins, suddenly he started up, saying, Masters, I had forgotten one thing, which is, to ask forgiveness generally.

Wherefore I now forgive all the world from the bottom of my heart. Then kneeling down again, he made an end of his prayers. That don, he took his leave of all the gentlemen that were there upon the scaffold, using some words in secret to sir Henry Lee. And then he put off his gown and doublet. And stretched himself upwards, looking towards heaven: and withal cast his arms abroad; and with singular signes of loving affection embraced Mr. Nowel, bowing his body even to the ground with great humility. And with him also he used secret talk. Then he demanded for to se the axe: and it was shewed unto him. Then the executioner did ask him forgiveness, which he willingly did, and gave him forgiveness. The executioner offered him a linnin cloth to wind before his eyes. He said, My fellow, I will not move; for I do not fear death: for I hope to go singing into heaven. Then, without declaring any exterior sign of inward passion or grief, by alteration of his countenance, he meekly offered his head upon the block to the executioner, and his soul to the mercy of Almighty God. [NUMBER 13] Mr. Dering and Mr. Hansby, the duke of Norfolk’s chaplains; their epistle to him concerning a book of prayers, that they had composed by his command, for the use of his children.

Illustrissimo duci, ac dno. ipsis colendissimo Thomae duci Norfolciensi, salutem in Christo sempiternam precan-tur Edwardus Deringe et Edwardus Hansbie. QUAE dederas ad nos mandata (Domine nobis multis no-minibus colendissime) de precibus tuis liberis conscribendis, ea qua potuimus fide persecuti sumus, atque confecimus. Quod vero reliqui officii nostri putamus esse, Deum omnis gratiae, omnisque misericordiae patrem, rogamus et quaesu-mus, ut quae tibi prima consilia dederit, verissima inviolatae pietatis auguria, ea ita conserver, foveat, enutriat, ut quae agunt in te radices sanctissimas immortalitatis, ea fructus maturos aliquando afferant, quae tibi propagentur et crescant in vitam aeternam. Nos vero (quod debemus, quoniam su-mus tibi et tuis meritis, et sancta servitutis religione devin-ctissimi) non dubitamus te et rogare et hortari, ut quoties tibi subeunt hujusmodi sacratissimi profecto motus animi, eos multa commentatione et cura sic intus verses, ut nisi in sensus reconditos atque intimos, eos aliquando reposueris, ni-hil unquam, ne ad punctum quidem temporis de acerrima at-que attentissima cogitatione remiseris. Nos profecto ut te huc invitemus, servitutis nostrae nomine, in id potissimum incumbimus. Tu, si obsequare, illum fructum capies, quem tuae Celsitudini speramus a nobis fore amplissimum. Qui quantus futurus est, si integris atque valentibus oculis non-dum potes providere.

Avoca paulisper mentem a consuetudine istorum sen-suum, et paucis commonebimus, quam sint in hoc positae omnes faelicitates tuae. Non potes non meminisse, quibus Dei Opt. Max. beneficiis ornatus es; quo in loco te posuerit, quibus meritis auxerit; quanta animi gratia, quanta benevolentia armaverit. Omnia fere habes supra aetatem, supra consuetudinem, omnia innumerabilia beneficia, quomodo tandem sustinebis? Quam gratiam tuus animus capiet? Quam frustra remunerationem meditaberis? Annon pro tam immortalibus beneficiis te totum, ac tuam vitam debes Deo? Et quomodo exolves fidem? Aut quid retribues Domino pro omnibus quae retribuit tibi? Hoc illud est (Princeps illustrissime) quod te ante monuimus.

Hic fructus co-gitationum tuarum, quem diximus uberrimum. Quoties tibi venit in mentem Dei; quoties precationis, pietatis, virtutis, religionis, mortalitatis tuae, sancti studii, sanctaeque indu-striae, vide, ut accuratius ea mediteris et cogites. Nec ante te sinas ab eo abduci, quam te cognoveris meliorem. Ita demum erga Deum, authorem salutis tuae, tam optime de te meritum, quamvis non reipsa (est enim hoc ajdu>naton ) at animo certe et voluntate, quam gratissimus fuisse indica-veris. Et erunt hae tibi cogitationes, non honoris hujus se-culi, id est, unius diei ludibria, sed sempiterna illius faelici-tatis certissima testimonia, quibus et nunc frueris, in isto do-micilio, ad magnam et incredibilem animi tranquillitatem; et post haec, cum hinc emigraveris, eadem sacrosancta olim consignatura est immortalitas.

O! te multo faeliciorem, ac infinito amplius, quam illo verbo veteri trikiv, si ad istas fortunas tuas, quas habes, amplissimas, etiam illas adjunxeris, quas immensa illa et infinita beavit aeternitas. Deus omnis gratiae, qui vo-cavit te ad aeternam ejus gloriam in Jesu Christo, parumper afflictum, is te confirmet, roboret, stabiliat, ut fide ista vivas in aeternum. Vale feliciter in Christo Jesu. Cantabrigiae, 13io. Septembris, 1569.

Tuae dignitati oi. obsequio deditissimi, Edwardus Deringe.

Edouardus Hansbie Siquid in hiis precibus volueris immutari, ut aut longores sint, aut breviores, pluresetiam aut pauciores, postquam rescierimus, pro nostra in Christo facultate, expedie-mus omnia.

NUMBER 14.

Five causes shewed against the queen of Scots, anno 1572.

I. THE first, Claim to the crown of England in possession; with refusal and delay to remoue the same. Giving the armes of England without difference, in escutcheons, coat-armes, plate, altar-cloaths: which were openly seen at the triumph. Writing of the stile of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, in letters patents, during her coverture. And of her pedegree, conveying her three Ways to the crown, viz. as descending from the eldest daughter of king Henry VII. Another way, from the duke of Somerset. The third from a daughter: of Edmond before the conquest.

II. The second, Seeking a mariage with the duke of Norfolk: to advance that title and possession. For part of the matters whereof the duke of Norfolk was indicted, arraigned, and condemned. For which was alledged, in proof sufficient, her advice to perform the mariage by force.

III. The procurement of the late rebellion in the north. By messages continually to and from the earl of Northumberland, sent by Thomas Busshop, and his son, and by Ham-lin, Oswould Wilkinson, toward the Spanish ambassador: and brought to him by the bishop of Rosse, her ambassador, (to whom he was directed,) to procure aid of men and mony for the rebellion. The fear she had and sorrow, when she heard the earl of Northumberland was taken by the earl of Sussex, for cumbring of friends; as she wrot to the duke of Norfolk.

IV. The relieving the rebells after they fled. She procured 12000 crownes from the pope: whereof 6000 by her order were distributed. Viz. To the earl of Westmerland, 2000. The countess of Northumberland, 2000. And the lord Dacres, Norton, Markenfield, and the rest, 2000. The receiving and entertaining of the rebells in Scotland, at their first flying, by her friends onely.

V. The practising of an invasion by strangers into England and Ireland; and of rebellion in both the realms. Her long letter in cipher to the bishop of Rosse: wherein she discourseth her estate: and shewing many causes, not to trust upon England, Scotland, nor France, resteth at the last upon Spain. Her opinion to send an express messenger to solicit the pope and king of Spain. Her choice of Ra-dolphi, the popes secret agent in England.

The going of Radolphi accordingly, first to the duke of Alva: then to the pope: and after to Spain with instructions. Whereunto were privy the duke of Norfolk, the Spanish ambassador, and the bishop of Rosse. The sum of his message was to procure 10000 men to arrive in England: and to joyn with the duke and his friends. The port was Harwich in Essex, for neerness to Norfolk. Randolpho returned answer of his message to John duke of Alva. Who did accept the request, and protested to further the same. This Rydolpho [alias Radolpho, or Randolpho] wrot three letters in cipher. One to the bishop of Rosse; one to the duke, intituled 40: and one to the lord Lumley, intituled 30: declaring the duke’s answer. The pope writ two letters; one to the queen of Scots, and one to the duke of N. in cipher, promising aid. The bishop of Rosse hath confessed all this, and the whole practice, in a letter which he sent to the queen of Scots, sithence he was in the Tower. Her practice with Rolston, sir Thomas Stanley, and sir Thomas Ger-rard, for her escape by force. In Rolston’s confession of their intent to proclaim her [and Norfolk] after her escape, king and queen of England.

NUMBER 15.

Whether it be lawful for a protestant to marry with a papist?

Which question was occasioned by a motion of a match between the queen and the French king’s brother.

THE question was by the writer propounded thus, Whether it be lawful for one that professeth the gospel, such an one I mean as do profess it according to the sincerity of the word written, to mary with a papist? That is, such an one as professeth the gospel also; yet not sincerely; viz. After the maner of the church of Rome, very corruptly. [The answer in this tract is, negatively .] My answer is very plain, He may not do it. If we consider, how il a match it is in its self: and how evil it is, in respect of those antient formes of idolatry. Which by the word of God made it an unlawful thing for an Israelite to match with those heathens that dwelt among them.

How evil it is in its self, he proved from that one place, Gen. iii. that God did put perpetual enmity between the seed of the woman and the seed of the serpent, &c. So many as profess popery are to be accounted of the seed of the serpent. And out of other places, then by him alledged, (wherein God forbad Israel to mary or have any converse with the heathen people,) thus, said he, we may reason against whom this decree of God doth so flatly oppose, with those we may not have so special friendship, as to couple our selves in mariage with them, &c.

This tract endeth thus. I am not advised of any objections that are worthy the answering. As for that which is commonly said, that they are Christians by common profession: and that they are much better than those other idolatrous people, [i. e. the heathen nations.] And therefore that it should seem, that they are less dangerous in this matter: both these points being the substance of the treaty it self, are already sufficiently answered. So I for my part am fully resolved, that it is directly by the scripture forbidden, that any that professeth religion, according to the word of God, should mary with any that professeth the same after the maner of the church of Rome, being so corrupt, as in these days of ours we find it to be.

This seems to be done by Thomas Cartwright.

NUMBER 16.

A tract of the lawfulness of marying with a papist. THIS writer undertakes to answer the objections of those that asserted the unlawfulness thereof And first he answereth those places of scripture that were alledged for it. As that of Abraham against the marriage of Isaac his son to the Canaanites, Gen. xxiv. And of Isaac for the mariage of Jacob his son, against taking a wife of the daughters of Canaan, Gen. xxviii. And that assertion of the sons of Jacob to Hemor, that it was not lawful to match their sister with the uncircumcised, Gen. xxxiv. And that peculiar law given by God to the Israelites, not to mingle with the heathen, Exod. xxiii. And lastly, it was urged for this purpose, how unhappy such mariages have often proved: as tokens of God’s being offended therewith.

The discourse in answer is somewhat long. Towards the end the answerer argueth thus: To fear or hope, to persuade or dissuade by regard of bad or evil successes of former mariages, is fallible and deceitful. As if one should use this induction, divers of their ancestors marled in Spain, Germany, Italy, and France; and had ill success: therefore beware how you match there. A plain mariner’s answer to a justice of peace in Kent may aptly be turned over to such opponents. The justice meeting him in the highway, demanded what he was. He answered, A mariner, miraculously delivered of shipwrack; the son of a mariner; the son also of a mariner. And added, that both his father and grandfather had both perished in the sea. What a mad fellow, quoth the justice, art thou, that canst not be warned, but wilt also go to the sea. I pray you, sir, quoth the mariner, what is become of your father and grandfather? Live they? No, quoth the gentleman; they dyed both in their beds. The mariner answered, Then, sir, if I were as you, I would no more come in bed.

The first seven husbands of Sarah, young Tobias’s wife, were murthered one after another by a devil; which, as the bruit ran, possest her. Therefore friends used that manner of argument, before recited, to dissuade the mariage. Nevertheless Tobias shut his ears to man, and openeth his heart to God. And never any mariage succeded better.

What Israelite durst imagine, that of Ruth and Thamar, both heathens, their Messiah should descend?

Many mariages made by man are like to an old anthem, beginning with Christ, and ending with Barabbas. It grieveth me to rehearse one thing, albeit in public notice too true, (but it shall be spoken to the condemnation of the professors, and not of the profession.) A man may find out within this realm as many repentances and wilful divorces (without public order) of protestant matches, as of any other. God amend it. For it was that, and fornication, (for which 24000 perished in one day,) that portend plagues to us; and not lawful mariages.

It is a presumption intolerable and unpardonable, in the censure of matrimonial matches, to seem wiser than the Holy Ghost. For where they are contracted with unfeigned love, joyned with devout prayer; with a hope and desire to win the unbelieving part to the religion; (an evident fruit of a good faith;) the office of a Christian friend shall be rather to say to the man, if he be a brother, O man, what knowest thou, if thou shalt save this woman? and if she be a sister, O woman, what knowest thou, if thou shalt save this man? than to slander and condemn it. This doctrine is out of holy writ.

Another both out of the same, and out of all other stories from the beginning to this day, I will deliver by diligent observation, that where the wife is a sister, there is less peril of her revolt, and more hope of the husband’s conversion than the contrary. For as every wife retaineth still a natural kind of rhetoric and insinuation, from her mother Eve, towards her husband; so every husband abideth firm in the old credulity of his father Adam towards his wife.

I conclude, that at mariages in form beforesaid made, by the words of the angel to Tobias, the Devil hath no power to be present. And where Christ is a guest, there is feare of nothing, all is honorable and complete.

NUMBER 17.

Whether a protestant prince may tolerate mass.

Both the argument and the answer.

IT is against the law of God. It is not to be doubted, but that the usage of the private popish mass, (wherein the use of the sacrament is turned to a sacrifice for sins, and intercession is made to saints, with other things derogatory to this first institution of Christ,) is to be rooted out of the church, as a great evil. Whereupon this followeth, that as it is evil to continue it, so it is not good to suffer it to be used, where it is not. And according to the rule of the civil law, Agentes et consentientes pari paena plectuntur. And altho’ such things that be sometimes evil, and sometimes may be good, are thus suffered, where the end is either good, or intended for good: yet where a thing is merely evil of it self, it is a rule, Non est faciendum malum, ut inde veniat bonum.

THE ANSWER HEREUNTO.

If a man that alloweth the mass to be good, and one that doth think it to be indifferent, (that is to say, good, where there is a good intent in the sayer or hearer, and evil where there is an evil,) should make answer hereunto, many things would be alledged for the toleration thereof at the least, a howsoever the reasons might appear to tend to the allowance thereof. But seing the mass, as the Roman church now abuseth it, cannot by scriptures be defended, it must be considered, not whether it be evil, but whether a good Christian may permit another Christian that believeth the mass to be the service of Almighty God, and not to contain any offence against God, to use to himself, with this meaning, that the party may also be instructed in time coming, to understand the error thereof. For which purpose it is good to use some examples of like nature; how they have been permitted by Christ himself, and his apostles.

For whether it will serve or no for any argument, that the prince here suffereth the ambassadors of France and Spain to use the mass: and as in other princes countries of the Roman religion, the protestants which do condemn the mass are suffered to use their own religion, and a partaking, in their own formes, of sacraments; it may be doubted: because it is an argument to establish man’s conscience, to follow no examples, but such as are contained in the scriptures.

Therefore these few out of the scripture shall suffice. Christ himself kept company and dined with them, who esteemed their own traditions more than the commandments of God. Christ also was so often in the company of sinners, as he was called a Samaritane. And yet the Samaritanes were not of the Jews religion.

The meats which the infidels dedicated to idols (whereof St. Paul thus writeth, Quae immolant, daemoniis immolant, non Deo) was permitted to the Christians that lived among the Corinthians, with safety of conscience.

As appeareth chap. x. Corinth. prima, in this sort: Quod siquis infidelium vos vocat, et vultis ire, quicquid apponitur vobis, edite, nihil interrogantes propter conscientiam. Whereby also ap-peareth, that Christians were not prohibited the conversing with infidels.

Secondly, It is certain that Christ by his authority confirmed the New Testament, and abolished the Old; as St. Paul writeth to the Hebrews: Hoc, quod dicit novum, an-tiquavit prius. And the use thereof was not the service of God. And if the Jews took it to be still as needful, as the papists now do the mass, nevertheless St. Paul, &c.

AND HERE THIS PAPER ENDS ABRUPTLY.

NUMBER 18.

Another discourse upon the same argument.

IF the meat which was of the infidels dedicated to idols might be used and suffered of the Christian Corinthians with a safe conscience; then the mass which the papists use may be now used and suffered of the fight Christians with a safe conscience. But the meat dedicated by the infidels unto idols might be used and suffered of the Christian Corinthians with a safe conscience. Ergo, the papistical mass may be now used and suffered of the right Christians with a safe conscience.

The minor is proved from the 2 Cor. x. Siquis infidelium vos vocat, &c. and ye are minded to go; eat whatsoever is set before you, asking no question for conscience sake.

Here we be taught two lessons. First, That that which is offered to idols is not unlawful by it self, but in that it is offered to the Devil, and not unto God. The second, That tho’ it be offered unto the Devil, and not to God, and so most wicked; yet for all that, this abhominable abuse and idolatry mar not the liberty and the indifference of the meat, so ungodly abused, but that it may always be eaten lawfully, where no offence is given to the weak.

Whereupon we may wel gather, that the wicked abuse of the mass taketh not away the free and indifferent using of the same. without the abuse.

Christ by his death confirmed the New Testament; and so the Old was no longer his Testament. And Paul saith, Hebr. viii. Quod dicit novum, antiquavit prius. Nor the service thereof was no longer God’s service; nor the using thereof was no longer profitable: nor was it no more to be used for religion and God’s honour, than the mass, or any thing devised by man.

And yet notwithstanding all this, the Jews still accounted it so needful, that they thought they could not be saved without it, nor please God without it.

And Paul knew all this to be true, and yet he suffered Timothy to be circumcised: he kept himself the feast of Pentecost at Jerusalem: he went into the temple: he cleansed himself: he vowed: he shaved his head with the Jews. He was, as himself writeth of himself, Judaeis fac-tus tanquam Judaeus. And commanded, that none should condemn the Jews, which for conscience and religion durst not eat that that was forbidden by the abolished law of Moses. Nor would not for devotion break the holy days commanded by the same law.

How then can we rightly condemn them, which for ignorance use the mass with such holiness .and opinion, as the papists? For as they judge it necessary for salvation, and for worshiping of God, so did the Jews judge the abolished law of Moses to be. And as the mass is but the ordinance of man, no more was the Levitical and ceremonial law, being before taken away by Christ. And afterwards used was, I say, not God’s law, but man’s mere ordinance, &c. And therefore as the superstitious users of the abolished law of Moses were born withal, so ought we to do with the superstitious users of the mass. For where like cause of bearing is given, there we ought to bear alike.

NUMBER 19.

An extract out of the Admonition to the Parliament: containing such slanderous and unseemly termes, as there, by the authors thereof, against the orders of the church of England, and the state of the realm, that now is, are uttered.

OUT OF THE PREFACE TO THE ADMONITION.

WEE mean the lordly lords, archbishops, bishops, suffragans, deans, doctors, archdeacons, chancellors, and the rest of that proud generation: whose kingdom must down; hold they never so hard. Because their tyrannous lordships cannot stand with Christ his kingdom.

Ungraciously, cruelly, and pope-like, they take upon them to beat them: and that for their own childish articles: being for the most part against the manifest truth of God.

Their rigor hath too plainly appeared ever since their wicked reign.

That one part being proud, pontifical, and tyrannous.

OUT OF THE ADMONITION.

Wee in England are so far from having a church right reformed, according to the prescript of God’s word, that as yet we are not come to the outward face of the same.

Besides, that ridiculous, and (as they use it to their own creatures) blasphemous saying, Receive yee the Holy Ghost.

Now they must be discovered from others by popish and antichristian apparel, as cap, gown, tippet ....... Now princes plesures, mens devices, popish ceremonies, and an-tichristian rites, in public pulpits, are defended.

Remove homilies, articles, injunctions, a prescript order of service, made out of the mass-book. Take away the lordship, the loitering, the pomps, the idlenes, and livings of the bishops.

If he come not at the whistle of him, who hath by God’s word no authority to call: we mean chancellors, officialls, doctors, and all that rabble.

OUT OF THE TREATISE FOLLOWING, CALLED, A VIEW OF POPISH DEVICES.

Wee must needs say, that this book, The Communion Book, is an unperfect book, culled and picked out of that popish dunghil, the mass-book, full of all abhomination.

Wherewith we justly find fault. And they too contemptuously, for the love of their livings maintain, smelling of their old popish priesthood, &c.

Meaning the bishops. But drawn they are and shew their own shame, to strive so eagerly to defend their doings, that they will not only acknowledge their imperfections, but will enforce other men to allow them.

The queen’s chapel and cathedral churches must be patroons and presidents to the people, of all superstitions: thrust away most sacrilegiously that order which Christ hath left to his church, &c. They shew, they hold the doctrine with us, but in unrighteousness, with an outward shew of godliness, but having denyed the power thereof: entring not in by Christ, but by a popish and unlawful vocation. L. 15. As the names of archbishops, archdeacons, lord bishops, chancellors, &c. are drawn out of the pope’s shop, together with their offices; so the government which they use by the law of the pope, which is the canon law, is antichristian and devilish, and contrary to the scriptures. P. 2. 1. 10. Lord bishops, their suffragans, archdeacons, chancellors, officials, proctors, doctors, and such ravening tablets.

The archbishops court, or that filthy quavemire and poisoned plash, of all the abominations that do infect the whole realm. L. 29. This petty pope primate, and metropolitan of all England.

If they all should perhaps see this writing, they would be as angry as wasps, and sting like hornets. Three of them would be enough to sting a man to death. For why? They are high commissioners. P. 2. 1. 5. They take upon them blasphemiously to say, Receive the Holy Ghost.

That this reign of antichrist may be turned out headlong from among us. The view of that church that the authors of the late published Admonition would have planted within this realm: containing such positions as they hold against the state of the said church, as it is now.

OUT OF THE FIRST TREATICE, NAMED, AN ADMONITION TO THE PARLAMENT.

First, They hold and affirm, that we in England are not yet come to the outward face of a church, agreable to God’s word. L. ult. They will have the ministers to be called, chosen, allowed, and placed by the people.

They will have none made minister, but the minister of some one certain church or parish. L. 9. They hold, that a bishop at no hand hath authority to ordain ministers. L. 17. They say, for a bishop to say to a minister, Receive the Holy Ghost, is blasphemous and ridiculous. L. 28. They will have the ministers at their own plesure to preach without licence. L. 81.

They will have the ministers discerned from others by no kind of apparel.

And the apparel appointed they term antichristian; and the apparel appointed by the prince, disobedience against the prince.

They will have all archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, chancellors, and all other ecclesiastical officers, together with their titles, jurisdictions, courts, and livings, clean taken away, and utterly with speed removed. L. 9. They will not have the minister tyed, as they term it, to any form of prayer, invented by man; but as the Spirit moveth them, so to make their prayers.

And therefore they will be bound to no prescript order of prayers: so, 1. 12, will they have the Book of Common Prayer clean taken away.

The Book of Common Prayer, they say, containeth a great number of things contrary to God’s word; that it is patched, for the most part, out of the popes portuise; that it is an imperfect book, culled and picked out of the popish dunghil, the mass-book, full of all abominations.

They will have all advousons, patronages, impropriations, and bishops authority in ordaining of the ministers, to be removed. They will have the court of Faculties plucked down, and utterly overthrown, without hope of restitution. L. 15. They will have no homilies read in the church. L. 16.

They will have no articles nor injunctions set out, nor used. L. 31. They will have the sacrament in no wise ministred in a house. L. 18. They will have the word in no wise read, but preached onely. P. 2. 1.17. They will not have the epistle nor gospel read; and whatsoever is said before, they utterly mislike, and call it a popish introite. L. 2. They cannot abide to have the creed read at the communion. L. 19. They will have the communion received at the table sitting, without further reverence. Kneeling, they say, is utterly unlawful. L. 11. They pick a quarrel, that the minister in delivering the sacrament, saith, Take thou, eat thou. He should say as Christ said, (say they,) Take yee, eat yee. L. 14. They mislike of these words, The body of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was given to preserve thy body and soul into everlasting life. L. 15. They mislike of Gloria in excelsis. L. 12. They will not have one word or circumstance more than Christ used.

They will have no papist, neither with his will, nor constrained, to receive the communion. L. 16. They will have no godfathers nor godmothers They will have all ministers equal. L. 12. They mislike of collectors for the poor.

They say, there may yet a more perfect form and order of a church reformed be drawn. That this is but an entrance to a further matter; promising, that they will yet go further therein.

OUT OF A SECOND TREATISE, CALLED, A VIEW OF THE POPISH ABUSES YET REMAINING.

They find fault, and mislike of the daily service, and call it in mockery, a reading service.

They hold opinion, that because the ministry is an office of preaching, the minister must not in any wise read. L. 21. They cavil at the delivering of the Bible to the minister by the bishop. And they hold this opinion withal, that when the minister is once licensed to preach, he may not be restrained.

And therefore do mislike of renewing of licenses. L. 33. Reading of service or homilies in the church, they say, is as evil as playing upon a stage, or worse too.

They will have no holydays at all, but only the Sunday. They will have no remembrance of saints, not so much as in any prayer mention to be made of them. P. 2. 1. 7. They can in no wise abide, that they should be called priests: and withal do hold this position, that they never read in the scriptures of the New Testament this word priest, as touching office, taken in good part. L. 28. They say, that the priest may not minister the communion to three or four; and think it unlawful for the sick man to receive the communion with the minister, and one more. The reason whereof they alledge to be this; for that Christ said to his disciples, Take yee, drink yee.

They cavil at these words, used in baptism, that Jesus Christ did sanctify the floud Jordan, and all other waters, to the mystical washing away of sin; as tho’ we should attribute that to the sign, which is proper to the word of God in the bloud of Christ; and that virtue were in the water to wash away sin. P. 2. 1. 10. Touching mariage, they mislike the mariage ring. They are angry with the taking of it up, and laying it down. They will not have the Trinity named therein. They say, we make the man to make an idol of his wife, because he saith, With this ring I thee wedd, with my body I thee worship, &c. L. 21. They will in no wise have the wedded persons receive the communion; because in the popish times they were then wont to have a mass. L. 30. Our confirmation they mislike; and call it superstitious, popish, and peevish.

Touching burial of the dead, they will have no prescript service for it: they will have any man indifferently to bury the dead; and not to be tyed to the minister. They mislike of this prayer then used, That wee with this our brother, and all other departed in the true faith of thy holy name, may have our perfect consummation and bliss, both in body and soul. They will have no sermons at burialls; because they are put in place of trentalls: not so much as the lying of the coarse; the place of burial; the fetching to church; the meeting of the minister, &c. but they cavil at.

They will in no wise have women purifyed. They call it Jewish. They are in hand with their lying-in; and find fault with their coming to church. They like not, that a white sheet should be cast over their beds; that they should wear a vail over their heads: as tho’, say they, she were ashamed of some folly. P. 2. 1. They find fault with saying of the Psalm, I have lifted up mine eyes, &c. L. 4. They mislike, that we pray in the Litany, that all men may be saved. L. 5. They mislike, that we pray to be delivered from thundring and lightning: because when we so pray oftentimes no danger is nigh.

They find fault with the singing of Benedictus, Nunc dimittis, and Magnificat, in the Common Prayer; and call it prophaning of the holy scriptures. L. 13. In all our order of service, they say, there is no edifying, but confusion. The saying of the Psalmes interchangeably, they call tossing of tenise balls.

The regiment of the church, they called antichristian and devilish; and say, that they may as safely subscribe to allow the dominion of the pope over us, as to subscribe to it. P. 2. 1. 14. They will have every minister to have full jurisdiction in his own parish. L. 28. They hold, that the ministers at this day enter not in by Christ, but by a popish and unlawful vocation. L. 28.

They hold, that it is unlawful for one man to preach in another man’s cure; nor any man to preach out of his own cure.

They would have all cathedral churches pulled down, with deans, prebendaries, &c. to be clean taken away; and call them the dens of loitering lubbers, &c.

The state of the church at this day they call, the reign of antichrist. [NUMBER 19] Field and Wilcox, from Newgate, to the lord treasurer for their liberty: cast into prison for a book of reformation, written by them, presented to the parliament. INSIGNIS benevolentia, qua omnes pios complecteris, (honoratissime vir,) nos jam in carcere misere devinctos, ad scribendum summa cum fiducia, et libertatis nostrae po-tiundae, et veritatis propagandae, impulit. Scimus nos, quam variis hominum iniquorum dictis apud proceres jac-tari causam nostram, quamvis justam,, maledictis eorum scindi, et veritatem Dei (quod omnium maxime horrendum est) male apud multos audire. Ac veritas, cum non quaerit angulos, pro seipsa loquatur, et innocentiam nostram, et causae sequitatem tibi commendet, obsecramus assidue, ob-testamur submisse, et rogamus enixe.

Scripsimus nuper quidem librum justum horrendorum abusuum reformationem postulantem, iis animis, ut religio sincera, a papisticis superstitionibus immunis, a totius regni calatis comitiis (regia majestate id approbante) redderetur. Nihil tentavimus per nosmetipsos vel corrigere, vel immu-tare, sed omnia ad judicia eorum, prout tanta res postularet, retulimus. Hinc inde sperantes, ut pacem ecclesiarum, et reconciliationem fratrum, jamdiu de hisce (proh! dolor) nimis infeliciter litigantium, restituendam.

Hac enim hierarchia ecclesiastica a verbo divino haud consentiente, ecclesiae unitatem vidimus scindi, turbas quoti-die inter pios excitari, et pacem illam suavissimam (quae inter fratres, unam eandemque religionem profitentes, esset arctis-sima) pessundari: ut interim taceamus bonarum literarum contemptum, sincerioris religionis corruptionem, ministerii depravationem, et vitiorum incrementum, et alia hujuscemodi.

I taque ad scribendum, et causae sequitate, et spe horum omnium emendationis allecti, accingimur. De abusibus illis a nobis nominatim taxatis, (cum omnes exterae ecclesiae purioris reformationis, et eruditione clarorum virorum scri-pta unanimiter, et praedicant, et agnoscunt teterrimos esse,) non est quod nunc dicamus, nisi ut te (illustrissime vir) quam humillime supplicemus, ut in reformatione promo-venda, quantus, quantus es, incumbas.

Interim de nobis quaesnmus, ut suspicionem omnem si-nistram, siquam conceperis, deponas: et potius de libertate nostra sic cogitas, ut tua ope et industria, regia majestas, erga omnes benefica, fiat etiam erga nos benevola. Quorum animus, fides, obedientia, et erga illius majestatem obser-vantia summa, non solummodo voce nostra, saepe sit publice omnibus testata, verum etiam privatim fidelibus multis sa-tis explorata.

Itaque moveat te in nostrum bonum et commodum, causae nostrae sequitas, miseriarum nostrarum turba, uxorum et liberorum inedia, amicorum petitio humillima, et om-nium fidelissimorum incredibilis dolor, et queremonia, nostra denique in regiam majestatem, in te, et in omnem magistra-tum pia et propensa observantia. Sic speramus fore, ut in pristinam libertatem, quae jam summo jure, nostro malo eripitur, restituetur. Deus Opt. Max. finem imponat his rixis, det regno pacem, paci regina Elizabetha. Ut diu pie et feliciter vivat, hie et in aeternum. Amen E nova porta, 3io Septembris, 1572.

Tui honoris studiosissimi, Jo. Fieldus, Tho. Wilcocks.

NUMBER 20.

The lord treasurer Burghley to Mr. Dering: who had excited him to restore Mr. Cartwright; and accused him somewhat rudely of his want of religion.

MR.DERING, since I received from you, in a piece of paper, a biting letter, pretended (as by the beginning of a few of your lines appeareth) for Mr. Cartwright, whose name you reiterate, for that you will me not to be in heat at the memory of his name; I have been in doubt, whether I should, either tbr wasting of my time, or for nourishing of your humour, make you any answer by letter: but I have yielded, as you see. As for so much as concerneth Mr. Cartwright, I answer you, sine excandescentia, (which is your term,) that, quo possum candore reditus ejua erit mihi gratus: eique optime cupio et opto. But as for the reading of a public lecture in Cambridge, I can promise nothing of my self. For therein I know no power that I have. I know very well it is my duty to further all good learning and quietness in that university; that undecent contentions be excluded from thence.

The rest of your pamphlet or letter (worse I will not name it) containeth divers ejaculations against me. As one, that if I were so void of knowledge or godliness, as your words make me, I should be ashamed to live in the place where I do. But most of all, I might be reputed a pagan, without sense or knowledge of my God. But what I am indeed, God onely knoweth first, and secondarily my self: who am, as you may be, for your self, partial.

And therefore, except it may please God to direct good men to think better of me than you do, I shall not be in danger of any vain-glory. If I shall flatly deny your pronuntiations of me, and say they are not true, or that you do erre, yet I may be licensed so to say: I pray you, do not by recrimination charge me, and say, that I justify my self. Indeed to the contrary of your hard speeches, through God’s goodness, I do affirm, that I have not to my knowledge conceived or held obstinata consilia. I say also, by the goodness of the same my good God, through good erudition in my young years, I have beheld the gospel, or evangely of Christ, that Son of God, not eminus per multos jam annos, as you write; but in very deed with such inward feeling of God’s mercy by Jesus Christ, reveled to me in his gospel, and confirmed to me by his sacraments, as I trust I may say with the church, Pater noster, sanctificetur nomen tuum. And though I am made of worldly elements, as other creatures are; and thereby, while I live in this tabernacle, subject to sin and infirmityes; so as I may not glory of any perfection, wherein others think themselves to excel their brethren: yet I will confidently use St. Paul’s speech, Non erubesco evangelium, [i. e. I am not ashamed of the gospel.] And why? Virtus enim Dei est in salutem omni credenti, [i. e. For it is the power of God to salvation to every one that believeth.] And as you pronounce hardly of me in taxing my religion; so surely, yielding to you the use of your calumniation, or uncharitable reprehension, to proeede of just cause, which I utterly deny to you, and all your bolsterers, if any you have in your licentious liberty of writing what you list, I might bear with the rest, when you write tanquam e sub-limi speculatorio, [i. e. as from a high watch-tower,] that, non magni ni facis, sive te commendem, sive vituperem; sire tuis rebus et fortunis consulam, sire me habeas tibi pertinaciter offensum; [i. e. that you do not much care whether I commend or dispraise you, whether I have a regard for your good and benefit, or whether I am greatly offended with you or no.] Indeed you may esteem me less than thus, if I be so far off the knowledge of the gospel as you make me. And yet if I were in some great fault, except you will add your fault to mine, you are taught by St. Paul thus, Si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo de-licto, vos qui spirltuales estis, institutite hujusmodi hominem in spiritu lenitatis; considerantes vosipsos; [i. e. If a man be overtaken in some fault, yee which are spiritual, instruct such an one in the spirit of meekness; considering your selves.] But if you will change this maner of authority to enter into judgment of your brother’s faith and religion, I must say to you as St. Paul said to the Corinthians, Qui me judicat Deus est; [i. e. He that judgeth me is God.] And as in the Epistle to the Romans, Tu autem quis qui judicas servum alterius? aut in qua re spernis fratrem tuum? [i. e. Who art thou that judgest another man’s servant? or wherein dost thou despise thy brother?] And yet by this my writing, you may not gather, that I may mislike brotherly erudition, or reprehension. For I thank God, I can well say, lniquitatem meam annuntiabo, et cogitabo diu, pro peccato meo, [i. e, I will declare my iniquity, and be sorry for my sin,] as the Psalmist teacheth me. And I cannot forget that which is often repeated out of St. John’s Epistle, Si dixerimus, quia peccatum non habemus, ipsi nos seducimus, &c. [i. e. If we shall say we have not sin, we deceive our selves, &c.] And so surely in your office, professing, preaching, or reading, I esteem you, as having authority. And therein St. Paul doth teach you in his Epistle ad Thessalonicenses, Rogamus autem vot, fra-tres, inquietos corripite, pusillanimos consolamini, infirmos suscipite, patientes estote erga omnes; [i. e. Rebuke the unquiet, comfort the feeble-minded, receive the weak, be patient towards all.] In which fatherly sentence, having four kw~la or commata, there is but one that maketh you a master corrector: and that is, inquietos corripite. The Other three move you to favourable compassion and instruction.

And now to end, lest you may think me too copious in citing of scripture to you, I may remember you somewhat of my years, or of mine old service in the common weal. And then I trust hereafter, until I be very obstinate, as partly you note me, you will also remember St. Paul to Timothy, Seniorem ne increpaveris, sed obsecra, ut pa-trem; juvenes, ut fratres, &c. [i. e.

Rebuke not an elder, but intreat him as a father, the younger as brethren, &c.] And so wishing to my self that which you judge that I do lack; and to your self all that which you seem to have. And what you have, for the charity I bear you, I heartily wish you more, than by your behaviour you seem to have. And both of us to require of God, qui est kardiognw>sthv [i. e. who is the knower of hearts,] to plant in our hearts true fear of him, and to transplant out of our hearts all seeds or roots of vain-glory; directing you in all your contemplations and teachings, and me in my cares and public labours, to the glory of his Son Jesus Christ. Apr. 3, 1572.

Yours to be taught, but not to be condemned, W.B.

Non alta sapientes, sed humiliter consentientes, Rom. 12.

NUMBER 21.

Mr. Edward Dering, the puritan, to the lord Burghley: justifying of a former letter, wherein be had made some severe reflections upon that nobleman. GRATIA, misericordia, pax. Multi sunt anni (Burleie colendissime Domine) ex quo tam adversa valetudine utor, ut non raro putaverim mihi fere imminere ultimum hujus lucis diem. Nuper vero sic mihi sunt fractae, aut potius excussae vires, ut multos dies viderim, in quibus non admo-dum mihi persuaserim me ad vesperam usque victurum. In hae sorte et conditione meorum temporum, si ego vel con-secter glorias, vel captem populates auras, equidem nihil video, quid ad hanc incredibilem insaniam possem adjicere. Sed melius voluit Dominus mihi esse consultum, quam ut una cum valetudine rationem etiam amitterem. Imo fecit me saepenumero et morbo et morte superiorem; dum mihi subiit illorum annorum, in quibus positis mortalitatis exuviis, aeternis perfruemur triumphi honoribus, et assequemur cum omnibus sanctis Dei, ti< to< pla>tov kai< mh~kov kai< ba>qov kai> u[yov. Haec mihi tum contemplatio et consideratio ita fuit duleissima, dum omnibus defungerer pietatis officiis, ut quam plurimos adducerem in faelicem hujus gaudii socie-tatem.

In quo consilio tui saepius non meminissem, qui tenes hanc et sustines administrationem imperii, nunquam mihi ipsi fuisset meum tam solidum gaudium. Hinc fiebat, quod in omnibus meis literis et negotiis, quae tecum semper habuerim, sedulo illud caverim, ne mercenariis praeconiis, vel ad meum quaestum, vel ad tuum damnum abuterer. Haec illa fuit scribendi licentia, quam its criminaris: qua tamen adhuc fuimus neutri deteriores, Habes (ornatissime Do-mine) causam verissimam sanctae libertatis nostrae, quam summa cum injuria maluisfi dicere libidinem et licentiam: superest, ut de ipsis literis respondeam aliquid.

Primum, quod ex eis conjicias mihi tuam pietatem videri tam exiguam, rogo atque obsecro, si ita vis, ut mihi denuo liceat meas literas aspicere, siquid est in illis tam indignum et honore tuo, et meo munere, nihil faciam libentius, quam ut tantam temeritatem, vel carcere luam, vel meo chirographo puniam. Criminaris aliquid de obstinatis consiliis, talia fateor dicebam esse Satanae, quae franget aliquando Deus Israel. Tuis cogitationibus et curis labem illam aspergere, scelus est atrocius quam ut meum agnoscam.

Quod dixi te multos jam annos evangelium eminus aspicere, nunc fete diligere: non eo negavi tua, prae caeteris, studia, ad propa-gationem evangelii fuisse semper paratissima. Scio ego (nisi admodum fallor) quid istic feceris, et quantam susti-nueris dimicationem. Verum cave, putes te hic fecisse quicquam, sic ut debeas facere. Pone ante oculos labores tuos, vigilias, curas, aerumnas, angores animi. Cui tandem rei dicasti ista tam multa, tam gravia? An aut honoribus accumulandis? aut augendis opibus?

O! magno partam, et comparatam miseriam! Ita est, mi Domine, ita, si aeter-num negaveris: sed nullam faciam injuriam tuis studiis, ne minimi quidem temporis.

Evangelio propagando dieasti ista? Evangelio, inquam, quod ipse jam didicisti virtutem esse Dei, quae te et cominus et intus illustravit, kata< to< me>tron th~v dwrea~v tou~ Cristou~. Sic tandem perfundat amore suo, ut illud posthac eminus non aspicias modo, sed et spiritu ferveas, sic ut serio eum imiteris, quem amas, apostolum; et dames ex anitae, quit-quid est ubique sceptrorum et opum, hJgou~mai sku>bala ei=nai, i[na Cristosw.

Ac tu, quin istud agis (honoratissime Cecili) ac tibi fide praemunias suavissimain olim profectionem, qube labentes an-nos, et noctium dierumque vicissitudine nimis ingratos, aeter-nis commutabit tabernaculis; in quibus oujk e]stai e]ti nuan oujk e]cousi lu>cnou kai< fwtoou, o[ti Ku>riov oJ Qeozei aujtousousin eijv tounwn. Ou=toi oiJ lo>goi pistoi< kai< ajlhqinoi> . Quid, nisi ergo hic accusem nostro-rum hominum crhstologi>av qui dum suae serviunt libidini, plausu plusquam scenico umbras insequuntur et imagines, susque deque habentes religionem, pietatem, fidem.

Quanta ille melius et uberius, hJ para>klhsiv hJmw~n oujk ejk pla>nhv, et quae sequuntur, nota enim tibi sunt. Sed et erit melior et uberior hujus laboris et industriae fructus, cum erit illud, Idou< ejgw< nu~n spe>ndomai , &c.

Certe quod ad me attinet, dicam ingenue quod pro me dico pie, non magni facio, ne lucem quidem istam, dummo-do consumam cursum meum cum gaudio, et me conscientia rectae voluntatis ad rogum usque comitetur. Sed quorsum ista, inquies? Certe, mi Domine, ut melius intelligas, tantam esse pietatis et fidei remunerationem, gloriam, dignitatem, ut nemo sit omnium, qui religionem vel fere diligat. Job ille, post hominum memoriam, unus fere sanctissimus, sic ut nihil pertinacius usquam defenderet, quam suam justitiam; postquam Deum ipsum quasi propius cerneret suam ante detestatus industriam, in cinere et pulvere peccata luget. Paulus apostolus, cujus erant infinitae vigiliae, et labores huma-nis viribus majores, qui et libere fatetur, siquis est omnium hominum, qui suas jactet industrias, ipsum esse imprimis: cum tamen evangelii Christi recordatur, cui tantopere sudaverat, suos labores, velut e subhmi despicit, ac putat esse quisquilias.

In simili cogitatione mea et studio, cum de te cogitarem, si vet eminus, vel fere te dicerem evangelium diligere, eo ipso te mihi proposui hominem omnibus moclis amabilem, officiis colendum, ornandum laudibus, juvandum precibus: nolo plura dicere: neque horum poenitet.

Est in extremo literarum tuarum, quo tua gratia exulce-rata videtur, quod ita scripserim, sive me commendes, &c. Utinam adjecisset quod ego scripseram integrum, minorem certe fecisses suspicionem mei criminis.

Praeposueram, ni fallor, (quod ad me attinet,) et nunc adjicio, quencunque me esse putes, non sunt in eo positae fortunae meae. Non quo scribam hoc tanquam ex sublimi speculatorio, aut te nihili faciam. Sunt ista profecto gravia: sed feram, ut potero. Verum ita dixi; non ita me ferri ac fervere cupiditate rerum terrestrium, ut si affluant illis admodum efferer, aut si non habeam, eas admodum flagitem. Ac propterea me haec ad te scribere calamo Christiano ac libero, ut causam optimam tibi magis commendem. Si me satis nosses, ipsum ingenium illud non inhumanum, in tam inimicam interpretationem non incidisset. Ego te e sublimi despicio? Peropportune mihi hic venit in mentem poetae, Quanquam animus meminisse horret, luctuque refugit, sed moderate, ac ut debeo, respondeo, mh< ge>noito Sed its est. Est zhlo>tupov honor. Patere me (mi Domine) spud cordatum hominem sine fueo dicere. Equidem ad sublimes et honoratas sedes sic omnis afferuntur foeta adulationibus, ut nihil habeat fere neque locum, neque gratiam, neque ve-nustatem, neque veniam, quod est sincerum et integrum. Sit homo ipse religiosus, prudens, sapiens, a solio ipso et dignitate multum est periculi.

Utinam tibi cedant haec om-nia in lucrum. Et ex hiis intelligas, quid sit illud apostoli, tw~| pneu>mati ze>ontev Non deerunt tibi unquam meae preces; et scies olim melius, quem habueris honori tuo obsequentissimum.

Haec potui per valetudinem impraesentia respondere: quae sive probabuntur tibi, sive non probabuntur, sunt ab eo pro-fecta animo, qui in kardiwgnw>stou Dei misericordia et bonitate faeliciter conquiescit.

De Cartwrighto quod scribis, et laetor plurimum, et gra-tias ago, et quibus debeo officus, utinam perpetuo referam. Superest, ut hoc unum adjiciam.

Audio brevi habenda pub-lica regni comitia, dum de hominibus religiosis et piis, et aliens potius culpa quitm sua, laborantibus, quod potes et debes, amicissime religiosissimeque cogita. Noli, per Deum rogo, noli peregrinos mores, in societatem cogitationum tua-rum admittere. Tecum loquere. Te adhibe in consilium: tibi obtempera. Nemo est, qui tibi quam tu, melius consi-lium dabit. Neseio quid alunt monstri, qui infulata autho-ritate subnixi, sic ambulant, ut evangelium regni e sublimi despiciant. Cave, quaeso, existimes me quemquam religiose pium, et episcopum perstringere.

Quid dicam, scio, et cui loquar, intelligo. Id solum cupio, ut caveas ab iis qui sibi, non tibi blandiuntur.

Deus Opt. Max. cujus in miserieordia et vivis et es, ad eam te erudiat spem vivam et insitam: ut dicas cum illo rega, Melior est misericordia tua quam vita: et hoc amore perfu-sus longa senectute perfunctus pie, dicas ad extremum, Cu-pio dissolvi et esse cum Christo. E cubiculo mane. 5 Aprilis, 1572.

Honori tuo deditissimus, Edwardus Dering.

NUMBER 22.

Coverdale’s epistle dedicatory to his edition of the Holy Bible, by him translated into the English torque, anno MDXXXV. Unto the most victorious prince, and our most gracious sovereign lord, king Henry VIII. king of England and of France, and under God the chief and supreme head of the church of England. THE right and just administration of the laws, that God gave to Moses and unto Joshua, the testimony of faithfulness that God gave unto David, the plenteous abundance of wisdome that God gave unto Solomon; the lucky and prosperous age, with the multiplication of seed, which God gave unto Abraham and Sarah his wife; be given unto you, most gracious prince, with your dearest just wife, and most virtuous princess, queen Jane. Amen.

Caiaphas, being bishop of that year, like a blind prophet, not understanding what he said, prophesied, that it was better to put Christ to death, than that al the people should perish: he meaning that Christ was an heretic, and a deceiver of the people, and a destroyer of the law: and that it were better therefore to put Christ to death, than to suffer him for to live, and to deceive the people, &c. Even after the same runner the blind bishop of Rome, &c. not understanding what he did, gave unto your grace this title, Defender of the faith, only because your highness suffered your bishops to burn God’s word, the root of faith, and to persecute the lovers and ministers of the same. Where in very deed the blind bishop, though he knew not what he did, prophesied, that by the righteous administration, and continual diligence of your grace, that faith should so be defended, that God’s word, the mother of faith, with the fruits thereof, should have his free course through all Christendom, but especially in your realm, &c. Then the writer went on to prove, that no priest or bishop is exempt from the obedience to his prince: and that from scripture.

Wherefore, most gracious prince, there is no tongue, I think, can fully express and declare the intolerable injuries which have been don unto God, unto all princes, and to the communalities of all Christen realms; since they which Should be onely the ministers of God’s word, became lords of the world, and thrust the true and just princes out of their realms. Whose heart would not pity it, yea, even with lamentation, to remember but only the intolerable wrongs don by the antichrist of Rome unto your graces most noble predecessor, king John; I pass by other; the pestilent picking of Peter pence out of your realm; the stealing away of your mony for pardons, in benefices and bishoprieks; his deceiving of your subjects souls with the devilish doctrines and sects of his false religions: his bloud-shedding of so many of your graces people for books of the scripture? Whose heart would not be grieved, yea, and that out of mesure, to call to remembrance, how obstinate and disobedient, how presumptuous and stubborn, that antichrist made the bishops of your realm against your graces noble predecessors, in time past, as it is manifest in the chronicles? I trust verily, there be none such now within your realm: if there be, let them remember these words of scripture, Presumptuousness goeth before destruction; and after a proud stomac there followeth a fall.

What is now the cause of all these intolerable, and no more to be suffered abhominations? Truly, even the ignorance of the scripture of God. For how had it else been possible, that such blindness should have come into the world, had not the light of God’s word been extinct? ......

Only the word of God is the cause of all felicity. It bringeth all goodness with it: it bringeth learning: it gendreth understanding: it eauseth good works: it maketh children of obedience: briefly, it teacheth all states their office and duty. Seeing then that the scripture of God teacheth us every thing sufficiently, both what to do, and what we ought to leave undon: whom we are bound to obey, and whom we should not obey: therefore I see, it causeth all prosperity, and setteth every thing in frame. And where it is taught and known, it lighteneth all darkness, comforteth all sory hearts; leaveth no poor man unhelped; suffereth nothing amiss unamended; letteth no prince be disobeyed; permitteth no heresy to be preached; but reformeth all things; amendeth that is amiss, and setteth every thing in order.

And why? Because it is given by inspiration of God, &c.

Considering now, most gracious prince, the inestimable tresure, fruit, and prosperity everlasting, that God giveth with his word; and trusting in his infinite goodness, that he would bring my simple and rude labour herein to good effect; therefore as the Holy Ghost moved other men to do the cost hereof; so was I boldened in God to labour in the same. Again, considering your imperial majesty, not only to be my natural, sovereign liege lord, and chief head of the church of England; but also, the true defender and maintainer of God’s laws, I thought it my duty, and to belong to my allegiance, when I had translated this Bible, not only to dedicate this translation unto your highness, but wholly to commit it unto the same. To the intent, that if one thing therein be translated amiss, (for in many things we fail, even when we think to be sure,) it may stond in your graces hand to correct it, to improve it, yea, and clean to reject it, if your godly wisdom shall think it necessary.

And as I do with all humbleness submit my understanding and my poor translation, unto the sprete of truth in your grace, so make I this protestation, having God to record in my conscience, that I have nothing wrested nor altered so much as one word, for the maintenance of ony maner of sect; but have with a clear conscience purely and faithfully translated this out of five sundry interpreters’ having only the manifest truth of the scripture before mine eyes: trusting unto the goodness of God, that it shall be unto his worship, the quietness and tranquility of your highness, and a perfect establishment of all God’s ordinances within your graces dominions; a general comfort to all Christen hearts, and a continual thankfulness both of old and young, unto God and to your grace, for being our Moses, and for bringing us out of this old Egypt, from the cruel hands of our spiritual Pharaoh.

Your graces humble subject and daily orator, Myles Coverdale.

NUMBER 23.

Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, to Mr. Thomas Fowle, Mr. John Handson, and Mr, John Grundye: for setting on foot the exercise of prophesy at Bury S. Edmonds. SALUTEM in Christo Jesu. Forasmuch as the godly exercise of expounding the scriptures by way of prophesy is seen daily to bring no small benefit and furtherance to the church of Christ, where the same is used within this dioces: and for that sundry godly and well learned persons, as well of the clergy as otherwise, neer adjoyning to the town of Bury S. Edmonds, have made request, that the like exercise might be erected and established at Bury aforesaid; I have thought good by these presents to appoint and authorize you there, that is to say, Mr. Thomas Fowle, Mr. John Hand-son, and Mr. John Grundye, to take the charge and order of this exercise upon you. That the whole clergy thereabouts may, by your order and direction, assemble themselves at Bury aforesaid, at such time and times, and in such place as by you there, two or one of you, shall be thought most meet and convenient. And if any of the said clergy shall, either of negligence, or wilful forwardness, shew themselves contrary and disobeying unto you in the premisses, then do I will and require you to signify the said disobedient persons unto my commissary: that by his authority the same may be reformed, as appertaineth. And if the same shall so require, I will not fail, upon knowledge given, for the reformation accordingly.

And whatsoever shall seem unto you, the aforesaid persons, to order and decree, for the better execution of the premisses, I do by these premisses promise to ratify, confirm, and allow; being not against the law of the realm: not doubting but that of your wisedome and godly zele, ye will foresee, that all your said doings may wholly tend to the advancement of the glory of God, and to the profit and en-crease of knowledge of his church and congregation. To which purpose and intent onely this assembly and exercise is appointed. Dated at Ludham, this 16th of February, 1572. et nostrae consecrationis xxmo.

Your assured friend in Christ, Johan. Norvic.

NUMBER 24.

Notices and characters of divers persons of eminence, living in the reigns of king Henry VIII. king, Edward VI. and queen Mary; given by Parkhurst in his Epigrams.

UPON THE DEATH OF QUEEN JANE SEYMOUR. Inclytae faeminae Janae, reginae Angliae, et regis Edoardi matris, epitaphium.

Hic jaceo, per quam tellus Britanna beatur:

Nomen si cupias noscere, Jana fui.

Henrico regio conjunx fidissima nuper; Filiolum peperi: deinde quidem perii.

Nec perii tamen, utpote cui sit vita perennis.

Et quae perpetuo vivit, ea haud periit.

TO QUEEN KATHARINE PARR. Si te novissent latii vatesque pelasgi, Ornassent tanta laudeque Penelopen?

Non certe ornassent.

Nam tu virtutibus anteis Penelopen multis passibus Argolicam.

TO KATHARINE DUTCHESS OF SUFFOLK. AEternum salve, princeps clarissima, mentis Dotibus, eximiis adnumeranda viris.

Vix dici poterit, quantum tribuat tibi vulgus, Quantum magnates, doctaque turba virum.

Nil tam suspiciunt homines tua stemmata clara, lnsignes dotes quam, Catharina, tuos.

EPITAPH UPON CHARLES DUKE OF SUFFOLK. ANNO 1544. Carolus exigua jacet hac Brandonus in urna, Heroum splendor, gloria prima ducum.

Quem flent magnates, quem flet promiscua turba, Quem luget madidis Anglia maesta genis.

Integritas cum quo sunt nobilitasque sepultae.

O! quantas gazas contegit urna brevis?

AD ILLUSTRISSIMAM PRINCIPEM D. ELIZABETHAM, EDOARDI REGIS SOROREM, ANNO 1547. Ex colloquiis heri tuis Pereruditis et piis, Collegi ego facillime, Tua celsitudo in literis, Quod non modo pedem moverit, (Magnus est et hoc in faemina) Sed pludmum promoverit.

Doctrinam in ipsum laudibus Coelum extulere plurimi Sacrae Minervae milites, &c.

Then the poet praiseth her eloquence, her modesty, her integrity, Morumque mira suavitas, Candor gravis, sanctus pudor, Et intemerata castitas, &c.

That she knew the holy scriptures perfectly well, and that she understood the French language, the Italian, et Grae-canica ad unguem cognita.

AD D. GRAIUM MARCHIONEM DORCESTRENSEM, VIRUM NOBILIASIMUM, POSTEA DUCEM SUFFOLCIAE. Quamvis et genus et pietas et plurima virtus Nominis aeternos in te cumularit honores; Non extrema tamen laus est, clarissime princeps, Ingeniis doctorum hominum, caeptisque favere, Et studiis juvenum crescentibus addere vires.

Quid memorem quanta Wilocus, Skinnerus, et Haddon, AElmerusque tuos ornarint lucc penates?

O Deus, O quales juvenes! Quo principe digni!

His tua luminibus splendet domus.

AD INCLYTAM PUELLAM JANAM GRAIAM EJUS HONORIS FILIAM. Mirari veteres desine Laelias, Sapphos, Aspasias, atque Learchidas.

Illa omnis veterum gratia pectorum Nunc uno incipit in pectore crescere.

Nil unquam cecinit carmine melius.

Nil Graia loquitur voce suavius, Romano sonat aut ore disertius.

Perge hoc ingenio, perge, puellula, &c.

AD D. THOMAM CRANMERUM PRAESULEM CANTUAR. Cantiaeus populus felix, nimiumque beatus Dicitur, ut cujus tradita cura tibi est.

Dii faxint, ut grex pastod pareat omnis.

Sic dignum summo fiet ovile Deo.

AD EUNDEM, CUM QUIDAM ARCHIPAPISTAE EJUS RUINAM MACHINATI SUNT. Turba maligna tuis sanctis conatibus obstat, Turba maligna quidem, turba pusilla tamen.

Adversus sed tu fluctus audentior omnes Ito, nec Christi desere jura tui.

Christus te forti, praesul sanctissime, dextra Proteget; invidulos atque perire sinet.

AD D. RICHARDUM MORISYN. Vates finxerunt veteres Musas habitasse in Montibus, in sylvis, irriguisque locis.

Hoc quam sit verum, videant illi; hoc scio verum, Pectore quod maneant, mi Morisyne, tuo, AD D. GULIELMUM BUTTUM, ILLUSTRIUM MEDICORUM CHORO ADNUMERANDUM. Buttum si nobis aetas antiqua tulisset, Inter praecipuos posset habere locum, &c.

AD EUNDEM. Nae tu, Butte, Deo debes gratissimus esse, Solus nam Christus meta scopusque tibi est.

Huc spectas solum, huc conatus dirigis omnes, Hic det, Butte, tibi prospera cuncta, vale.

IN D. STEPHANUM GARDINERUM, EPISCOPUM WINTON. Stephanus sibi concreditum vorat gregem, Et vult haberi episcopus.

Tali sed hoc non convenit nomen viro.

Ergo vocabitur lupus.

IN EUNDEM. Sollicite quaeris, quem dicat te esse popellus:

Dicit te esse lupum; dicit habere lupas.

IN EDMUNDUM BONERUM EPISCOP. LONDON. Cum te genuerit sacrifex Savigius, Dic unde Boneri, rogo, nomen tibi?

IN EUNDEM EDMUNDUM. Sacrificus pater immundus, scortum tibi mater Immundum, immunda relligione tumes.

AD D. RICHARDUM COXUM, EDWARDO REGI AB ELEEMOSYNIS, ET OXON. ACADEMIAE CANCELLARIUM. Consequier verbis nequeo, nec prendere mente, O Coxe, vir clarissime, Quam cupiam nostros in te defigere vultus, Manui manumque jungere.

Sic te depinxit nobis Parvisus uterque, Sic nunc Juellus et meus:

Sic te miratur doctorum turba virorum; Amore ut inflammer tui.

Quare me adscribas numero, vir magne, tuorum, Et ista consulas boni.

IN COXUN, COCUM, ET CHECUM, REGIS EDOARDI PRAECEPTORES IN BONIS LITERIS. Inclyta ter felix est Anglia, rege Edoardo.

Et ipse terfelix tribus didascalis.

DE QUIBUSDAM VIRIS ADMODUM PROECLARIS, SUB INITIO REGNI EDOARDI VI. Si qui sunt Christi quos gloria tangit Iesu, Honor suique principis:

Hi sunt eximii homines, Seymerus uterque, Uterque clarus Marchio:

Dudlaei, Hastingi, Russelli, Herbertus, Hawardi, Ratclyffi, Clynton, Graii, Rossus, Wentworthi, Caraeus, tuque Cobhame; Northus, Rychus, Montioius, Baconus, Darcaeus, Morysynus, vosque Knolaei, Caecillius, Cokus, Wrothus.

Sadlerus, Croftus, Mildmaei, Smythus, Hobaei, Chaecus, Wilsonus, Berteus.

Hos, O Christe, velis sancta defendere dextra, Et quot cupiunt regi bene.

DE QUIBUSDAM MALIS EPISCOPIS. Si qui sunt Christi quos urit gloria Jesu Honos suique principis, Hi sunt, Gardnerus, Sampson, Tonstallus, et illud Monstrum Bonerus sordidum:

Hos, O Christe, velis ad te convertere tandem, Tandem velis vel perdere.

DE QUIBUSDAM PRAECLARIS ET OPTIMIS EPISCOPIS. Si sint pontifices quos gloria tangit Iesu, Honorque sui principis; Hi sunt, Cranmerus, Ponetus, Hoperus, et ipse Milo, Harleus, Ridlaeius, Barlus, Gudrichus, Balaeus, tuque Scoraee, Godaker, Tayler, Ferrarius.

Hos, O Christe, velis sancta defendere dextra, Et quot favent verbo tuo.

AD D. GULIELMUM CAECILIUM. Caecili, primas tibi dat Anglia, Soli statuit, palmamque de viro bono.

Atque ista laus tibi proprie tam convenit, Ut senfiat siquis secus, nil sentiat.

IN EUNDEM. Si sint in quoquam pietas, doctrina, suada, Haec in Caecilio sunt sociata meo.

IN HARLAEUM NUPER EPISCPUM HEREFORDIEN. AD LODOVIC. LAVATERUM. Cur Harlaeus doctissimus, Pius vir, humanissimus, Episcopatum linquere Siet coactus, accipe.

Ingens patraverat scelus, Dirum scelus, nefarium, Immane, detestabile, Abominandum et insolens, Dignum scelus suspendio, Dignum scelusque incendio, Summi Jovisque fulmine, Scelus quod expiarier Vix credo posset vel sacri Lateris, salisve aspergine:

Vixit pia cum conjuge.

AD D. JOHAN. SCORY EPISCOPUM CICESTRENS. Doctus es in sacris, non indoctusque profanis.

Nulla, Scoraee, tuis moribus est scoria.

AD D. JOHAN. PONETUM NUPER EPISCOPUM WINTON. Salveto, nuper praesul, praesulque futurus.

Namque brevi Stephanus praesul, puto, desinet esse.

STEPHANI GARDINERI EPISCOPI WINTON EPITAPHIUM. Dogmata dum satagis delere perennia Christi, Dum commenta hominum noxia ubique seris:

Exilio, gladio, dum saevis carcere, flamma, Dum vafra patriam prodis et arte tuam; Abstulit horrenda Christus te morte furentem.

Exemplo caveat turba papaea tuo.

REX EDWARDUS. Edwardus bene se rexit, regnumque libenter Recturus melius, si licuisset, erat.

EJUSDEM REGIS EPITAPHIUM. Cum mors Edvardum rapuisset livida regem, Junxisset superis cum Deus huncque choris:

Josias adit, amplexatur, eumque salutans, Sic ait, O! Salve frater et alter ego.

ALIUD. Rex, regis natus, regum decus, unica regni Spesque salusque sui, conditur hoc tumulo.

INCOMPARABILIS FAEMINAE CATHARLNAE, NUPER ANGLIAE, FRAN-CIAE ET HIBERNIAE REGINAE, DOMINAE MEAE CLEMENTISSIMAE, EPITAPHIUM. ANNO 1547. Hoc regina novo dormit Catharina sepulchro, Sexus foeminei flos, honor, atque decus.

Haec fuit Henrico conjunx fidissima regi:

Quem postquam e vivis parca tulisset atrox, Thomae Seymero (cui tu, Neptune, tridentem Porrigis) eximio nupserat illa viro.

Huic peperit natam: a partu cum septimus orbem Sol illustrasset, mors truculenta necat.

Defunctam madidis famuli deflemus ocellis; Humectat tristes terra Britanna genas.

Nos infelices moeror consumit acerbus:

Inter coelestes gaudet at illa choros.

AD D. JOHAN. HOPERUM, EXTEMPORE. Gloria magna tuae patriae, laus et decus ingens, Nostra saepe rudi forte canende chely; De facie licet ignotus tibi mitto salutem:

Nots tamen probitas est tua, Hopere, mihi.

Plurima turba tuas patulo nam praedicat ore Virtutes, summis laudibus atque vehit.

Doctrinam, ingenuos mores, laudat pietatem, Ingenii dotes, tollit ad astra tuas.

DE D. THO. WYLSONO. Si quisquam est doctus, prudens, et fidus amicus, Si quisquam vegeto floreat ingenio; Si quisquam comis sermone est, arte politus, Si quisquam ex animo Pallada utramque colat; Si quisquam est virtutis amans, osor vitiorum, Hic Wylsonus erit, teste vel invidia.

AD BARTHOLOMAEUM TRAHERON. Ingenium, pietas, doctrina, modestia, candor; Haec sunt cur te oculis, Bartholomaee, feram.

AD JOAN. BALAEUM, IN SUAS 14 CENTURIAS SCRIPTORUM BRITANNICORUM. Quos peperit vario populosa Britannia nixu Scriptores, praesens, eh! tibi monstrat opus.

Quorum res gestas hic cernis, nomina, dicta, Libros, conatus, consilia atque obitus.

Hic et pestiferi legis incrementa papismi, Rasorum sectas, stupra, venena, dolos.

Hoc lucubravit opus doctissimus ille Balaeus, Irradians patriae sidus et aura suae.

Autori gratus sis, lector candide, vitae Exoptesque pio stamina longa seni.

LN FRONTEM LIBRI D. THOMAE CRANMERI, ARCHIEPISCOPI CAN-TUAR. VERSUS INSCRIPTI, IN GRATIAM D. RICKAR. COXI. Accipe praeclarum, lector studiose, libellum, Quem tibi Cranmerus scripserat ante rogos.

Hic docta sanctam tractat ratione synaxin, Insistens patres, quas docuere, viis.

Hic, Gardnere, tuas phaleratas detegit artes; Detrahit et larvam, saeve tyranne, tuam.

Atque tuo ipsius jugulum transverberat ense, Ut jaceas veluti sensibus absque fera.

Denique rixosis hic obstruit ora papistis; Rixandi posset si tamen esse modus.

Solvitur in cineres corpus, mens scandit ad astra, Fama superstes erit, tempus in omne memor.

IN QUOSDAM AVAROS ECCLESIASTICOS. Multi qui sunt pastores animarum, oviumque Has pascunt, illas non curant, praeda lupis sunt.

Piscationibus student. Dant mereibus operam.

Molendarii sunt, carbonarii, aucupes, coloni item.

Lanii quoque ferrarii, lanarii, bubulci, et usurarii.

Sunt Domini servi turpis avaritiae.

NUMBER 25.

The examination of one Blosse, alias Mantel; that reported king Edward VI. was alive, and queen Elizabeth was maried. Taken by Fleetwood, recorder of London: sent with his letter to the lord treasurer Burleigh.

THE 20. of October, 1572, Robert Blosse, alias Mantel, examined before the recorder, saith, that he was born in London: that his father was a goldsmith. And being young he was brought up under Mr. Bale, the learned man, prior of the white friars in Ipswich. At his man’s estate, he ma-ried one Mr. Egelden’s daughter, being town clark of Sandwich. And he confesseth, that at the time of his mariage, he was a gunner in the king’s ships; and can shoot off and discharge great ordnance. His wife and he not well agreeing, he did depart from her; and she doth now live in Cambridge.

And he saith, that about 16 years past, [that is, anno 1556, ] one Walker, a scholar at Oxford, told this exami-nate, that king Edward VI. was living in Flanders; and if this examinate did live, he should see him again within this realm. And he saith, that ever sithence he hath nourished in his mind that lewd and false matter, and hath reported it for a truth. For the which he saith, that he is sory from the bottom of his heart. And he saith, that the last time that he reported the same, was upon Wednesday at night last past, at one Tower’s house, neer Aldersgate, in London. At which time Norris the pursevant, standing behind a cloth, did hear him, and thereupon did arrest him.

And at the same time this examinate saith, that he did most wickedly report and say, that the queens highness was maried about eight years ago [that is, anno 1564.] unto my lord of Leicester. And that during which mariage, she had four children. And this false rumour he first conceived by a report of an old priest of Hampshire, about six years ago.

And for his religion he saith and affirmeth, that he did never hear mass since Anne Askew was burned. And more he will not utter. This was the deposition set down. And underneath, in the same paper, was the recorder’s letter writ with his own hand; and was as followeth: My very good lord. This is the examination of Robert Blosse. And because I had studied all the statutes of treasons, and could not find him within the letter or meaning of them; and for that the fellow, which was executed in queen Maries time, did offend in saying, that he himself was king Edward; therefore I noted that cause to be treason: but not so of Blosses cause. I therefore yesternight did argue the case with Mr. Atturney General by the space of an hour and more. And he resolved it for a clear case to be no treason. And for the second cause, he should have lost one of his ears, if he had been convicted within three months. But now that time is past. And therefore by the statute he ought to be set at liberty. And so thought Mr. Atturney. 17. Jan.

Your Lordships, W. Fletewood.

NUMBER 26.

An extract of the estate of certain mines in Cumberland, an. 1576.

COPPER, silver, and lead, then made and contained in the ewrs [ores] thereof.

At the melting house at Keswick, in copper MVCCCC quintails weight.

In head ewrs above ground, containing therein fine silver by assay, pound weight.

More in the said ewrs, containing lead, to be made after the silver parted from it.

Made in perfect copper (her majesties fifteenth part deducted) 533 quintals.

More, in fine silver, delivered into the mint 87 pound weight, 4 ounces.

More, in lead, sold at the mine.

NUMBER 27.

Occur`rents at the siege of Rochel; and of the election of monsieur king, of Poland: sent from Dr. Dale, the queen’s ambassador in France, to the earl of Sussex; in a letter dated May30, 1573.

ON the 13. of this present until this day, there hath been three divers exploits at Rochel, upon the bastilion L’Evangele. The first was done the 13th, when monsieur de Guaz entred at Sonwares, upon the said bastilion, with 500 harquebusiers; and did surprize those of the watch, and slew them without the loss of any one soldier. Notwithstanding he was constrained in the end to abandon the said place; by reason that the townesmen came upon them with a great number of harquebusiers, and did hurt some of them with artificial kinds of fire. The second was done on the 18th. In the which conflict monsieur de Guatz and De Colombes were sore hurt, and Stephano d’Urbin slain with divers of his soldiers. The third, the 20th and 2lst of this present. And in this combate it is reported, that one Besme, who in the last massacre at Paris slew the admiral, had his thighs quite stricken off with a canon: monsieur de Puisgaillarde, governor of Anglers, sore hurt; or as some judge, dead. monsieur Polliac, collonel of his twelve ensignes, slain, besides a great number of soldiers. The 21st of this present, the Rochelois being advertised, that the greatest part of the king’s camp was going to see the arrival of the Swisses, issuing forth and finding the trenches not so well furnished, they entred into them. And many they slew, and others they chased away. They did also cloye four great peeces of artilery, and brought away with them six ensignes: and they retyred themselves into the town.

It is given forth, that monsieur intended to give the general assault the 28th of this present. The counte of Retz, and the counte of Filiasque departed from the camp the 22d of this present with twenty ships of war, and six gallies, with intent to drive Mountgomery out of Belle Isle.

Mountgomery being advertised of that coming, and perceiving the enemy to be too strong for him, hath forsaken the said Isle, and is retyred, as they say, either into England, or else into Flanders.

The 28th of this present, those of Sanzerre pretending that they would gladly parlament with La Chastre, and, if it were possible, grow to some good agreement, issued forth of the same town at midnight, and did surprize a certain fort, and slew such as kept the same. Of late monsieur de Chastre took a certain gentleman, called Lantray, prisoner upon suspicion, that he was an espial, and sent him up to the court: who sithence being put upon the rack at two several times, hath confessed to the king’s provost marshal, that there were certain gentlemen of good account in the camp at Sanzerre, who did advertise the townsmen from time to time of all their enterprizes: and that there were also that did the like at Rochel.

Of late the king is advertised, how that those of Nevar-ryne encrease daily in number; and that they of late have taken a castle from the count Carnaignan, brother to monsieur de Foix. And they do presently march forward, with intent to besiege S. Sever, a town of no small consequence.

It is written from the camp by such as are wont to make credible report, that there should be six ships entred into Rochel, in the mean time while that the king’s navy was before Belleisle.

The king is appointed to remove toward Monceaux upon Monday next; and the clergy is to meet very shortly at Paris for the granting of their mony. There is a rate made, that they should pay threescore thousand millions of franks towards the payment of the king’s debts. They are put in good hope to be discharged thereby of their tenths. But men think if it be once granted, they shall pay both notwithstanding.

They do impute the election of monsieur [to be king of Poland] to the worthiness of the dukes person, and unto the oration of monsieur de Valence. Upon whose oration, they do say, all men gave their consent una voce. But others do judge it to be by the reason that they feared, lest the emperors son, being so mighty, and so nigh a neigh-bour, should make the kingdom hereditary and no more elective, if he were once in possession.

And that the authority, credit, and menace of the Turk do very much in the matter [of the election of monsieur.] It is thought that the king elected will pass to Polonia by sea to Dansig, and not through Germany. This extraordinary charge maketh the queen mother to try all her friends for mony. It is agreed, that the clergy shall contribute 300000 crowns to the charge of monsieur. She her self doth grant 300000 franks.

A cousin of monsieur de Mon]uc arrived at the court the 29th of this present, with news that the election of the king of Poland was published the 13th of the same. The marshal of Polonia is looked for as ambassador from thence within very few days. There is an ambassador preparing to the king elect of Polonia of 2000 horse. [NUMBER 27] The consecration of Dermic O Clier, bishop of Maion, in the province of Tuam in Ireland. The instrument of cardinal Sanctorius; declaratory of the same, and of the oath of the said O Clier, of fidelity taken to pope Gregory XIII. JULIUS Antonius Sanctorius, miseratione divina ti-tulo sti. Bartholemei in insula, stae. Romanae ecclesiae presbyter cardinalis stae. Severinae nuncupat, universis et sin-gulis prsesentes literas inspecturis, lecturis, et audituris, sa-lutem in Dno. sempiternam. Noveritis, quod nuper sanctissimus in Christo Pater et Dns. noster, dns. Gregorius di-vina providentia papa 13ius, vivae vocis oraculo, nobis im-posuit et commisit, ut aliquo die dominico, vel festivo, ad-hibitis nobiscum duobus epis. gratiam et communionem se-dis aplicae, habentibus, et uno ex magistris ceremoniarum, et in loco ad hoc condecenti, et nobis bene viso, reverendo patti dno. Dermicio O Cliera, electo Maionens. in provincia Tuamens. in Hybernia, consecrationis munus, impendere-taus; eundemque juxta formam et ritum stae. Roman. eccle-siae, consecraremus. Post quas quidem commissionem et impositionem, nobis, ut praemittitur, vivae vocis oraculo fact. Nos Julius Antonius Sanctorius cardinalis praefatus, adhibitis et assistentib, nobis reverendis patribus dnis. Joanne Baptism Sanctorio et Josepho Panphilo Aliphan et Siguin. respective epis. in Romana curia residentib, gram. et com-munionem sedis aplicae, habent, et infrascript, magistro ceremoniarum, de speciali et expressa commissione nobis, ut praeittitur facta, in capella Sixti nuncupata, praefatum rev. dom.

Dermicium Oclieram electum Maionen praesen-tem, in epum. et pastorem dict. ecclesiae Maionen. Cum solennitatibus et ceremoniis consuetis praestito prius per eum in manib, nostris juramento in forma ab electis prae-stari solita, juxta ritum et morem stae. Roman. ecclesiae, consecravimus: sibique munus consecrationis in similibus dari solitum, impendimus; ipsumque Dermicium Ocliera epum. per praesentes consecratum fuisse et esse denuntiamus.

Qui rev. Dermic Oclier. antequam consecraretur, et benediceretur, in manibus nostris praestitit corporale juramentum in hanc modum. Videlicet. “Ego Dermicus Ocliera elect. Maionen. ab hac hora, ut antea, fidelis et obediens ero beato Petro, staeque Roman. ecclesiae, et dno. nostro dno. Gregorio papae 13io suisque successoribus canonice intrantibus. Non ero in consilio aut consensu, vel facto, ut vitam perdant, vel membrum, seu capiantur mala captione.

Consilium vero quod mihi cre-dituri sunt per se aut nuntios, ad eorum damnum, me sciente, nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum, et regalia S. Petri adjutor eis ero, ad retinendum et defendendum, salvo meo ordine, contra omnem hominem. Legatum se-dis apostolicse, in eundo et redeundo, honorifice tractabo, et in suis necessitatibus adjuvabo. “Jura, honores, privilegia et aucthoritatem Roman. ec-clesiae, et aliqua sinistra vel prsejudicialia personarum, juris, honoris, status et potestatis eorum machinentur, &c. Et si talia a quibuscunque tractari novero, impecham hoc pro posse, et quanto citius potero, significabo eid. dno. nostro, vel alteri, per quem possit ad ipsius notitiam per-venire. Regulas sanctorum patrum, decreta et ordinationes, reservationes seu dispositiones, promissiones et mandata aplica, totis virib, observabo, et faciam ab aliis observari.

Haereticos, schismaticos, et rebelles eid. dno. nostro vel successoribus predict, pro posse persequar et impugnabo. “Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fuero ca-nonica praepeditione. Apostolorum limina singulis annis Romana curia existente citra Alpes: ultra vero montes singulis bienniis per meipsum visitabo, aut per me, aut per meum nuntium, nisi aplica, absolvat licentia. [Et si post primam visitationem personaliter factam, aliquo le-gitimo impedimento praepeditus personaliter visitare non potero, per aliquem fidum nuntium de gremio meae Mai-onen. ecclesiae bene instructum: qui vice mea aplico. conspectui se praesentare, et de legitimo impedimento hu-moi saltem per juramentum legitimum fidem facere re-neatur; id adimplebo.] “Possessiones veto ad mensam meam pertinentes nec vendam, nec donabo, neque impignorabo, neque de novo infeudabo, vel aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Romano pontifice, etiam cum consensu capituli mei. Sic me Deus adjuvet, et haec Dei sancta evangelia.”

In quorum omnium singulorum fidem et testimonium praemissorum praesentes literas fieri, et per magistrum cere-moniarum aplicarum, infra scriptum ibid. ex officio suo praesentem et intervenientem subscribi, nostrique soliti si-gilli appensione muniri fecimus. Datum Romae, ut supra, sub anno a nativitate Dni. millesimo quingentesimo septua-gesimo quarto, indictione 2da, die vero 12ma mensis Martii, pontificatus praelibati sanctiss, in Christo patris et domini nostri, domini Gregorii divina providentia papee 13ii anno. praesentib, ibidem reverend, dominis, fratre Guglielmo Macarmuit, fratre Joanne Hoargo de Hybernia; et reve-rendo domino Joanne Callanario abbate de Portu patrum, Anachduanen. canonico regulari in Hybernia; testib, ad praemissa vocatis atque rogatis.

Ego Lodovicus Branca de Jermanis, ceremoniarum apli-carum. Magister, ex officio ceremoniarum praedietar. pre-missis interfui, et de juramento rogatus subscripsi.

NUMBER 28.

Mr. Dering’s answer to certain articles of matters that he had spoken at some public dinner: presented to the lords of the Starchamber.

MOST humbly I beseech your honours to consider, that in matters of accusation, not only words, but also the manner of speaking, must be witness of the truth. Else our Saviour Christ lost the innoceney of his cause: who was charged but with the words of his own mouth. Matth. xxvi. 62. Job ii. 19. And indeed the most perfect words, as they be spoken in their order, may have a very ill sound, if you will draw them apart. When Christ said, he that will be his disciple, must hate his father and his mother: if you change his purpose and maner of speaking, you shall open wide the mouth of the slanderer unto much bitterness. This example of our Saviour Christ, it is precious and dear unto your honours. So that you will never receive a report of words, but in good warrant of the manner of speaking.

And, my very good lords, the more plentifully you have received grace, and a spirit of government, fear the more, lest the accuser should here deceive you. Constan-tinus, that excellent emperor, manitimes justified Athanasius against his accusers: yet at the last he was overcome; and believing the evil report, banished an excellent bishop. Theodosius, a singular man, and of a meek spirit; yet he was caried away, and decreed against Cyril, a singular bishop. David, a man according to the heart of God, believed a false accusation against Mephibosheth; and did his faithful and good servant wrong. These examples make me sometimes fear. And therefore I beseech your honours pardon me, tho’ I were bold to alledge them. And for all the things, whereof I am accused, first, I beseech God revele the truth; and then, before God, I profess unto you to write the truth of that I know I have spoken.

Against godfathers and godmothers, saving only the name, I spake nothing. I know they are used in reformed churches: and I confess the use is good. And they that speak against them, I think, they are worthy to be punished. Of the charge given to them, to se the children brought up; to exhort them to hear sermons, &c. and thereof to make progress in the church of God; which yet they did not keep; I said, it was very ill, and perhaps I added, one of the worst things in the book of service. Wherein I also blamed the French book; not only our own.

More than this, on my part, was never thought. And therefore I am sure not spoken by me. Where it was further objected against me, that I said, The statute for the provision for the poor was no competent way devised for it; or any such words. In which I might seem to blame either the act of parlament, or the makers of it. I utterly deny it, as a most impudent report: and such as it grieveth me once to remember it. I thank God I have better learned than in dishes and cups to blame so proudly the state of a kingdom.

I allowed of the order already taken. I commended it. I said, it wanteth only the good will of men to execute it. Where it is further objected, That I could provide for the poor two ways. The one was, I could commit them to the rich to be kept; to some two, to some three, &c. Another way was, to what purpose is this superfluity? Or, what do we with so much plate? These all I utterly deny, as the words which I never spake, and the thoughts which were never yet in my heart. And if I should have spoken the one or the other, I had spoken wickedly, and deserved punishment accordingly. And thus much I profess and protest, upon the warrant of a Christian man’s words before the seat of justice; where I dare not lye. And to prove my saying true, I have brought the hand of those that were present. If contrary witnesses come against me, as I understand Mr. Toy, Mr. Willet, and Mr. D. Chaderton will do, I beseech your lordships, give me leave to except against their testimony: and you shall hear more plainly what I have to say. Only this now shall be sufficient: Mr. Toy confessed before Mr. Killegrew and Mr. D. F ulke, he heard me speak nothing of plate, nothing of that book, nothing of committing the poor to the rich.

Only he remembred, I said at dinner, To what purpose is this superfluity?

And of the charge of godfathers, who did very ill, that they looked no better to it. Mr. Willet said to Mr. Fulke, he would he had not been there: for indeed my words, except they were strangely construed against me, might be well taken. Mr. Chaderton praised me much at the table, and said, he was sure the university would willingly give me again my grace, to commence this next year: and after dinner, privately to Mr. Hodgson, he used much fair speech of me. And since he accused me, he wrote his letters to me, that he had spoken nothing, but as occasion was offered; and he meant no ill in his words toward me: and it must needs be thought somewhat strange, that so special words, so full of offence, so boldly reported by Mr. Chaderton, should be remembred by none but by the two brothers.

Last of all, I beseech your honours, if occasion shall so serve; enquire of mine accusers, what chapter I read after dinner; and the words I used of the mutual duty of poor and rich; of private men and of them in authority.

Which if they will remember, they cannot construe my first words so strangely, to devise any evil meaning of them.

Now because in report of my words there is great suspicion, lest I should secretly fancy a community of things, I testify it before God and his angels, that this I know, such a community is but a common confusion; tending to the spoil of God’s people, and utter shame of all his saints. For seeing the heart of man is full of corruption, which en-creaseth more by all unbridled liberty, what resting place should be for the godly, which must render again good for evil? except community could place out of our nature envy, malice, covetousness, strife, concupiscence, &c. How miserable were the church of Christ, that must needs be subject to so cruel a multitude! He that teacheth this doctrine, let him be cut off, whosoever he be. For our part, we have not so learned Christ. But we say with St. Paul, Let every man abide in that calling in which he is called; whether he be bond or free. That he may be taught by the grace of God, how to abound, and how to want; how to be rich, and how to be poor. And blessed be the Lord of Israel, that hath established for his people (not of transitory things) so great a warrant of faith. For in all poverty, sorrow, card, affliction, what comfort do I feel, when I can say with the prophet David, I hold my peace, O Lord, because thou hast done it! How happily do I see the troubles to come, when God shall wipe away all tears from our eyes! And again, in all abundance of riches, honour, favour, authority, what witnesses are they unto me of God’s goodness! when I can say in the midst of them, Vanity of vanity; and all is vanity: when I faithfully dispense that is committed unto me: when I truly believe, that my treasure is not earthly: when I look through honour, and see in spirit, that to fear God and keep his commandments, this is all the happiness under the sun. It is a cursed community that taketh this blessing from us. And Satan turneth himself into an angel of light, when he maketh such entrance into the pathways of love.

God hath given to every man goods to dispense; to some more, to some less, even as he would: and unto all a property in the things they have.

Which truth shall stand, when heaven and earth shall pass. For it hath the strength of the law of the Lord, Thou shalt not steal. And upon it Christ will build up the inheritance of his saints for ever, when he shall say unto them on his right hand, When I was hungry, you gave me meat, &c. As likewise with it he shall condemn his enemies, and make it known, he gave unto every one a property in his goods, when fear and terror shall teach them his judgments; and in his wrath he shall speak, Go ye cursed into everlasting fire, prepared for the Devil and for his angels. When I was hungwy, yee gave me not meat, &c. Then this is it I do believe, and this I do teach, there is no such community in the church of God; nor ought to be; nor ever was since God first created man upon the earth. They have opened wide glass windows for anabaptists to enter into the commonwealth, that of late have written, that in the apostles times all things were common. Let them preach on so; and the end cannot be good.

Wee know no such community, nor the church of God.

The apostles are our last schoolmasters, and their gospel we will hold to the end. It is written, They that believed had all things common: and they sold their possessions and goods, and gave it to every man, as they had need.

Acts ii. 44. But they sold it themselves. And yet our Saviour Christ said, he was a true Israelite. So that selling or giving, it was still their own. And what can be more plain, than the saying of Peter to Ananias, speaking of his land, When thou hadst it, it was thine own: and when thou hadst sold it, it was in thine own power, Acts v. 4. And therefore there was then no community, tho’ some sold their lands, as the time required: they did it by the motion of the Spirit of God. They did it not by commandment or law of the church.

But I need not say more of this. For all is but a colour. They do not think me an anabaptist, that do most accuse me. And I would they did remember, Non eget verbum Dei mendacio, ut loquamini pro eo dolos. It is as true now as it was in the days of Job. And it testifieth as well now a want of truth, where any thing is holden up by falshood and deceit.

And now to say more what I think expedient; and humbly to bring your honours in remembrance of the peace of the church. I would a great many preachers in London, which are unlearned, and rash of speech, were admonished by the bishop of their doings. For while they flatter to get livings, they make the pulpit to be contemned. I heard of late one in the wide church of Paul’s, preach much for authority of bishops; and what a thing it were to have them honorable, and said thus; “I would five or six of the council were Aarons. I would the lord keeper were a bishop. Not that I think justice ill ministred, but I would have the clergy in honour. I would a bishop were master of the rolls. I would all the six clerks of the chancery were priests. This would make the order in estimation. In time past a good justice of peace durst not offend a parish or hedge priest. Now every broom-man in Kent-street will controwl bishops.” These words they do not edify the conscience of man. He spake not as St. Peter commands, tanquam eloquia Del.

It grieveth me to see one pretend the person of Christ; and to speak words of so great vanity. And yet this is but one man among many: whom if it pleased God, I would your honours did hear. But because I am not to accuse others, but to purge my self, I leave this, and will answer to one other accusation, which is yet against me, touching my lord of Canterbury.

I am charged, that I put off my cap, bade them hearken, and said, Now I will prophesie, Matthew Parker is the last archbishop that ever shall sit in that seat. Mr. Cartwright should say, Accipio omen. To this I answer, that I have confessed what I said; and here I send it witnessed by their hands that heard it. I put off no cap, nor spake of any prophesy. But Mr. Blage commending much a book which he was about, of the archbishops of Canterburies lives, I said merrily, as before a sick man, in whose chamber we were; that he should do wel to be somewhat long in this bishop’s life: for peradventure he should be the last that should sit in that place. I do not excuse these words, but leave to your honours to consider the weight of them. And I beseech God give me that grace, that hereafter I may be careful, that I speak so as St. Paul saith, that in all my words I may bring grace to the hearers. Onely this I beseech your honours with favour to remember, that seeing my private speeches so long time have been so narrowly searched, if mine open preaching had been more faulty, it had been more easily known.

And thus I leave further to trouble your honours: offering my self ready in what place soever I may be thought profitable in the church of Christ, I beseech that living God long to keep you to his honour and glory, and your endless comfort, Amen. 1573, Novemb. 27.

NUMBER 29.

A letter of the lords of the privy council to the Dutch church: upon occasion of such as found fault with the customs of this church.

AS our gracious queen, out of her pious principles, hath taken compassion on your being persecuted, and of the miseries you have suffered for the religion, (being com in her kingdoms,) and is willing to give you her protection; so shee expects from you such services as become honest and godly subjects; and all such actions as become thankful acknowledgments.

And is very glad that shee hath hitherto found the performance of that duty; and hopes, that it will alwaies continue. But since there is a seditious sort of people sprung up, not content with the peaceable state of the commonwealth, seeking for occasions to broach what is new and strange; and that especially in regard of the usual forms of religious worship, and the ceremonies of the publick prayers: that so they might seem to be somthing, and to understand more than they which first instituted the same, by publick advise and counsils. This hath caused in her majesty apprehensions, least such tumultuous spirits should occasion you to misuse your privileges; imagining, that the way they invent will bee more acceptable to you, than that which is in use with us; as seeming more conformable with your customs than ours; and will pretend to the common people that you despise our way.

It is not unknowne to us, that in divers churches, ever since the Christian religion had a beginning, divers waies and ceremonies have been used, som standing, som falling on their knees, others flat downe, have addressed and prayed to God. And yet one and the self-same religion, if the prayers are don in truth to the true God, and no impiety and superstition mixt with it.

In divers places and countries the same God, whose is the whole world, is believed and adored of divers nations, and in divers tongues and languages, and in divers manners, and with varietie of cloathing and ceremonies; yet is it the self same faith, the same religion, the same Christ, and God the Father of all.

Wee do not despise your custom, nor compel you to ours, but wee account your ceremonies good, as fittest for you, and most agreeable to the republick from whence you come. And wee hope also, that you in anothers commonwealth, will not be so ungratefully curious, that you will condemn those customs which wee have bin moved to establish out of the principles of true pietie and religion, with common consent of the whole kingdom, by the command of pious princes; and which the great labor of wise and learned men have ordained, as most proper for our people; and were confirmed by the bloud and death of many martyrs: and have bin for a long time thus settled amongst us: that you should not despise them, but rather these tumultuous and disquiet people, who would bring confusion to what is so well setled; nor to approve or give aid to such actions, either by word or any part of your authoritie, And if any amongst them should presume to affirme, what you are cautioned against, yet would we not suspect such imprudence or inconstancy of your wisdom. Be it far from you, to do any thing whereby you might create any suspi-sion of disturbing the peace of our common-welth, and the state of our religion, so wel setled, and so breed occasion of difference and discord.

For by your wisdom you know very well, that the queen’s majesty would rather drive you out of her kingdom, than to suffer, that by such guests, (who were received on a religious account,) by such wicked and unkindely means, her state should bee brought in danger.

Therefore if there be any that seek to cause a discord between us, be they English, or of your own people, drive them from your flock, and suffer them not to make so ill a use of you. Or if there be any that, out of a wanton conceitedness, leave and come from the use and custom of their native country, and will joyne themselves with you, such wee think ought not to bee received by you, that so they may not occasion discord and contention; which would be troublesom to us, and prejudicial to you; for wee foreseeing the things that might arise from such differences, have thought it necessary by this our letter to warn you against it. And we doubt not, by all possible means and diligence, you will take care, according to your wisdom and pietie, that neither to our glorious and pious queen, nor us, any cause of offence, nor any suspicion of ingratitude or disobedience shall be given: whereby it will come to pass, that you may live here in peace and security; and that we may shew you all the favour we can, to our mutual comfort. Farewel in Christ our common Savior.

And what your opinion is of this concern, wee pray you to let us know it by your answer, with as much speed as conveniently you can. April 1573.

Your friends, Bacon, C.S.

W. Burghley.

E. Lincoln.

T. Sussex.

Arundel.

R. Leycester.

T. Smith.

NUMBER 30.

Answer of the Dutch congregation to the aforesaid letter. NOBLE and honourable lords, it being your pleasure, we answer herewith yours written unto us, Most humbly praying to receive and apprehend it, with well affected minds.

We first thank the eternal God, and then our gracious queen, and your honours, for the great and manifold goodness, and benefits, by the grace of God, and the queen’s benignity, and your lordships favours, and the whole kingdoms civilities shewn unto us, poor strangers and refugees; and also, that our inhabiting here, and services, are acceptable to your lordships; and that the queen’s majesty nor your honors are not wearied in doing us good.

And amongst many others, it is none of the least favour, that whereas (we holding unity in doctrine with you) you favour us with our usual ceremonies in our own languages: the same being accounted by us most convenient for our people and country; and whereunto we are accustomed; and have enjoyed the same since the reign of the godly king Edward; and that we are not compelled to ceremonies here in use: we hope there will never prove occasion to her majesty nor your lordships, to repent of these favours shown unto us, and that it will appear you have not bin mistaken in your good opinions of us; and that you will please not to beleeve or regard malitious reports to prejudice us.

For your lordships will not be deceived in firmly beleev-ing, that we do not countenance such tumultuous people, nor approve their words or deeds, much less assist them in any manner whatsoever.

Wee despise not the ceremonies of other churches, in comparing them with ours; what a pious magistracy hath established, what they judge most fit for the people, and tending to true godliness, requires submission.

Wee know also, that as it doth not become us, to be curious inspectors into other men’s matters, nor to pass our judgment on them; so it becoms us much less to encourage any changes, or to encourage others thereunto; but wee commit the care thereof to them whom God has ordained for it, and who by experience best knows what is most fit for them who are committed to their care.

Wee shall also for the future (God willing) take care that nothing shall be don by us, that might occasion any suspition of us, or just cause to her majesty of offence against us. And as you are pleased to command, so we shall expel from our flock, all such as we find to be of tumultuous tempers: neither shall we take amongst us any English, who from such principles seek to separate themselves from their own country customs. Wee have never accepted any such amongst us. In our congregation are not above four English, whereof two since their comming hither from their exile, have continued amongst us. The third is one that married a Dutch woman. The fourth came in their company, and continueth for the improoving in the language.

And to compel our people to a perfect dutiful behaviour, and to avoid all disputings, we have read your commands to the congregation.

Finally, Wee pray God never to withdraw his mercies from you, but to increase them more and more, in true godliness and obedience to him.

Your most obedient and humble ministers, elders, and deacons, of the Dutch Congregation.

NUMBER 31.

Mr. William Heydon’s Christian letter to the bishop Norwich, for a reconciliation, after some falling out with him at his house, about admitting a layman into order’s.

MY lord, immediately after my return home, which was not very joyous unto me, considering our bitter departure, may it please your lordship to be advertised, that such was my chance to joyn in that company, where you and your state, from the top to the bottom, was unripped. I weighing both your earnest zele, and mine own in and towards the gospel, and seeing that the enemy, clawing the elbow for joy, that one spark of discord should be kindled among us; I thought it meet and convenient, as I have always to the uttermost of my power tendred your estate, to procure a means that we may be together lovingly reconciled again. And albeit that flesh and bloud did so rise in us at that time, that we both perchance, I for a season forgat my self to be dutiful to your lordship; and you perhaps adminstred some spark of choler on the other side; yet considering my duty towards you, and you weighing what credit your dealing ought to win towards the gospel, thought it convenient at this time to salve the sore on my part: lest at any time the common enemy, the papist, might jest, that the chiefest gospellers are at bitter hatred and contention among themselves.

Surely, I need not instruct your lordship, of whom I would learn willingly, that such is the subtil slight and old policy of Satan, that if he may breed dissension or discord among them, in whom there ought to be a sweet harmony and agreement, he is no time more glad or joyful. It is no new thing that the children of God have disagreed: and therefore the sooner in us to be amended. Paul and Barnabas, as the Acts make rehearsal, were at such bitter dissension between themselves, for the receiving of Mark, that the one departed from the other in great heat and choler. The words that past between them were sharp and bitter. But when the Lord saw it so good, they were reconciled again. Whatsoever bitter words have past between us, I for my part do acknowledge mine own imbecillity: and desire your lordship of pardon herein, if I have offended: binding my self, as I have both tendred your state, and defended you, when my words might stand you in sted, so you would bear in silence whatsoever hath proceded on either part. And as the first cause and chiefest occasion was derived neither from you, nor from my self, so I wish the amendment that bred this discord; and wish that in other things he may have the less credit. And surely as I have to thank your lordship, because at my commendations it pleased you to entertain Mr. Mouse, a man both godly and zelous, into your service, so I trust at any time, neither I nor my letters shall commend any unto you which shall not both try themselves godly and honest, and that praise that I give upon them well bestowed.

But thus much I must needs inform your lordship of, that you know as well, that as you give too light credit to some that are always about you, so you procure your self some discredit in giving no heed to these that both love you earnestly, and tender your state accordingly. Thus beseeching your lordship to acquit me with a line or two, to the satisfaction and quietness of my mind, trusting, that for all this, your opinion is not diminished of me, who make as good account of you as of the chiefest bishop of this land, with my unfeigned duty and commendations; desiring the Lord God so to ravish your heart with his holy Spirit, that you may be an ornament to the church, a light to the gospel, and an ey-sore to all the papists, (whose eyes are cast wholly upon you,) I most humbly take my leave of you. From Holt, this 10th of June, 1573.

Your lordships every way to command, William Heydon. [NUMBER 31] The same bishop’s fatherly and friendly answer to the former letter.

I AM glad, and I thank God for it, that hath moved your heart so speedily, and as it were before the sun go down, to forethink your self of such things as of late were don at my house: and whether the cause come of you, be judge your self. You bring unto me a simple old man, spent with labours and turmoils of the world, who through his age and other imperfections, is no longer able to labour for his living, (for so he himself hath reported,) that he should now enter the ministry: his knowledge in the Latin very small; in the scriptures as little: by his occupation a husbandman, The canons do appoint, (and I have given my consent thereto,) that no bishop shall lay his hand upon any that hath been brought up in husbandry. For these be the words of the canon. He confessed to me, that he hath been brought up in husbandry from his youth upwards. What would you have me to do P Should I go clean contrary to that to the which I and all other bishops have subscribed, and set to our hands? You think that your estimation should somewhat be lessened for the denyal of your request.

And I know that my estimation should much be appared for granting of the same. Oh! Mr. Heydon, I and all Other bishops have made too many such.

Necessity drave us to do the same. But to continue so doing, it were a fault too hainous. Of late years I have had great care in this behalf; and do intend so to continue by God’s grace.

Truly, Mr. Heydon, you must bear with me, although I love you dearly, if I shall not agree to you in matters, in my judgment, offensive to God and my conscience, and slanderous to the church. Remember the old saying, Amicus, sed usque ad aras.

Another part of your letter toucheth my credit somewhat; that you should think of me so much lightness, that either would believe, as you say, any about me, farther than there shall be cause; or not credit, nor give heed to such others as both love me, and tender my state. The contrary whereof is true, Mr. Heydon. The which, but for lack of time, I could declare unto you many ways. This saying is not so true, as often uttered against me: which might be left well enough, that acre hath been so much ploughed already.

To let these things pass, and to conclude. I thank God for your friendship, and for your great zele, and favour to God’s gospel. In which respect I account of you as of a most dear friend. Touching the heat of words passed, let each of us say, Homo sum, nihil humani a me alienum puto.

For my part, I forget all, and forgive all unfeignedly; and do heartily rejoyce to understand the like of you. And thus I bid you heartily well to fare. Scribbled in hast with my rude hand. At Ludham, the 16th of June, 1573.

Your assured loving friend in Christ, J. Norwic.

NUMBER 32.

A discovery of the present estate of the bishopric of St. Asaph, in the year 1587.

THE estate of the bishopric of St. Asaph now standeth thus.

Most of the great livings within the dioces, some with cure of souls, and some without cure, are either holden by the bishop himself in commendam, or else they are in possession of such men as do dwell out of the country.

These are holden by the lord bishop in commendam.

I. The archdeaconry: being well worth 400l. yearly. To the which the benefices with cure do belung: Llangrostenin, Diserth, and Rhylyfnwyd.

And these without cure: Aber-gele, rectory, Bettws, R. Llandrillo, in Rhos Porc. Llanrwst, Pore.

II. Gwin, R. sine cura, yearly worth 50l.

III. Llandrillo in Deirnyon, R. sine cura, worth 80l .

IV. Llangwin, R. sine cura, yearly worth 60l .

V. Llandrinia, R. with three cures, viz. Llandrinio, Llandissiho, Melverley, worth yearly 160l .

VI. Llysvayn, R. cum cura, yearly worth 50l. or better.

VII. Castell, R. cum cura, yearly worth 50l.

VIII. Malloyd, R. cum cura, yearly worth 70l . Nine cures, and seven without cures.

The said lord bishop hath had in his commendam six other benefices with cure: the which he resigned upon having of the better, viz. 1. Abergele, vic. 2. Bettws, vic. 3. G resford, vic. 4. Myvot, vic. 5. Arbistock, rec. 6. Llanyckill, rec.

These following are in the possession of them that ly out of the country.

Whereof some were collated by the lord bishop that now is. Viz.

I. Vaynol, prebend, yearly worth 200 marks, in the possession of D.

Yale, of the Arches.

II. Llanufyth, preb. well worth a 100l . yearly, in the possession of D.

Lewyn, of the Arches.

III. Kilken, R. worth 50l . yearly, in the possession of Mr. Tomson, dwelling about London. A sine cure.

IV. Skeiviog, R. in the possession of Mr. Henry Mostyn.

V. Whittington, R. cum cura, of the patronage of Mr. Albany, in the possession of Mr. Bay-shaw, of Litchfield.

VI. Oswestrie, vic. of the patronage of the earl of Arundel, in the possession of . . .

VII. Machynllaeth, R. in the possession of Mr. Hughes, of Merionythshire.

And of antient collation these.

I. Meleden, preb. worth yearly 50l. in the possession of Mr. Ireland, of Chester.

II. Llanwrst, R. in the possession of D.Jones, of the Arches.

III. Llansannan, R. Porc. in the possession of the same, IV. Llanarmon, R. in the possession of the dean of Canterbury, Mr. Rogers.

V. Estyn, R. in the possession of the same man.

VI. Covwen, It. in the possession of D. Mev-ricks, of Litchfield.

VII Llandyssel, R. in the possession of D. Lewys, the queen’s chaplain.

There is never a preacher within the said dioces, (the lord bishop only excepted,) that keepeth ordinary residence and hospitality upon his lyving, but D. Powel and D. Morgan, and the parson of Llanvechen, an aged man about 80 years old.

By reason of the commendams and absence aforesaid, hospitality now of late is greatly decayed in that dioces.

These are clean gone, which of late were great housekeepers.

I. The dean. He that now hath the name to be dean, never kept house in all his life: and is an unfit man for that place and calling in all respects, being not past four and twenty years old.

II. The archdeacon hath been the best house-keeper in the countrie.

But now the lyving is in the lord bishops commendam.

III. The parson of Llysvaen, now the lord bishops commendam.

IV. The parson of Skeiviog, now absent.

V. The vicar of Cwin. The now incumbent, being also parson of Northop and of Whitford, two of the greatest lyvings in all the dioces, boordeth in the alehouse.

VI. The parson of Whyttinton, now absent.

VII. The parson of Llandeinio, now the lord bishops com-mendam.

VIII. The parson of Castell: a great housekeeper, now the lord bishops commendam.

IX. The parson of Llandrillo, now the lord bishops commendam.

X. The parson of Mallayd, now the lord bishops commendam.

The lyvings being subducted, the relief of the poor must needs decay.

Parcells of the bishoprick leased, and confirmed by the lord bishop that now is, to the hindrance of his successors.

I. The lordship of Meleden (the moyety whereof being in lease before, he bought of Mr. Symon Theloal; to whom he gave the vicarage of Moulde for the same) he hath confirmed for lives, to the use of his own children.

II. The rectorie of Llanhasaph he hath, for the sum of 300l . confirmed for lives to Mr. Piers Mostyn, esq.

III. The manor of Llandegla, to his Cousin, Hue Kendryk, of London.

IV. The bishops lands in S. Martins he graunted to the old tenaunts, if they will pay him 170l . Otherwise the same are graunted to the use of his own children.

V. A portion of fith, in the parish of Blodwall, of the yearly rent of 15l . he hath confirmed in lease to Marmaduke Jones, gent. for 40s. rent, in part of payment of a purchase of certain freehold lands, which he purchased of the same Jones, to him and to his heirs for ever. For the which, besides the said lease, he gave 100l . in mony, the lands being worth 20l . yearly.

VI. Llangwstenin, a parcel of the archdeaconrie, he hath confirmed in lease to William ap Richard of Conwey.

Other leases which the said lord bishop, for mony or other pleasures, hath confirmed.

I. The rectorie of Llanrhajader, being yearly worth 160l . he hath confirmed in lease to the widow of Mr. John Dudley, a small rent reserved to the incumbent.

II. The rectory of Whytfor he hath in like maner, for a piece of mony, confirmed to Mr. Roger Maneringe of Nantwiche.

III. the rectorie of Northope, being the best in all that dioces, he hath in like maner confirmed in lease.

IV. The rectorie of Estyn he hath likewise confirmed in lease.

V. The rectorie of Llansilin, being the dividend of the chapter, he confirmed to the use of his own wife and children: promising great preferments to some of the prebends, to graunt to him their portions of the same. And when he had obtained his request, he now refuseth to perform his promise with them.

VI. He hath also confirmed a parcel of tith belonging to the vicarage of Henllan, and the two coportianarie prebends of Llanvair to his own sister.

And to that end he may confirm what he will himself, he hath gotten all the keys of the chapter seal, to the keeping of his own chaplains, whom he may command. Whereby it may well appear what he meaneth to do hereafter. 1. The said lord bishop, in all his ordinary visitations, caused the clergy of his dioces to pay for his diet, and the diet of his traine; over and above the accustomed procurations, appointed by the laws for that purpose, and contrary to the same laws. 2. He commonlie giveth no benefice before he hath gotten the harvest for himself, if the same do fall, that he may so do. 3. And now (the more is the pity) he is altogether given to the purchasing of lands to him and to his heirs: and hath given out great sums of mony upon mortgage of lands. As upon the lands of Mr. Edwards of Chirke, (as it is reported,) the sum of 700l . And the lands of Mr. Conwey, the sum of — Which thing is a scandal to his profession, and an evil example for usurie to the laity. 4. The officers of his consistory court do receive great sums of money of offenders, in redemption of their corporal penaunce. And never send the same, nor any part thereof, to the parishes, where the offences are committed: but either take the same to their own uses, or give it to his lordship, without any notice or satisfaction to the congregation offended. 5. There is no table of fees set up in the consistorie, according to the late canons. 6. There are no overseers appointed for divine service within that dioces, according to the Injunctions. Which thing hath been a great cause of so many recusants in that countrie.

All the premisses are to be found of records, or notoriously known. So that they cannot be denyed. [NUMBER 32] The bishop of S. Davids to secretary Cecill; concerning the filling two Welsh bishopricks vacant. PLEASETH it your honour to be advertised; whereas both bushops, my neighbours, the busshop of Landaff on the one side, and the busshop of Bangor on the other, are departed this miserable world, I have continual care rooted in my hart, and my prayer unto God is, that such men may be appointed to the rowmes, that by preaching of the word of God, and lyving according to the same, may set forth thc glory of God, and shew light in these places of extreme darkness.

For I have heard, that one Mr. Hughes sueth for Lan-daft, a man to me unknown, but by divers I have heard of him, that he is utterly unlearned in divinity, and not able to render a reason of his faith. If it be so, what service shall he be able to do to God and the queen’s majesty in that place, that of all other places in England hath of long time most lacked good doctrine and true knowledge of God; and where in matters of religion no reformation or redress hath been, since the time of the queen’s majesties visitation.

For the other busshoprick, that is Bangor, I would think Mr. Huett, chaunter of S. Davys, a man for learning, gravity, and language, meet for the same. Thus have I thought necessary to signify unto your honour, as the chiefest means that lyeth in me to use, to forward Christs church in these places, and to prevent inconvenience. And so with my daily prayer, I commit your honour to the tuition of Almighty God. From my house at Aberguelley, the xxxth of January, 1565.

Your honours most bounden, R. Meneven.

NUMBER 33.

Lands of the bishopric of Durham, sometime detained, but restored to bishop Pilkington; and sold away again in the years 1648 and 1649; with the names of the purchasers, and at what values.

Anno 1648-49 (L. s. d.) Sold to William Cave, esq. the royalties and perquisites of the mannor of North Allerton 1453 6 To Thomas Dodd, lands in North Allerton 186 17 To Robert Metcalf, lands in North Allerton 1081 7 To sir Thomas Widrington and Thomas Coghil, the mannor of Crake in Yorkshire 1163 8 To George Foxcroft, two water-mills, &c. in Welton Howden, &c. 876 6 To Thomas Lascells, lands and mills in North Allerton 553 17 To Robert Metcalf, other lands in North Allerton 286 0 To Thomas Ledgear, Henry Dawson, &c.

Frankland wood and colyery, with med-dows in Durham moore, &c. meddows in Gateside, toll of the town of Gateside 2559 2 To Thomas Haslerigge, the whole mannor of Bishop Middleham, &c 3306 6 To Henry Darly and Jo. Wastel, for the borough 237 3 2 of North Allerton To Walter Boothby, for the mannor of Easington 8528 2 To Moses Jenkins, lands in North Allerton 113 0 To William Underwood, Thomas Coghil, and Matthew Brigg, the whole mannor of Howden, &c .... 5192 15 To Henry Darly, lands in the mannor of North Allerton 125 1 Norham castle, and the lands about it, (said to be valued at 120l . per ann.) were alienated long before, in king James’s time, to the earl of Dunbar, by Toby Matthews, then bishop of Durham: there was also then an act of parlament passed by that lord’s interest, to prevent all future alienations.

NUMBER 34.

A note of the particulars of lands of the bishoprick of Durham demised to queen Elizabeth, chiefly by bishop Barnes.

Date of leases.

Apr. 26. an. reg. 24.

May ult. an. reg. 19.

Apr. 17. an. reg. 20.

June 20. an. reg. 20.

May 14. an. reg. 23.

Numb. of years 100 40 80 Yearly rent. L. s. d. 117 15 82 0 27 18 8 18 0 26 9 I.ALL the manours and towns of Whickham and Gateside. Memorandum.

Lost in this lease 110l . reserved in leases in esse. Which were for coalmines to three persons, viz. Anderson, Lew-en, and White; and to one, named Blackeston, for way-leave, 10l . per annum. (Apr. 26 a. reg. 24, 99 years) II. All the fishings in the water of Tweed, within Norham and Norhamshire, with all rents, issues, liberties, &c. (May ult. An. Reg. 19, 100 years) Memorandum. These fishings are expresly restored to the new bishop, but paid to her majesties receiver of Northumberland.

III. All the watermills in Darlington and Blackwell, &c. (Apr. 17 an. Reg. 20, 40 years) IV. All the rectory and parsonage of Leake, in Yorkshire; and all the tithes, oblations, profits, and commodities thereunto belonging. (June 20 an. Reg. 20, 50 years) V. All the manour and graunge of Mildredge, with the appurtinances. (May 14, an. Reg. 23, 80 years) VI. All Wolsingham park, the watermil there, chapel walls, &c. (Oct. 24.

An. Reg. 24, 80 years) VII. All the manour of Hove-don, in Yorkshire, &c. (July 24. An. Reg. 26, 90 years) VIII. All Coundon graunge, &c. All the manour of Morton, in the county of Duresin. Twelve messuages in Stanhope park, at Westgate, &c. (Jan. an. Reg. 27, 70 years) IX. All those meddows and pastures, called Bishops Close, neer Ryers graunge. All Bishop Midlam park, with appurtinences. All the demesne of Midlam, &c. (Oct. 15 an. Reg. 23, 80 years) X. All the manour of Crayke; and all graunges, houses, messuages, milns, &c. wasts, woods, demesn lands, quarries, wards, mariages, ha-riots, fines, courts waves, &c. All jurisdiction, privileges, franchises, &c. All the manour of Welehal, the demesn lands there. The fishings in the waters of Owse. Thedemesn lands of Walkington, &c. All the wood and underwood at Walkington. The passages, shores, fishings, and fire-boot, at Hovedondyke, (Sept. 29, an. Reg. 28, 80 years)

NUMBER 35.

Dr. Gardiner to the bishop of Norwich: in answer to an angry letter of the bishop’s to him, about the archdeaconry of Norwich.

YOUR letters, my lord, have always been as welcome to me as good. I did earnestly look for them at my last being in London about your business.

But tho letters came at length to divers, I received not so much as any line: whether that defect was in your lordship, or in your secretary, or in your messenger, I know not. Now unlooked for, I have received such an one, as I did think never to have received from your lordship, considering I never deserved, any such at your hands. I do admit your love to your friend; and omit your bitter words to a well-wilier: and so to the matter. What reports are I weigh not. The truth shall try it self. That I went about to do nothing, before I had made your lordship privy to all. And I stayed the finishing of my thing to such time as I had obtained Mr. Roberts goodwil: without the which I was assured never to have yours. If I had been well, I had been with Roberts, or now. I have, as your lordship requested me, written unto him, and desired him to send your lordship my letter.

But I beseech your lordship to pardon me to speak for my self, being thus ill used at all hands. Why should it be said, that I undermine any? Have I not said, and do say still, that if he have any just title to it, he shall never be hindred by me? And that though he have no just title, yet for your sake he shall enjoy the mean fruits, viz. 120l . Do you think that Mr. Roberts, or any in Norfolk, would deal so with me? And I am well assured, he hath no more matter for him to enjoy that archdeaconry, than I have to enjoy the benefice of Dicleborough. If your friend, for my friendship offered, use me in this sort, I will call back my word, and I will either enjoy all or loose all.

I had no cause to boast of your consent, to plesure me to his hindrance.

No, I could wish your lordship yet to be but upright and indifferent: as you gave me not the archdeaconry, so not to hinder me of it, when the queen’s majesty hath given it me: in this you do me wrong. I made your lordship privy to it. I stayed it in the midst, as I declared at my return. I was willing to abide your end in all things: yea, I had rather loose that, and all the living I have, than loose my lord the bishop of Norwich. Unto whom, in a reverend respect of his great good will towards me at all times, and of that faithful and unfeigned service, in friendship whereof I have bound my self with a religious vow, I my self, and all that ever I have beside.

Your lordship writes, your lordship will withstand any that offereth him [i.e. Roberts] so great wrong. It is an easy matter to withstand me, but not so easy to withstand the queens presentation, when she hath right. I sucked not this out of my own fingers. It came from other heads, how it [i. e. the archdeaconry] came void. And it is so far in other men’s heads which wished me unto it; because they thought I should have your goodwill, and do good in the room: which had need of a waking archdeacon, and one that hath eyes: that if I have it not, Mr. Roberts shall not enjoy it.

I trust my credit remaineth uncracked for any note of aambition shewed in this. O Lord, where are men’s eyes? I speak it plainly, it is no ambition for one man that is rich, without charge, well provided for, yet no travailer in the church of God any maner of way, to seek an archdeaconry for the living only; when there is an advouson out, [by which Rugg was presented;] which indeed is, and was good in law, if it had been well handled; and to defend the intrusion fas nefasque. But it is ambition in the poor man, that hath wife and four children unprovided for, and that hath travailed (absit jactantia verbo) painfully in the church of God these eleven years in one dioces, to seek for an archdeaconry, when it is clearly void in law, and not without a care to discharge that great charge that this office bringeth: and to seek it in such humble sort as he referreth his furtherance to them that hinder him most. Judge then my cause, O God. Where you wish me to give you no cause of misliking, or of breach of friendship; O my good lord, as I have at all times and in all places acknowledged your fatherly friendship towards me, so do I now. And loth were I ever to have any occasion to the contrary. Even so, I speak it boldly, have I acquired your goodwil with as true a heart as ever poor man did bear to prelate.

You may, to plesure your other friends, cast me off, yet shall the world witness with me, that it was don without my deserving.

As for your parenthesis, to continue as of old, (if I use you and your friendship well,) I wish to breath no longer than I use your lordship as it becometh; yea, your friends, your servants, and your dogs for your sake.

And although you have provoked my patience, as much as ever it was, with a sharp, a bitter, and taunting letter; containing untruths, which you have received of reports; yet shall you not loose my heart, my hand, my service, and all I have to command at your will, as much as it pleaseth you.

I wrot once before, that if the whole right of the archdeaconry were in my hand, your lordship should order the matter as it pleased you. So do I now, when I am fully persuaded, it is in my hand indeed, &c. I mean plainly, let Mr. Roberts ask counsil, and then answer me surely. Thus with my humble commendations to your good lordship, I take my leave, 29th of June, 1573.

Your lordships as heretofore, so to the death, Geo. Gardyner.

NUMBER 36.

Dr. Gardiner to Mr. Roberts; concerning the archdeaconry of Norwich: which he sheweth him was lapsed to the queen: and so became his by her grant. SALUTATION in Christ Jesu, &c. I have received a very rough letter from my lord bishop; and such an one as I did never think to have received from him, considering I never deserved the like. The matter concerneth you and your archdeaconry. Wherein you shall well perceive, that I never undermined you, as I am falsely accused, but have carefully sought to keep your good will, and to seek your commodity, as mine own; and more than I think any man would have don for me. So it is, that in Easter term I understood by those that are well learned in the laws, that John Rugg could not enjoy the archdeaconry, because he was not presented thereunto by Bernes, or any of those unto whom Thimelthorp had made a deed of gift of his goods and chattels: which otherwise without controversie he should have enjoyed, if either the deed of gift had not been good, or if he had been presented thereunto by any of those four unto whom the deed was made.

Then was it certain, and so is it still; and so shall you find it: that seeing that their advouson was good, if it had been well handled, your advouson could take no place (this is plain) at this time. But after six months, it fell into lapse in my lord of Canterburies hands; and after twelve months, into the queens. Where now it doth remain. For my lord, our bishop, can have no advantage of lapse, in those things that he is patron of.

I declared all these things to your atturny, and to Mr. Baispole, in Easter term; offering this, that if he would sue for it to the queen’s majesty, for my lord his sake, you should have my furtherance. If not, then if I might have my lords good will and yours, I would sue for it. And in consideration of your advouson lost, I would give you the mean fruits of these two years by-past. To this Mr. Bais-pole answered, that he would warrant me it should be mine own. For he thought that you would not enter into new charge and trouble. Yet dealt I not upon this warrant; but returning home, I told my lord as is before. Who, after the old manner, wishing the thing to you above all men, if it might be, next graunted his goodwill to me upon the obtaining of your goodwil. Which he willed me to crave. Whereupon I was determined to come to you in my journey to London: but that I was caried another way with company. At my being there, although I had good occasion to try my friends in this and other matters; yet this token I gave of a reverend regard to the friendship of my lord bishop, that having my honourable friends to do as much as I required, yet I left the matter re infecta.

I might finish here: and if I had not been so visited in my feet, that I could neither ride nor go, I had been with you my serf, before this rumour should have come to your ears. And for a conclusion make your choice, whether I shall have your goodwill to go forwards upon the former conditions; or that you will leave it to some other, that will admit no such condition. For truly without my lord bishops goodwil, which I cannot have without yours, I will not once write or speak more in the matter. And yet I wish you to look to it, either in taking it, or in departing from it. And thus I crave, that you will return me answer of your pleasure in the premisses: and that you would send this letter to my lord: and then you shall command twice as much. Thus resting to trouble you any further, I commit you to God.

The 28th of June, 1573.

Your assured in Christ, Geo. Gardyner. [NUMBER 36] Some heads of the university of Cambridge, to the lord Burleigh, their high chancellor: acquainting him with the case of Mr. Aldrich, master of Benet college, as to his breach of a college statute. OUR dutiful thanks for your lordships continual goodness towards this whole university, most humbly premised. According to your lordships appointment, we have called before us the master and company of Benet college. Wee have heard their complaints and causes of controversy. And have entred to consider the state of their house. And now to make report to your honour of our proceedings. May it please the same to be advertised, that touching the principal difference between Mr. Aldrich and the fellows, viz. whether the said Aldrich, being not qualified according to the statute, may still nevertheless retain his mastership. After deeper weighing of the said statute, and heating what might be alledged in his defence, we inclined in opinion to this point, that like as the like statutes are in sundry colleges binding the collegiates to be qualified diversly; for not accomplishing whereof, some heretofore have either voluntarily relinquished, or been put from their rooms: and considering again how dangerous a thing it were to admit the contrary example in one house, to the special prejudice of a great number; so likewise were we in this case induced to think, that the plain meaning of that statute is, that whoso hath not the quality required, is not to occupy and enjoy the place.

Nevertheless forasmuch as by the parties consents heretofore, (as most of them have confessed,) the resolution of the same doubt was referred to the judgment of the archbishop of Canterbury, we have thought it not amiss to follow that course; as well to satisfy his grace in behalf of our late thought: whereby we meant only to preserve our privileges, and not to withdraw from his graces hearing any private matter that before had been orderly committed unto him: as also, and chiefly, for that your honour, not without great consideration, (as we verily take it,) eftsones advised Aldrich to ensue that way. To the which effect we have addrest our letters to his grace, not doubting but that as he hath a singular care for the good estate of that house, so he will determine in this case accordingly.

For our own part, we thought best not to set down any definitive sentence therein, unless your honours speedy advice shall otherwise direct us. The blessed God long preserve your lordship in most prosperous estate to his good plesure, and our chief comfort. At Cambridge, the 8th of August, 1573.

Your lordships most bounden humbly at commandment, Thomas Byng, Roger Kelke, Edward Hawford, Jhon Whytgifte.

Andrew Perne,

NUMBER 37.

A description of the queen’s progress, anno 1573; with a particular account of her magnificent entertainment at Canterbury: by the archbishop, and of her return home. Omitted in the editions of that archbishop’s Life, intitled, Mathaeus.

DE qua Cantiana peragratione, ejusque ordine atque for-ma, ut posteritati rerum anteactarum memoria in scriptis monumentis reservetur; ex earumque comparatione, quid sequendum fugiendumque sit, animadvertatur, opportunum ease ducimus, hoc loco declarare.

Decimo quarto igitur die Julii, qui dies Mercurii eo anno fuerat, regina Elizabetha ab aedibus suis Grenovici discessit, et Croidonam profecta est.

Ibi cum sua familia in domo Cantuariensis episeopi septem dies permansit.

Indeque Or-pingtonam migravit ad aedes Percyvalli Hart militis. In qui-bus cum triduo permansisset, ad suas aedes Knollae conces-sit. In illis quinque diebus morata, venit Birlingam, tri-duoque baronis Burgavensis hospitio usa, cal. Augusti ad alteras ejusdem baronis aedes Eridgae positas, accessit.

A quibus post sex dierum moram, Bedgeburiam ad domum M. Culpeperi pervenit. Indeque postridie Hempstedam se contulit a M. Guilford milite paulo post creato, hospitio accepta, triduoque ibi peracto, venit Riam maritimum in Sussexia oppidum, atque portum: ad quem ante illum diem, nunquam regem aut reginam pervenisse ridicule aiunt. Elap-soque ibi triduo, Sisinghursti, in aedibus M. Bakeri, quem equestri postea dignitate affecit, alterum triduum contrivit.

Tum 17 Augusti, qui dies Lunae fuit, a M. Thoma Wut-ton, in villa quae Bocton Malherb dicitur, hospitio lauto ac-cepta, post biduum, ad aedes M.

Tufton Hothefildae, pro-fecta est. Alteroque illic transacto biduo ad domum suam Westinhanger, quae D. barons Buckhurst custodiae committitur, pervenit. In ea quatriduum consumpsit. Tum cum ad Doverum festinasset, in itinere in castello Sandownensi pransa, Folkestonam montem conscendit. In quo monte archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, qui tum Beakesbornae morabatur, et D. baro Cobham, maritimis portubus praefectus, cum magno famulitii sui grege suae majestati obviam ibant. Militesque atque generosi Cantiani amplius trecenti cum famulorum equis insidentium turmis ac catervis eo con-venerunt. Quibus a montis Folkstonae fastigio fere ad Doveri oppidi fines late distinctis et extensis, regina ad Dove-rum transiit.

In cujus finibus summus oppidi magistratus, quem majo-rem vocant, et jurati trecentis armatis militibus comitati, re-ginam excepit, et sub noctem ad Doverum perduxit. Interea frequentes tormentorum ictus ex castro, navium statione, et alii arcibus emissi, tanquam tonitrua, in aere resonabant. Hic adventus die Martis, qui 25 Augusti fuit, archiepiscopi, nobilium, generosorum ac militum Cantii, tum frequenti multitudine celebrabatur. Doveri itaque sex dies permansit. rum Sandwicum venit. Ibi a majore ac juratis saris laute accepta peregit triduum.

Postridieque, qui tertius Septembris fuit, Winghamae in itinere pransa, accessit Cantuariam, paulo post horam ter-tiam pomeridianam. Ejusque per occidentalem portam in cathedralem ecclesiam ingressus, ab adolescentc quodam scholae grammaticalis discipulo oratione Latina celebraba-tur. Qua finita, cum se ad scamnum genubus flexis incli-nasset, preces consuetae ab archiepiscopo, Lincolniensi, Rof-fensique episcopis, et Dovcri suffraganeo in adventum ejus, fundebantur. Tum decanus una cum praebendariis, canonicis, ministris, et choro ecclcsiae cathedralis, nonnullisque sui sacelli cantoribus, eam sub conopseo a quatuor militibus erecto sequentem, per chorum usque ad oratorium suum praeibant. Indeque finitis vespertinis precibus, reversa per urbis plateas ad suum palatium, quod antiquitus Augusti-nense dicebatur, transiit. Ac die Dominico ad eandem ec-clesiam curriculo per plateas ducta, rursus rediit. Eo die decanus e sacro suggestu concionatus est. Cumque is pero-ravisset, ad palatium eadem via curriculo regressa est.

Postridie vero, qui septimo mensis Septembris fuit, ad convivium ab archiepiscopo invitata ad archicpiscopale pa-latium cum tota familia venit.

Is natalis fuit reginae dies.

Namque anno Domini 1533, et 25 regni patris sui Henrici Octavi, Grenovici 7 Septembris, qui eo anno Dominicus dies fuit, nata est, quadraginta ante has archiepiscopales epulas annis; eademque nempe inter primam et secundam pomeri-dianam, qua convivata est hora. Triduo autem postquam nata est, in porticu ecclesiae conventualis fratrum Observan-tium Thomas Cranmerus, archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, ac illustrissimae viduae, D. Agnes, Thomae, quondam Norfolciae ducis, et D. Margareta Tho.

Dorcestrensis marchionis re-licta, eam in baptismate susceperunt. Johannes Stokesleius, Londinensis episcopus, assistentibus sibi Westmonasteriensi, Sancti Albani, Sti Salvatoris atque Stratfordiensi abbatibus: tum Thoma Norfolciensi, et Carolo Suffolciensi ducibus Thoma Dorcestrensi, Henrico Exoniensi, marchionibus, Henrico Essexiae, Henrico Wigorniensi, et Thoma Wil-toniensi comitibus, ac nonnullis aliis illustribus viris praesentibus, eam baptizavit.

Sed in hoc lautissimo archiepiscopali convivio, quod ipso suo natali die atque hora cum quadragesimum, aetatis suae annum attigisset, celebravit, hic ordo observabatur:

Nobiles soli reginae ministrabant. Quae simulatque manus abluisset, accessit ad mensam, in summo aulae archiepisco-palis loco, in latitudinem extensam. Ad cujus medium in veteri quadam marmorea cathedra pannis auro infusis or-nata, sub pretioso auroque fulgenti regio conopaeo, discubuit.

Tum comes Rhetius Galliae marischalcus, qui paulo antea rege Galliae ad reginam, cum centum generosis Can-tuariam legatus venisset, una cum D. Moto ejusdem regis ad reginam oratore, a dextris reginae, ad ejusdem mensae ex-tremitatem, ore ad reginam, tergoque ad aulam; ut convenientius familiariusque conferri sermones poterant converso sedebant.

Alteramque a sinistris mensae extremitatem, qua-tuor illustres faeminae, marchionissa Northamptonensis, co-mitissa Oxoniensis, comitissa Lincolniensis, et comitissa Var-vicensis, occupabant.

Reginae a stipatoribus, quos pensionarios appellant, in mensa ministratum est: legato autem, et oratori Gallico, necnon marchionissae atque comitissis, a satellitibus regiis. Ferculorum carnibus ac piscibus delicatissimis refertorum, ordines duo apponebantur, praeter tertium, qui ex selectis-simis placentarum generibus constabat.

Reliquae omnes aulae mensae convivis repletae sunt. In proximis reginae mensis, a dextris discubuerunt, cum ar-chiepiscopo, consiliarii, cum quibusdam tum viris tum fae-minis illustribus. Et ex his praecipui illorum qui ex Gallia cum Retio venerant. A sinistris nobiles ac illustres faeminae.

In remotioribus vero mensis major Cantuariensis, cum illius civitatis senioribus, et Cantiani comitatus generosi viri et mulieres sederunt. Hisque omnibus ab archiepiscopi fa-mulis toto convivio servitum est.

Interea vero, dum multi spectatum frequentes introissent, et aulam mediam paene complessent, removeri eos, et ad aulae latera concedere subinde jussit regina; ut aulae longi-tudinem et discumbentes per omnes mensas convivas intue-retur. Epulis autem peractis, et remotis mensis, postquam assurrectum est, regina cum Rhetio legato, et D. Moto, ora-tore Gallico ad longam illam mensam secretum sermonem habuit, interea dum inter nobiles ad instrumenta musica tri-pudia haberentur. Ac paulo post per viam secretam in ar-chiepiscopi deambulatorium ascendit. Ibi cum eodem legato ad noctem fere colloquium perduxit, Tum archi-episcopum accersivit, narravitque quam gratum atque ho-norificum sibi visum esset illius diei convivium: actisque summis gratiis ad palatium suum curriculo per plateas reducta est.

Atque praeter hoc magnificum ac sumptuosum convi-vium, archiepiscopus insignia quaedam dona reginae dedit; salsarium, viz. ex auro affabre factum, in ejus coopertorio achates gemma, divum Georgium draconem trucidantem, cum Gallicis versibus in regiis insigniis consuetis continens, intexitur: in orbe autem sive concavo ejusdem, alter achates indudebatur; in quo vera reginae imago in albo achate in-cisa fuit. In coopertorii autem summo aurea navicula ada-mantem oblongum tenuit. Hoc salsarium, cum sex Portu-galensibus aureis ejus concavo inclusis, quorum singula tri-bus libris decem solidis Anglicis valent, archiepiscopus reginae dono dedit: quod ducentis amplius Anglicis marcis aestimabatur. Praeterea equum ei praestantem, quem in monte Folkstonae, cum famulatum (ut diximus) archiepi-scopi praetergressa est, inter caeteros ejus catervae equos conspexit, ac animadvertit, archiepiscopus donavit. Cujus etiam generis equos nonnullis procedbus, reginam huc co-mitantibus, largitus est. Quibus praeterea singulis, atque consiliariis, virisque in aula illustribus, librum Latine nuper editum de Visibili Romanarchia contra N. Sanderi Monarchiam: matronis autem atque faeminis illustribus commen-taria in Ecclesiasten in Anglicum sermonem versa, et Biblia minora Anglica, artificiose ac ornate ligata, dedit. Ad ex-tremum, inter regii hospitii ministros atque famulos quin-gentos amplius aureos distribuit. Toto etiam tempore, quo regina Cantuariae commorata est, archiepiscopi domus, convivis tam ex aula, quam ex comitatu, aliisque advenis con-fluentibus, beneficentissime patuit. Et in magna camera tres convivarum ordines singulis diebus, pro proceribus, consiliariis ac illustrioribus convivis, apparabantur. Quorum duo ad mensam archiepiscopi, tertius ad aliam adjunctam quadratam mensam, appositi sunt. Aula vere minor in prandiis, coenis, necnon matutinis jentaculis, satellitibus cae-terisque inferioribus hospitii regii ministris, cum magna fre-quentia indies replebatur.

A tque horum omnium conviviorum apparatus, ciborum-que in eis varietas, in rotulis seorsum describuntur.

Sequente rursus die Dominico, regina ad ecclesiam cathe-dralem, in curriculo per plateas rediit, precibusque matu-tinis finitis, concioneque a Lincolniensi episcopo habita, ad palatium suum eo quo ad ecclesiam accessit ordine, regressa est.

Haec reginae mora Cantuariae quatuordecim dierum fuit. Namque die Mercurii, qui decimus quartus post adventum suum esset, eo Fevershamiam migravit: ibique permansit biduo. Tum die Veneris ad Sitingbornam perexit, et in sedi-bus Mri. Cromeri armigeri pernoctavit.

Postfidieque Rof-fam appulit; quatriduoque in hospitio Coronae sic dicto di-versabatur: ac die Dominico in ecclesia cathedrali Roffensi matutinis precibus et concioni divinae interfuit: semelque in aedibus M. Watts pernoctavit. A Roffa ad suas aedes Dartfordiae sitas progressa est. Indeque post biduum, Gre-novicum tandem iterum reducta, a peregrinando cessavit, atque requievit. In tota autem hac Cantiana peragratione, quam ex omnibus, quas unquam peregit provinciarum sua-rum, seu comitatuum lustrationibus, ob Cantiorum summam humanitatem ac lautitiam, regina crebris laudibus extulit. Vicecomes cum militibus atque generosis Cantii catervatim cam comitabantur.

Et postquam regina discessisset Cantuaria, archiepisco-pus, ad residuum ejus copiae, quam in reginae adventure, ut lautus pater familias comparaverat, ex urbe, et vicinis paro-chiis et multos convivas invitavit, liberaliterque excepit, et pauperes abunde pavit assidue.

NUMBER 38.

The direction of the ecclesiastical exercise in the dioces of Chester.

THE moderators of every several exercise shall select such parts of scripture, to be handled amongst the ministers, that are to attend the same, as they in their discretions shall think meet. So that they take, in every several place of the exercise, divers parts of scripture.

The writers shall be appointed to gather several observations upon every verse of that part of scripture which shall be assigned unto them. And so procede with the whole, verse by verse.

The speakers shall be appointed (every of them) in order to treat upon so many verses of the same, as by an equal distribution of the whole text amongst them all shall be assigned to every one.

THE MANER OF PROCEDING IN THE EXERCISE.

First, Prayer shall be aptlie conceived, for the present occasion, for the blessed estate of her majesty, of the church and commonwealth, by one of the moderators. Who in order shall every of them accomplish the same at every several exercise.

Then the first moderator shall propose and read the first verse of the text, which is to be handled.

Upon which verse the writer shall in order read the observations which they have gathered.

After whom the speaker, assigned to that part of the text, shall in some larger maner discourse upon the same.

After him the rest of the speakers shall have liberty to give any brief notes upon that verse.

In all which actions of the writers and speakers, the moderators [office] that proposed the verse, shall be to make special observation of any errors, negligence, or ignorance in any of them. And the same to correct and reform with as brief speech as may be. After which he shall further add such observations as he shall gather upon the said verse. And after him the rest of the moderators and preachers, in due order, shall do the like, till as much be said upon that verse as shall be thought convenient.

All which time both the speakers and writers shall take notes in writing of those observations which shall be given by any the speakers, preachers, or moderators. And so in due order shall all the moderators procede with the whole text, verse by verse.

Then shall the moderators call before them those, whom, by any information, they are to admonish of any misdemeanor or enormityes of life. And if after such admonition, they shall again fall into the like offence, then the moderators shall certify the bishop thereof, and crave suspension of them.

After, the moderators shall procede against the absents in this sort: viz.

They shall at the next exercise after every such absence, call before them the said parties: who, if they cannot be able to prove a sufficient cause of their absence, and the same well approved by the moderators, then the moderators shall exact the mulct imposed by the order set down by the right reverend the lord bishop, without abating any part thereof in any respect; lest any thereby learn to presume of favour in such case to be shewed. Which mulct if any shall refuse to satisfy, and not duely conforme themselves in that behalf, or not come in place to give account of their actions, then the moderators shall without delay pro-cede to suspension, according to the said orders. Which suspension they shall forthwith certify unto the said bishop, according to the said orders; and further with all instance prosecute the said suspension with full effect.

In fine, the whole action is to be concluded with prayer, as it was begun.

NUMBER 39.

A copie of the authorite gytven by the bisshop of the said di-oces to the moderators of every several exercise: with the names of the moderators throughout the dioces; and other orders to be observed in the exercises. WILLIAM by God his providence, bysshop of Chester, to Peter Shawe, parson of Burie, Oliver Carter, preacher of Manchester, William Langley, parson of Prestwich, Thomas Williamson, vicar of Eccles, moderators for the exercises holden at Burie, within the dioces of Chester, greeting.

Whereas the right honourable the lords of her majesty’s most honourable privy council, upon careful zele for the furtherance of the good proceding and course of religion, have recommended unto us some further enlargements of the ecclesiastical exercise, to the end they might be more frequently used, and in more places in this dioces, then before it had been; whereupon we have, upon good deliberation and by good advice, appointed, that the said exercise shall be had and kept at more places: sithence which time we do understand, by credible information, that many who ought to frequent the said exercise, and diligently endeavour thereby, as well to profit themselves, as to make the ministers in those parts better thought of, do either negligently deal in the same, or wilfully absent themselves; so that the hope of good that were to be wished, and is expected to come by the said godlie exercise, is like to languish and greatly decay, if remedie therein be not had, and that with convenient speed:

Wee have thought good to meet with the said negligence and wilfulness by some cohercion and restraint for the time; intending hereafter, if the said negligence and wilfulness (as God forefend) increase, to augment the punishment, and to lay sorer punishment upon those that shall be found culpable. These are therefore to authorize you, and everie one of you, that you do in your next assemblle to be holden for the said exercise, gyve notice to all the clergy and others of the same assemblie, of the contents of these presents. And if you shall fynd any, of what degree soever they be, negligent, wylful, or contemptuous in that behalf, after warning given, that upon call of such person or persons before you, or any two of you, upon his or their defect, to suspend him or them so offending, ab officio per sententiam in scriptis, donec a nobis vel nostro vicario in spiritualibus generali absolutionem seu relaxationem a dicta suspensionis sententia obtinuerit, vel obtinuerint. And what you do in and concerning the premisses, we will you certify us, our chauncel-lor, or other deputy, as conveniently as you may: in witness whereof to these presents we have caused our seal episcopal to be put. Dat. apud Cestr. 1. die mensis Septembris, 1585.

THE PLACES OF ASSEMBLY, AND THE RESPECTIVE MODERATORS. Imprimis, The first Thursday in the month of Februarie, the exercise is holden at Prescott, within the deanery of Warrington.

Mr. Nuttal, B. D. and parson of Sheston, (Aghten, Bebington.)

Mr. Meade, vicar of Prescott, and B. D.

Mr. Caldwel, M. A. and parson of Winwick.

Mr. Harwood, M.A. and parson of Warrington. The second Thursday at Burie within the deanry of Maccklesfield.

Mr. Shawe, B. D. parson of Burie.

Mr. Carter, B. D. and preacher of Manchester Mr. Langley, M. A. and parson of Prestwick.

Mr. Williamson, M. A. and vicar of Eccles. The third Thursday at Padian within the deanry of Blackburne.

Mr. Ashton, M. A. and parson of Middleton.

Mr. Sharpe, M. A. and parson of Ratcliffe.

Mr. Osburne, M. A. and vicar of Whaley.

Mr. Midgely, the vicar of Ratchdale. The fourth Thursday at Preston within the deanry of Amoundernesse.

Mr. Fleetwood, M. A. and parson of Wigan.

Mr. Leigh, B. D. and parson of Standish.

Mr. Welshe, the vicar of Blackburne.

Mr. — the vicar of Lancaster.

If Thursday be holyday, the exercise is kept on Tuesday before.

All parsons, vicars, curates, and schoolmasters within every deanry, are to appear personally on every exercise day, there either to write or speak.

Every parson that is absent is to forfeit for his first absence iiis. and iiiid.

And so the second time double. And so still double.

Every vicar that is absent, for his first absence iis. For the second time, double, &c.

Every curate that is absent, for his first time xiid. For the second time iis. &c. And likewise schoolmasters.

All are to meet by eight of the clock in the morning: and so to continue till ten. And from ten of the clock till eleven, a sermon is made by one of the moderators, of the same text of scripture which was handled and entreated of before, by the speakers and writers. From eleven of the clock till twelve, all do take their repasts and refreshing. Then do meet again before one of the clock, and so continue till three of the clock, in the months of March, April, May, June, July, August. In the months of September, October, and February, but till two of the clock.

Whoever is not personally present before eight of the clock in the morning, he is counted as absent, and is to pay the mulct for the same.

The writers that have profited by writing, are appointed to speak, if the moderators so think good, and to surcease writing any longer: many of which that could do little good before in the church, by this means have been brought in a short time to do some profit in the church. Much good hath ensued of this exercise. The Lord continue it to his glory, and to the encrease of many painful labourers in the church.

The byshop of the dioces is to have the exercise of all the writers, with their names subscribed thereunto, delivered up unto him, eveiy quarter of a year once. That he may see who do profit, and who do not.

All the people and the whole congregation are to resort to the sermon, but none to the other exercise but clergiemen onely, parsons, vicars, curates, and schoolmasters.

NUMBER 40.

Littleston’s declaration, Novemb. 1574, of certain English gentlemen, that have entertainment of the king of Spain. To the right honorable and mst singular good lord, my lord high treasurer of Yngland.

THE certain notes of such Yngles gentlemen, that came into Spain for entertainment at the king’s hands, and what the king gave to each man in mony at times.

George Chamberlain came to Madrid the 10th of Decem-bet, anno 1571.

The king gave him entertainment for Flan-ders, with letters to the duke of Alva. And more, the king gave him in mony 300 duckats: and he departed the last of February, 1572. Duc. 300.

Timothy Moquet came to Madrid the 16th of December, 1571. The king gave him entertainment for Flanders, with letters to the duke there. More the king gave him in mony 150 duck. And departed the last of March, an. 1572. 150. Anthony Standen came to Madrid the 16th of December, 1571.

The king gave him letters for entertainment for Flan-ders. More, the king gave him in mony 150 duck. And departed the last of March, 1572. 150.

All these following came also to Madrid; the dates of their coming, their gifts, and the dates thereof, and the dates of their departure, were as followeth.

Anthony Molesworth, 13. of Jan. 1572. The king gave him letters to the duke for Flanders for entertainment, and 150 duck. Departed ult. March, 1572.

John Parrot, 1. of March, 1572. Entertainment for Mel-len, [Milain,] duck. Departed the last of May, 1572.

Egremond Ratcliff, 2. of May, 1572. The king gave him in July 300 duck.

More, September 8. following 200 duck. Returned from Milain, the king gave him 300 duck. The 20. of September for Milain; where the king gave him entertainment there one duck. per day. Then he departed from Spain, May ult. 1574. towards France and to Flanders.

Thomas Genny, 2. of May, 1572. Given him in September 200 duck. And in January, 1572, 100 duck. And more, 20 duck. per month. Departed for Flanders.

Edward Daycres, [Dacres,] the 10. of August, 1572. In October the king gave him 300 duck. In January next 200 duck. And more,, 30 duck. per month in Flanders. Departed 20. of February, 1573, for Flanders.

Sir John Nevyl, the 20. of November, 1572, came from Rome. Given him 200 duck. and 30 duck. per month in Flanders. Departed for Flanders the 20. of February, 1573.

Hugh Owen, 26. of November, 1572. Given him 150 duck. November 26, and allowed 20 duck. per mens. Departed for Flanders, February 20, 1573.

Rowland Tourner, [who named himself at Madrid, my lord Awdley,] Christmas-day, 1572. Given 50 duck. and had a letter to duke Alva.

A friar of Ireland, cared friar John, 100 duck. Had the king’s letter for Flanders.

Myget Tempest and his son came to Madrid, May 1574. The king gave to the father and to the son 300 duck. And gave to the father 20 duck. per month, and to the son 15 duck. per month. And they returned for Flanders, July 1574.

Tyrrel, Cotton, Pet, Tichborn, Strodlen, [Stradling,] Greffy, Swynborn, and Smith, came to Madrid, November 1573. The king gave among them 1300 duck. and entertainment; some for Flanders; some, as Mr. Pett, for Mel-len [Milain.] And some had 20 duck. per month, and some 15 duck. per month.

Dr. Sanders came from Rome to Madrid, Nov. 1573. The king gave him, at his first coming, 300 duck. And more since that day, 200 duck. And there he as yet remaineth.

The archbishop of Caswell, [Cassilles,] in Ireland, came to Madrid in March, 1574. The king gave him 300 duck. in April following. And there as yet he remaineth.

My lord Morley, Edmund Parker, my lords youngest brother, and Rowdman [Redman] came to Madrid, March ult. 1574. The king gave my lord Morley and his company 600 duck. at one time. And there they remain.

Richard Ley came to Madrid, May ult. 1574. The king gave him 150 duck.

And there as yet he remaineth.

The bishop of Methe, of Ireland, came to Madrid 20. of July, 1574. The king gave him 200 duck. And there as yet he remaineth.

Thomas Steukely. The king gave him at times, from his first coming into Spain, anno 1570, to this time of August, 1574. And for the keeping of Thomas Steuekly his house at Madrid at the king’s charge for 6 months at 500 re. of plate per day, which amounteth in the whole sum to 27576 duck.

The king doth give to Thomas Steukley for his pension by the year duck. And doth give to William Steukley for his pension by the year duck.

Countess of Northumberland; the king doth give her by the year duck.

I have seen the treasurers books by his clarks; and by hear-say by divers of good credit, that the king is charged in Flanders by the year, given to Englishmen there, the sum of 231 thousand duckats yearly in pensions.

NUMBER 41.

Scory, lord bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer: against some clarks of the exchequer, intending to suppress, under the name of colleges, divers parsonages in his dioces. RIGHT honourable, may it please your lordship to be advertised. That whereas leud persons, being clerks of the exchequer, by colour of their office, and countenance of the court, have attempted to overthrow certain parish-churches in my dioces, (of whose leud and wicked practices I certified your lordship heretofore,) nevertheless, either favoured by the court, or maintained by the officers, cease not to vex and molest the poor incumbents of the said churches. Their purpose is, that such parishchurches as are divided into portions, where are two or three parsons, should under the name of colleges be suppressed, and come to the prince by the statute of Suppression. Which if they bring to pass, not onely many parish-churches in my dioces, but very many throughout the whole realm, both parsonages and vicarages, should be overthrown. The overthrow whereof were the slandering of the gospel, the defacing of religion, and the disquieting of the quiet estate of this realm. For what a slander were it unto the church of England, to have the parish-churches destroyed? And what a grudge would it breed in the hearts of the people, to see their churches spoiled, their ministers and preachers defaced, and their lands and tiths abused?

I beseech your lordship remember, how we are already slandered by Dorman and others, that our churches in England, some are made houses of private men, some stables, and other some thrown down and made fiat with the earth. God grant we suffer not these unjust reports of the popish Lovainists to be justly reported of us. There are in present suit in the exchequer, three great parish-churches of my dioces; and more, as I understand, shall come in very shortly. But, I trust, your lordship, by whose wisdom the church of England hath hitherto been defended, will not suffer this spoil: that the parish-churches, where was never any sign of college, should be overthrown under the name of colleges.

The church of Bromyard hath been long in suit, and the parsons thereof greatly impoverished, being from time to time delayed. They seek nothing but justice. I beseech your lordship that they may be heard, and have tryal according to order of law, without any farther delay. Thus committing their cause unto your lordship, I most humbly take my leave, commending your honour to the gracious protection of the Almighty, this 24th day of January, 1574.

Your honours most humbly to command, Jo. Heref. [NUMBER 41] Mr. Rafe Lane’s account of his offer to go into the Levant in the king of Spain’s service, against the Turk, from his own pen. Viz.

An account of my procedings touching my intended Levant service, (by the favour of God,)as well toward her majesty, as otherwise, the 19. of Jan. 1574. FIRST, drawn on by mine own particular occurrences, having thought of sundry employments of my self by her majesties licence for certain years, reason and mine own affection, before all others, recommended unto me a Levant service against the Turk, if the same from hence might by her majesty be favoured, and of the king of Spain well entertained. Whereupon I made Anthony Guerrasse [the Spanish agent] to be asked his opinion, if a bulche of Eng-lishmen, being of service either for sea or land, or both, were offered unto the king his master from hence, whether the same would be well accepted with pay, or not. His answer was directly, that if the same might be with her majesties favour, he knew assuredly that they should not only be largely entertained for their payes, but also otherwise most honourably used, and most heartily welcomed to the king: yea, and would open a greater gate of kindness between these two great princes, her majesty and Spain, than yet there hath been any liklihood of.

Hereupon in summer I entred my secret unto her majesty for two years leave to seek mine own aventure by service. Which in the end obtained by honourable friends. By the same means I obtained her majesties letters of the 15th of January, 1574, unto the commendador, testifying her majesties desired liking unto the service intended; and assured, that my offers, sent by the bearer of her said majesties letters, with the conditions being accepted by the said com-mendador, the same should on my part with all sincerity be performed.

And thus mych until the 19th day of January, 1574. There resteth now for me to make my offers of service, with the conditions, unto the commendador. Which offers will of his part be either refused or accepted.

If refused, then the matter is at an end; and her majesties uttered good conceipt of me in this resteth without spot or blemish, &c. But if the commendador do accept the conditions, then shall I be as able as willing, and both able and willing to perform the same. Then follow the conditions.

Lane’s letter to Dr. Wylson in Flanders.

I requested him, as my singular good lords, my lord treasurer, my lord of Leicester, and my lord of Warwick had addrest their honourable letters in my favour unto him: and to move him to take knowledge of my offered service against the Turk unto the commendador: so alse, that it would please him, at my poor request, to take some favourable regard unto it.

And that as Mr. Dygby was directed unto him with the conditions of contract, so it would please him to countenance those, especially such as concerned a sort of allowance of four things, &c.

NUMBER 42.

A true certificate and perfect note of fees and duties paid heretofore, and now be paid at this present, for citations, and all other ecclesiastical instruments, concerning my [i. e. the bishop of Norwich’s] consistory court. FIRST, every citation for writing and sealing was 8d.

Item, Every personal decree likewise 8d.

Item, Every excommunication in like maner 8d.

Item, Every monition, and other process direct for the appearance of any person 8d.

Item, Every primer citation 11d. 3d. too much.

Item, Every other process aforesaid 2d. 4d. too much.

Item, Every act to the scribe 2d.

Item, Every allegation 4d. Sentences, examinations of the parties principal, or of witnesses, are used as they have been heretofore.

Item, Every institution 12s. 4d.

Item, Every induction 18s. 8d.

Item, Every proxy 16d.

Item, For admission of proxies out of court 2s. 6d.

Item, Every constitution 4d.

Item, Every stipulation 4d.

Item, For certificate of any agreement

NUMBER 43.

Sir Thomas Smith, and the earl of Leicester, to the lord treasurer Burleigh, members of the society of the art, for transmuting iron into copper: Medley, the chy-mist, undertaker. WEE have now commoned with William Medley, mer-vailling why he stayeth here, and goeth not down to the works. He layeth excuses, part for wanting of mony to defray his charges here, and part too, for his charges in tryals making, now these two years and more, and his buildings and vessels, 400l . allowed him. Of which 150l. wee had once commoned for his vessels, housing, and casting up of earth, and other such necessaries, which the society shall receive of him. Whereof I, sir Thomas Smith, was content that the 100l . which I have already payd for him to Mr. Jobson, should be part; and going in hand with the work, I was always content for such portion ratable as my lords do contribute, to allow of and give an acquittance for it. Or if each partner do contribute an 100l . to redeliver the obligation, wherein Mr. Dier standeth bound to me for the whole.

I, the earl of Leycester, have given already to sir John Hybbord one 100l . and also order to him for iron, cask, and lead, to the setting forward the work. He saith, that your lordship was content that part of your mony should go to the payment of the said vessels, and the rest you would send to sir John Hybbord; who should have the chief charge of provisions, for all things necessary for the work, and of disbursing of mony by accounts.

The which to keep at the works, I, sir Thomas, have sent down a trusty man; and will send also down part of sir Homfreys [Gilbert] mony out of hand, to pay the workmen he shall find there; and will send the rest after.

For I long to have it go in hand without delay: and will take order, if I can, to hear every fourteen days what is done.

Other notes we have sent here to your lordship to have your advice therein; especially in such as we have not yet ascertained. Or if there be any other thing that you think meet to be considered, we pray you to write unto us.

And so we commit your lordship to Almighty God. From Richmond, the 7th of March, 1574.

Your loving friends, Tho. Smith.

R. Leycester.

W. Burleigh Who writ his name to this letter, to shew his allowance, as it seems, of what was done, and his consent.

NUMBER 44.

Sir Thomas Smyth to the lord treasurer Burleigh; upon the same business. That they might once know whether the gain of this new art would answer the charges. MY very good lord, yesternight I wrot to your lordship, and sent such matters as past here betwixt my lord of Leicester, Mr. Medely, and me. I see he makes no hast, but seeketh to tary: and now would amuse himself here about the Jewes conclusion. I am still of mind, that the Gentiles were wise in their sacrifices, when the priests called ever and anon, Hoc age. For they love to be always aliud agentes; either they deceive themselves, or other men. I would we had once set orders and accounts, what this new art will do. Eight days of March be now past. Sir John Hybbord’s man now at Killingworth. And therefore my lord, and your lordship and I, writ to him, to take the charge in hand. If he be either gon from thence, or will not take the charge, then is there another excuse, subterfuge, and delay. Yet if Medley will go down, and begin so well as he can, with that which is there, 150l . which my man shall carry, will set the work going, till we shall truly be certified what can be done in a week or a month. For if there be not so much made as shall be on a day when he hath more lead and iron, yet there may be so much, as we may know what proportion of charge is to the proportion of gain; and what hope we may conceive.

And if sir John Hybbord do accept the charge, and do provide the iron, lead, and cask formy lord of Leicester, yet in the mean while may the workmen do somewhat: and my man to attend upon them, and keep the book: and so that time not altogether lost. While the new iron and lead be brought, the melting furnace may be made, the bellows brought, and set in place, &c.

Your lordship shall do well to call upon Medely, that he make no more delays. Before, all was that his name was not in the book; therefore he procrastinated, he dissembled, he would not teach his cunning. Now all the world knows it. Sir John Perot hath a whole discourse of the whole maner of that work in writing. My lord Mount-joy hath gotten one of Mr. Medeley’s chief workmen to him. Divers in that country, it is told me, know the earths, and the working of it. And yet we do nothing. I would I might go down my self, and surely I might, for any good I do here. In less than eight days, I would be certified my self, and certify your lordships. My man shall shew your lordship what maner of acquittance I require of sir John Hybbord. For the like sir Homfrey had of me; penned by a lawyer before. And it is reasonable one Irishman standeth still in an agony: but rather like to quail. Yet that is irresolute also. Thus I bid your lordship most heartily farewel. From Rychemond, the 8th of March, 1574.

Your lordships always at commandment, T. Smyth.

NUMBER 45.

Mr. John Dee to the lord treasurer: offering to discover to the queen where treasures of gold, silver, &c. were hid in the bowels of the earth. RIGHT honorable and my singular good lord: whereas of late your honour very favourably used me, considering your marvaillous scantness of leisure from very weighty matters and public; I am now therefore most humbly to render thanks to your honour. Since which time I have some days attended at London, hoping for your lordship coming thither. And on Friday last perceiving your honour to be almost in a readiness to ride towards the court, ere I could get to London too, &c. Therefore finding your lordship at all times of usual access for suitors, so fraught with matters of more importance, than any of mine can justly be deemed, I thought good, with your lordship’s leave and favour, thus by writing to enjoy one hour of your lordships leisure, (best known to your lordship when that is,) to view the pattern of some part of my simple suit, which heretofore I would gladly have opened unto your honour by word of mouth. And that is this.

So much of my intent and studious doings is well known unto your lordship, and the most part of all universities in Christendom, (and further,) that for these twenty years last past, and longer, it may be very truly avouched, that I have had a mervaillous zele, taken very great care, endured great travail and toyl, both of mind and body, and spent very many hundred pounds; only for the attaining some good and certain knowledge in the best and rarest matters, mathematical and philosophical. How little or much therein the eternal God hath imparted to me, (for my talent,) he onely best knoweth: but certainly by due conference with all that ever I yet met with in Europe, the poor English Britan, (il favorita de rostra excellentia,) hath carried the bell away. God Almighty have the glory. The same zele remaineth, (yea rather greater is grown,) but the ability for charges is far lesser: and that somewhat occasioned the sooner through my frank dealing, for procuring and purchasing speedy means of good knowledge. Which also I did upon no small hope, that some needful supportal would be for me in due time devised, either through the mere and gracious good favour, that I was persuaded the queen’s most excellent majesty did bear unto me: or else through the procurement of some of the right honourable counsillors: which both right well know by hard dealing my father, Rowland Dee, (servant to her majesties father, and most renowed and triumphant king of our age,) was disabled for leaving unto me due maintenance; and also sufficiently understood of sundry suits in any behalf mentioned, for some aid towards the atchieving of some of my honest intents. Of which suits no one hitherto hath taken the wished for success, for any my behoof: nay, in the mean time of some of my travails beyond the seas, unless your honour had put to your helping hand, I had been defeated of that little exhibition which I enjoy: being but borrowed a while by special privilege and favour extraordinary. And that unwillingly on my part, if I could otherwise have had the supply thereof in like yearly value: which, as God knoweth, findeth not me and my poor family necessary meat, drink, and. fewel, for a frugal, philosophical diet, &c.

To compare with any in public deserts and learning, I neither dare, nor justly can; but in zele to the best learning and knowledge, and incredible toyls of body and mind very many years, therefore only endured, I know most assuredly, that the learned never bred any man, whose accounts therein can evidently be proved greater than mine. Then he proceeded to mention his discourse with the lord treasurer, at his last being with him, of tresure hid. Concerning which he thus expatiated.

I. It may please your honour to consider this clause, truly by me noted out of Theseus Ambrosius, fol. 206. b. In copiosa illa Antonii de Fantis Tarvissini librorum mul-titudine, magnum sane volumen repertum fuit; in quo ab-dita quamplurima: concerning philosophy, medicine, knowledge of herbs also, pertaining unto astrology, geomantia and magia. Et, in ejus praecipua quadam parte, tracta-batur de Thesauris per totum fere orbem reconditis, atque latentibus: quorum admodum clara atque specifica notio haberi poterat. Secondly, Out of Henric. Leicestrensis, I suppose, it is noted in the Summary of English Chronicle, anno 1344, of a Sarazin coming then to earl Warren, as concerning a great treasure hid in the ground, in the marches of Wales, and of the good success thereof. Thirdly, This twenty years space, I have had sundry such matters detected unto me in sundry lands. Fourthly, Of late I have been sued unto by divers sorts of the people. Of which some by vehement iterated dreams, some by vision, (as they have thought,) others by speech formed to their imagination by night, have been informed of certain places where tresure doth ly hid.

Which all for fear of keepers, (as the phrase commonly nameth them,) or for mistrust of truth in the places assigned, and some for some other causes, have for-born to deal further; unless I should encourage them, and counsil them how to procede. Wherein I have always been contented to hear the histories, fantasies, or illusions to me reported; but never intermeddled according to the desire of such. Hereof might grow many articles of question and controversy among the common learned, and scruples among theologians. Which all I cut off from this place: ready to answer only your lordship most largely, in termes of godly philosophy, when opportunity shall serve; making small account of vulgar opinions in matter of so rare knowledge. But making always my chief reckoning to do nothing but that which may stand with the profession of a true Christian, and of a faithful subject.

But if besides all books, dreams, visions, reports, and vir-gula divina, by any other natural means, and likely demonstrations of sympathia et antipathia rerum, or by attraction or repulsion, the places may be discryed or discovered, where gold, silver, or better matter doth ly hid within certain distance; how great a commodity should it be, for the queen’s majesty and the commonwealth of this kingdom, if by such a secret, not only tresure hid may be deciphered in precise place, but also it may be disclosed, where in this land any mines, veins, or owre of gold and silver, be naturally planted?

Then he mentioneth the name of a strange book, which in old time was in this land, viz. Pandulphus de Meatibus Terrae.

One part of his present suit to his honour was, that by his lordship’s wisdom the queen’s majesty might be induced to think somewhat favourably (as very many other noble and learned of foreign lands do) of my great travails, patience, constancy, cost, and credit, in matters philosophical and mathematical. And thereupon in the end of my careful race, to let some token of her majesties royal good affection procede towards me: whom your lordship knoweth, or may know, that emperors, kings, princes, dukes, marchises, earls, barons, and others, many men of great power and magnificent courage, have sued unto in my time, to enjoy my simple talent in their service or company. To whom all I ever have given answer, (as my duty was, and my stomac served me thereto,)for the honour of my natural and dread sovereign, for the time, here reigning, &c.

The value of a mine is matter for a king’s tresure, but a pot of two or three hundred pounds hid in the ground, jarr, or tree, is but the price of a good book, or instrument for perspective, astronomy, or some feat of importance, &c.

He proffered to do his endeavour the best he can, at his own cost and charges, to discover and deliver due proof of a mine, or owre of gold or silver, in some one place of her graces kingdoms and dominions, to her graces only use: upon this consideration, that her majesty give him, by her letters patents, her right and propriety in all tresure trove’, by digging and searching any where in her kingdomes, and his assignes. And this to dure the term of his life. And in token of my heart fully bent to shew my self thankful to your lordship for compassing either of these two ways, I mean, either by provision for 200l . yearly, or this casual mart of painful search (before God I promise unto your lordship, or will by oath upon the evangelists be bound) of all tresure trove’, coming to my hand, to impart unto your lordship, or assure one half, &c.

Thirdly, The last and principal point of this my present suite to your lordship is, for your lordships hand to a letter, directed to Mr. Harley, keeper of the records of Wigmor castle, or to whom in this case it doth appertain. For that at my late being there, I espied an heap of old papers and parchments, obligations, acquittances, accounts, &c. in time past, belonging to the abby of Wigmor, (and there ly rotten, spoiled, and tost in an old decayed chapel,)not committed to any man’s special charge. But three quarters of them I understand to have been taken away by divers, either taylers or others, in time past. Now my phantasy is, that in some of them will be some mention made of noble men, or gentlemen in those days: whereby either for chronicle, or pedegree, some good matter may be collected out of them by me, at my leisure, by way of a recreation. And whatsoever I shall find in them, either of your lordships auncestors, in direct line, branch, paternal, or match, (wherein I am not utterly ignorant,)either of any other matter worthy your lordships knowledge, I will make true report, and deliver the same to your lordships ordering, &c.

Dated the 2d of October, 1574.

Your lordships most bounden, John Dee.

NUMBER 46.

A proclamation for the redress of inordinate apparel, anno 1559. THAT although the queen might levy great sums of mony at this present, by due execution of sundry wholsome laws upon great numbers of her subjects, for wearing of such excessive and inordinate apparel, as in no age had been seen the like: whereby also should ensue such notable benefit to the commonwealth, as hard it were by any other ways to devise the like: yet the singular goodness of her majesties nature was such to forbear the extending of any sudden and unlooked for extremity. That in these cases her majesty thought rather by this proclamation to notify her highnes determination with her privy council, among many other her weighty affairs, for this that followeth, than suddenly to extend the penalties of her laws.

First, Her majesties said council shall and will presently take order, that the statute made in the first and second year of king Philip and queen Mary, and certain other branches of another statute, made in 24 H. 8. against excessive apparel, shall be put in execution, both within her majesties court, and in their own houses; with a certain fa-vourable proceding touching such as cannot presently, without their over great loss, change their unlawful apparel; which they presently have. Wherein, because her majesty trusteth that the example shall induce the rest of her subjects to reform their disorders, her majesty willed her said privy council to publish their decree and order in this behalf. And for like toleration towards such as live in the country out of her court, her majesty chargeth forthwith all majors and governours of cities and towns corporate, all sheriffs and justices of peace in shires, all noblemen of the state of barons; and, above all, governours and heads of any societies and companies, either ecclesiastical or temporal, forthwith, or at the furthest within the space of twelve days after the publication hereof, to devise, accord, and take order for the execution of the foresaid statute and branches, specified hereafter in a brief abstract and draught annexed to this proclamation, within the limits of their charge: so as her majesty may take some comfort of her toleration, and the commonwealth some relief of the great damage hereby sustained.

And because the tolerations of these abuses shall not be drawn into a sinister occasion of the continuance of this abuse, she charged, that there be no toleration had, or excuse allowed, after the 20th day of December next, as touching all the contents of the said statute in the first and second year of king Philip and queen Mary: neither after the last of January next, as touching the branches of the other statute of the 24th of Henry VIII. except it be for certain costly furrs and rich embroideries, bought and made by sundry gentlemen before this proclamation, to their great cost, &c.

Yeven at the palace, Westminster, the 21st of October, in the first year of her reign.

NUMBER 47.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen: upon her requiring his house in Holborn for Mr. Hatton, her vice-chamberlain. SCRIBUNT quidam: Jupiter nutu totum tremefactat ae. Serenissima regina, ita literae tuae in Hattoni tui gratiam scriptae me non parum turbarunt et terruerunt. Quod enim prius subtimui, cum in gratiam tuae pietatis aedium mearum partem Hattono tuo cessi, jam evenire pa-lam est. Constantiores, fateor, fuerunt patres mei. Potentissimus rex, pater tuus, non obtinuit pro cancellario suo Wriothesleo, nisi ad tempus, aedes Elienses. Magnificus ille Northumbriae dux non valuit illo tempore episcopum ab aedibus illis exigere. Neque ego charissimo tuo servo ma-gistro Parris vel tua majestate interpellante aedes meas con-cessi. Ipse vero tandem precibus fatigatus trepido quidem animo, ne ingratitudine majestatem tuam laedere viderer, locari partem aedium mearum tuo Hattono ad annos viginti unum. Jam vero postulatur, ut in perpetuum cedam. Ce-dam, inquam, non solum ea, quae tunc temporis cedere no-lui, sed etiam alia subduntur et postulantur, quibus aegre admodum cedere possum. Navigo inter Scyllam et Charibdim.

Optarim enim (Deus testis est) magis mori, quam majestatem tuam merito offendere. Verum si Deum nostrum temere offendero, mors secunda timenda est: et si unum ex Christi pusillis offendero, expedit, ut mola asina-ria, &c. Dignetur tua pietas mecum perpendere, quo in loco me posueris, et quo me vocaveris. Episcopum me vo-luisti esse: nimirum ad bonum opus obeundum, ad veri Del gloriam propagandum, ad regni tui non infimum orna-mentum ad ecclesiae ministros in ordine continendum, ne scilicet schismata et contentiones subinde orirentur, ad sub-sidia principum opes nostras conferendum, quoties res ita postulat, et ad miseros oppressosque pro viribus juvandum. Tu vero Deo longe charissima et devotissima, data es ab ipso Deo ecclesiae tuae ministra, nutrix indulgentissima, et defensatrix fortissima. Episcoporum vero ordinem tu sola loves et sustentas, eo quidem zelo, quo avi tui divino Spiritu ducti instituerunt et conservaverunt. Quorum quidem pium ardentemque in veram religionem affectum, absit ut ego, misellus homuncio, vel extinguere vel minuere videar. Si qui ante me in hac re peccarunt, non mea referre debet. Mea cura est quidque Deo imprimis, deinde quid majestati tuae praestandum sit. Accepi ego praedia, aedes et alia hu-jus generis, quae pientissimi principes judicarunt functioni nostrae necessaria. Haec ego accepi (te donante) a praedeces-soribus meis, quorum custos, non dissipator esse debeo. Absit enim, ut ego solus in tanto episcoporum numero succes-soribus meis ea, quae bona fide accepi, mala fide tradam, et sacrilegii reus evadam. Absit autem, ut pias principum re-gumque voluntates sciens et prudens violem, sacraque testa-menta rescindam: quam ipsi ea in tam pios usus tradide-rint, quorum profanationem ulcisci solet justus Dominus: cavendumque in pia et Christiana repub. ne quis ulli ullam afferat injuriam: maxime vero in hiis, quae Christo sancte consecrata sunt.

Sod unde petam subsidium nisi a tua exi-mia pietate, quae in ecclesia Christi Dei vicaria es. Verum longe pientissimum est de amicis et charis servis bene me-reri. Sed ea naturae et Christi regula firmissimo clavo in cordibus nostris figenda est perpetuo: Non facias alteri, quod tibi non vis fteri. Non ullius commodum alieno in-commodo augendum est. Magnos vero sumptus fecit tuus Hattonus in aedibus meis. Aiunt legisperiti non satis firmam esse locationem aedium Hattono factam. Ego vero ut fir-mior reddatur opto, si id per me confici possit. At ut perpetua fiat alienatio, nondum induci potest timida mea con-scientia. Nec libenter me et successores meos nudos relin-qui velim, ut horto pomario et pastura muro cincta, desti-tuantur, et aedes meae in nimis arctum comprimantur. Ignoscat, nobilissima heroina, liberae sacerdotis tui voci: vix justificare audeo eos principes, qui in vere pios usus collata in usus minus pios transferunt.

Denique, si ulla ratio exco-gitari possit, quae justa et aequa videatur, qua pietati tuae gratificari possim, non laeso Domino Deo meo summo omnium judice, in me mora non erit ulla: qui majestatem tuam per multa secula beare dignetur. Ex aedibus meis Eliensi-bus. 20 die Aug.

Tuae majestati a sacris et mista humillimus.

NUMBER 48.

Cox, bishop of Ely, to the queen: who had wrote to him to demise the manor of Somersham to her, for the lord North. LITERAS a celsissima majestate tua, mense Maio scriptas, hodie, nimirum, 18 Junii, accepi. Quibus serio petit tua sublimitas dimissionem terrarum mearum in agro So-mershamio. Hic auribus lupum tenere videri possem; et dubius in bivio versari: si voto tantae principis et reginae tot modis de me optime meritae, non responderem, ingratus ha-bebor, indignationemque subibo morte graviorem. Rursum vero, si postulationi et voto illorum, qui has literas a majes-tate tua multa solicitudine obtinuerunt, inficias ivero, nimis aegre ferent, et de ingratitudine et pervicacia me insimula-bunt, et in celsitudinis tuae odium trahere non cessabunt. Ex altera vero parte, si quod optant concessero, et me et successores meos injuria et maximo incommodo affecero, et iniquus habebor, si iniquis eorum optatis applausero.

Tentarunt me in hac causa non ita pridem aliquot nobi-les, et precibus, et pecunia, et amicis, ut me expugnarent. Ego vero hactenus inexpugnabilis perstiti. Nunc autem cum extrema tentant, ad sacram anchoram mihi fugiendum est, nimirum ad supplices preces. Quare per aequitatem, per justitiam, et per innatam tibi miserationem obsecro et obtestor, ne aegre ferat tua summa prudentia, si rationes in medium protulero, quae huic postulationi non respondere, me movent. Scimus tributa et vectigalia, etiam decimas, primos fructus, et subsidia, potestatibus superioribus deberi. Imo, quiequid in illorum usum cedit, in publicum bonum cedit. Verum enim vero, longe diversissima est subditorum ratio. Illis enim alienis commodis inhiantibus et insidianti-bus non cedendum, sed obsistendum potius, maxime vero, si in bona ecclesiastica involare pergunt.

I. Nam si pii reges atque reginae, si vere nobiles, si etiam populus quoque ipse, evangelii propagandi zelo accensi, communicaverunt eis de omnibus suis bonis, qui ipsos catechizarunt in verbo Dei, quam male pius et ignobilis ille ju-dicandus est, qui non solum non communicat catechizanti-bus in ullis bonis, sed catechizantium bona minuere, auferre, et in suos usus nequiter commutare satagunt?

II. Peccat quidem certe, vel in jus gentium, dum testa-mentum testatoris, et ultimam voluntatem violat et labefac-tat. Scribit D. Paulus, Hominis testamentum sistit com-probatum, nemo rejicit, aut addit aliquid.

III. Praeterea, cum Deus in lege sua, suis sacerdotibus et Levitis, abunde suppeditavit ad vivendi rationem: cum-que idem dictat ipsa natura: et D.

Paulus scribit, de evan-gelio vivendum esse: denique, si Spiritus Christi Christiano-rum pectora ita pietatis zelo accenderit, ut in pios usus, nimirum, ad evangelium propagandum, et ad hospitalitatem servandam, sua bona, suos fundos, et agros sanctissime col-locaverint; quis ille est, qui hanc divinam providentiam la-befactare audeat? Gravissime succensuit populo suo Deus, quod ministri ejus misere essent expilati. Maledictione ma-ledicti estis.

IV. Optandum, a Domino Deo, ut regula naturae, imo, regula Jesu Christi, pectoribus aliena captantium insiderent: ttoc facias alteri, quod tibi vis fieri.

V. Deinde, nonne satis molestum est, sacerdotes tuos passim contemni et conculcari, et pro mundi rejectamentis haberi, nisi quae possident commoditates passim obligurian tur, et abradantur? Deus meliora. Insignis admodum ingr-titudo, si nostri labores et pericula, seu Deus potius per nos, papam et papistica omnia exegit ex Anglia; si regem regi-namque suo justissimo solio reposuit; si denique, per nos aedes et agri innumerorum monachorum, infinitos Anglos, hos e mendicatione vindicarunt, illos ditaverunt, alios ad ho-nores evexerunt; haeccine tandem nostra merces, ut ingra-titudine compensemur? ut commodis nostris privemur? Ut barathrum concupiscentiae malae impleamus?

Denique, vehementer dolendum est, quod qui ista tentant, manifestum Dei Opt. Max. mandatum contemnere audeant: audeantque majestatem tuam in simile discrimen illaqueare. Mandatum est, Non concupisces cujusquam domum, &c. Fas non est mandatum Dei violare. Fas non est mandati violatoribus auxilium praebere, aut favorem.

Haec justissimorum argumentorum pondera ita animum meum premunt terrentque, ut omnino non audeam talibus votis assentire. Proinde, per omnia sacra prece humillima peto, ut pietatem tuam exoratam habeamus, quo iis, quae tua benignitas nobis verbi ministris jam olim contulit, uti, frui liceat quam diu hac nostra functione non indigni esse videbimur. Esto per Christum Jesum cleri tui pientissima nutrix, fautrix, et defensatrix in hoc seculo nequam, atheo-que. Dignetur prudentissima tua pietas hanc meam confi-dentiam candide interpretari, a pio et Del timente pectore profectam.

Dominus Jesus Christus majestatem tuam per multa secula servet incolumem, ad gloriam nominis ejus, et ecclesiae sanctae salutem.

Tuae majestati a sacris et pastor humillimus, Richardus Eliens. [NUMBER 48] Reasons drawn up by Cox, bishop of Ely, and sent to the lord treasurer: to tender the state of God’s ministers.

THE Jews pinched God himself, in their sacrilegious defrauding him of his tiths and first fruits. Whereby they procured his heavy displeasure and indignation. At this day some men pinch God, in withdrawing double honour from his ministers: and not onely not communicating, but plucking from their catechizers [i.e. teachers.] They pinch God in withdrawing things from a godly use to a profane use: wherewith God was never pleased, as by stories and examples doth appear.

They violate the testaments and wills of their forefathers, who were zelous and bountiful unto God’s ministers, for the maintenance of God’s holy gospel.

They pinch the ministers against the law of nature and charity. Hoc facias alteri quod tibi vis fieri. They pinch the ministers by wringing away part of their livings, against God’s express commandment, Non concu-pisces, &c.

St. Paul laboureth with many substantial reasons, to shew how bountiful the Christians ought to be towards their pastors. Again, St. Paul willeth, that the pastors being watchmen, and must account for the souls of their flocks, so be used, that they might do their office chearfully, and not dolefully. Hoc enim non expedit vobis.

Esay prophesied of kings, and queens, and godly governors, that they shall be nourses to God’s flock, to tender them, and to defend them in their just doings, from malicious accusers, slanderors, and persecutors.

St. Paul, tendring the state of God’s ministers, and considering the malice of the wicked world, writeth thus: Take no accusation against an elder under two or three witnesses. St. Paul cannot but mean lawful witnesses.

For quarellers, hateful and malicious, are excluded by all laws.

It may please you at your convenient leisure to read Mr. Calvin upon this place of St. Paul,1 Tim. v.

NUMBER 49.

The substance of the complaints of the lord North against the bishop of Ely, in his letter to him. With the bishop’s answers to each.

First , What I have done I was urged thereto by such commandment as I dare not disobey. Yet have I dealt in nothing against you, but received such griefs as the parties themselves do exhibit.

Answer. I am fully persuaded, that her majesty would not urge you in such sort, but upon your urging and exaggerating of matters against me. And it is not true yee received onely griefs against me: but ye have sent for some to the intent ye might get matters against me.

II. I wish you from the bottom of my heart to shake off the yoke of your stubbornness, &c. and to lay aside your stubborn determination.

Answer. My duty to her majesty, I trust, I always shew: who I hope will not so judge of me as ye pronounce. Indeed it belongeth to her highness to judge of us both. But you, my lord, thus to judge of me, I may say, satis pro imperio.

III. To whom as yet ye have done no special service.

Answer. Indeed I have done no special service in embassage to any mortal king, as ye have done. But I do special service daily by ambassage for her highnes to the King of kings. And I do, and by grace will do, her majesty special service, to the uttermost of my power, whensoever I am commanded, either by word, letter, or commission.

Her highnes hath many mo special services than embassage.

IV. I hear say, ye have reported to your friends, that ye would leave your bishoprick to her highness, to dispose at her plesure.

Answer. What I have said to her majesty, she well know-eth. I use not to report such matters abroad.

V. I know well how ye are horsed and manned.

Answer. I thank God I have horse, and hable men in livery and wages, well neer fourty, and horse to serve them; as may appear. As for reteyners, I have no rout of them to brag on.

VI. My lord, it will be no plesure for you to have her majesty and her council to know how wretchedly ye live within and without your house.

Answer. I am open to all the world, how I deal within and without: whereof I have no cause to be ashamed. Malice set apart, I will be judge by noblemen, gentlemen, and other honest men. Wretchedly is no meet term for your lordship.

VII. How extremely covetous.

Answer, Covetousnes lyeth hidden in the heart, which cannot be seen.

And this is sore and extremely judged of you. Mine account made, it shall easily appear how covetous I am, if ye be not mine auditor.

VIII. How marvaillous a dairy man, how rich a fer-mour, how great an owner.

Answer. As for dairy man, I have made answer; a few things I have gotten for my children, to the value of 40l. If ye envy that, I cannot do withal. To other things which ye charge me with, I have fully answered.

IX. Imposts which ye raise on God’s ministers.

Answer. This is utterly false. I never raised peny of any minister: but have been forced by process out of the exchequer to pay unto the queen’s majesty a great sum of mony for issues, for not payment of the subsidy; due before I came unto the bishoprick by divers poor ministers in the diocess of’Ely, in the 4th and 5th years of Philip and Mary.

Which issues I shall never recover again. Onely I have a Constat for the subsidy, which 1 paid out of my purse to be levied of the best benefices in the same dioces, according to the law. And to this hour I cannot get one peny of it. Nevertheless of very pity I bestow yearly upon divers poor vicars: on some, four nobles; and upon some, fourty shillings, in respect of their great penury.

X. Ye enrich the evil, and discourage the good.

Answer. Surely this is untrue, and spoken of an uncharitable affection.

I maintain no evil to my knowledge. I might return that fault to you.

XI. If my learned counsil deceive me not, I will draw you into a premunire, by 6 or 7 several points.

Answer. Let all men judge, whether this your dealing tend not to the utter undoing of me and mine.

NUMBER 50.

More objections to the said bishop by the said lord, in another letter to him: with the bishop’s answers.

I. IHAVE been a poor justice these eighteen years, and I never granted the good abearing; and Seldom have heard it granted. Howbeit your lordship maketh it a common bond in the isle. It is ungodly and uncharitable.

Neither like a bishop nor a Christian, to bind any man to impossible bands.

Answer of the bishop. The law bindeth no man to impossibilities. And the justices and judges are not anti-christians. It is a necessary band to restrain troublesome and evil doers, slaunderers and raylers: and, by the judgment of good lawyers, a most necessary band in this licentious world.

II. When I hear the bishop of Ely hath forgiven any man, I will say, Nunc dimittis.

Answer. To say the truth, I have forgiven more these sixteen years, than I can presently tell of. I doubt not, but I am able to make a book of a great sum.

III. I mervail your lordship shameth not to throw this in my dish, especially [viz. dismissing a popish recusant] yee did as much for Cook at Mr. Hutton’s request.

Answer. At your request, and at Mr. Hutton’s request, I gave time to Pards and Cook, to win them to God’s true religion. Cook yieldeth himself to me; offering that he would come to the church. But Parris could never be brought to that point. And how your lordship hath earnestly travailed with me and divers others for him a great many years, I am sory to see it. You say, my favour came not gratis. Indeed you brought me 10l . from himself towards the amendment of Somersham bank. Which is to be employed to that use. If ye give more to that use, it shall be well employed. But the fault [of letting an obstinate recusant loose] thereby nothing excused.

IV. Your lordship doth untruly and dishonestly charge me, that I devise ways and means to practise the utter undoing of you and yours.

Answer. In your letter the 20th of November you wrote, that ye are to search all injuries that I have done: and so charge me with a number of matters. And that ye have found 6 or 7 points of a premunire. Is not this to seek the undoing of me and mine?

V. Many grievous facts committed by you and yours, as the parties themselves say to me. And to me they come as their high steward, for remedy.

Answer. My lord, I made you high steward, to be my friend and defender; and not to hear every light and untrue tale, to mine infamy and hindrance. I acknowledge you not such an high steward, to hear causes and complaints, and to redress them at your plesure. For that ap-pertaineth partly to me, and partly to the chief justice of the isle, with the rest of the justices, according to mine ancient graunts. If Balam, your man, or Hasyl, have any wrong done unto them by me or mine, in orderly sort I am to satisfy them.

NUMBER 51.

A large book of sundry articles of complaints against the bishop of Ely: with his answers to each. Many of those articles false, and matters in all of them miarepresented. I.DOCTOR Ty, bound to make a lease of the parsonage of Dodington at half the value of the rent.

The bishop’s answer. I know no such bond that Dr. Ty made at any time, saving a bond that I had of him at the request of his wife, that he should not let any part of his benefice without my consent, but from year to year.

II. One Goodrike was expulsed his farm, and driven to make the bishop a lease of the moyety for xx nobles by year.

Answer. Bishop Thirleby was in suite with Thomas Goodrike for an unlawful lease, and was in possession of the thing so long as he continued bishop; which if queen Mary had lived, bishop Thirleby had obtained. And when I entred, at the suit of Mr. Richard Goodrike, one of the counsil, I stayed the suit, and was content to allow of the lease, retaining only the moyety: I paying therefore 20 nobles by year, the fermour paying to me for the whole but 20 shillings by the year. This agreement being made twelve years ago, I mervail it should be complained of now, seeing we have quietly enjoyed our parts hitherto, according to the agreement.

III. The bishop contending with Robert Styward for a common, the lords of the council gage order it should be tryed at the assizes in Ely, and that the pregnotaries [pro-tonotaries] of the court of Common-Pleas should draw up their books of pleading. Which was performed. Means was found, the original writ was embezzilled off the file. So as the matter is yet undetermined.

Answer. If the original writ was embezzilled from the file, God knoweth: I wot not. And at that time I was as much offended with it as Robert Styward was. I mervail, that this should be laid to my charge, the thing being nine or ten years past. I mervail also this should now be revived, he dying in good friendship with me.

IV. The bishop denyed his benevolence to the collectors for the poor, alledging poverty. He hath no mony, but all goeth in his childrens name. He grazeth for his children: and setteth the names of John, Roger, &c. his sons, upon the baggs of his mony.

Answer. Touching my benevolence towards the poor, I will report md both to the poor, and to the collectors also. Indeed I denyed some time, and told the collectors, that I would distribute it to mine own folks. As I did indeed; because they [i. e. the collectors] were suspected of partiality. I graze not for my children: and at this day they have not one bullock to sell, nor never had. As for baggs, I protest before God, they have not one penny in any bag: except one 100l . for the mariage of my child.

V. Hee is a dairy man, and letteth out his milches to farm, as garden [guardian] for his sons.

Answer. At the first, certain beasts were let to some for butter and cheese (as my predecessor had used before me) to serve my house: and to the intent the market might be the more plentifully served, mine officers forbear to take up any such thing there. Indeed I gave my lord North a patent for the keepership of my park in Somersham, with the allowance of certain milch kine; and bought it again for my sons. And I do use it for them as he did use it for his sons: but it is not lawful for to do the like, by Mr. Styward’s judgment.

VI. The bishop oppresseth his tenants for cariages.

Answer. I take no cariage of my tenants, but such as have been used of my predecessors time out of mind, and pay them for it. Where, by duty divers of my tenants are bound by their tenure, in consideration of the small rent they pay, to cary onely for bread and drink; as appears by mine antient records, called The cowcher.

VII. He converteth three parks into dairies, and farmeth them out.

Answer. I have in every park twenty kine, more or less, which serve for my necessary things, as aforesaid: and serve also for the benefit of the poor. Who for their necessity fetch daily milk and whey for their relief. And in their necessity they have butter and cheese also. And every Sunday in the year they have the milk of all the kine distributed among them. And yet there is sufficient pasture both for deer, geldings, and bullocks. Would God, all the parks in England were no worse used.

VIII. Tolls accepted by the bishop.

Answer. I know of no tolls, saving only of Watersey bank: which is used, as it hath been time out of mind, for the maintenance of the said bank. The repairing whereof at my first entring, stood me in fourteen score pounds: and now of late confirmed by the commission of sewers, as a thing needful and necessary for the preservation of the country.

IX. The bishop having graunted the office of the clerkship of the crown within the Isle of Ely unto sundry persons, did, by way of forfeiture, violently thrust them out of the same.

Answer. This is an untrue report. If any were put out, (as it might be there were,) I doubt not but there was. good cause so to do; or else it should not have been done.

X. Upon controversies between Neal and Styward, for the auditorship of the bishoprick of Ely, the bishop willed them to prosecute law; and promised to accept him that should recover. The bishop in the interim graunteth the said office to his wife’s brother, and one of his sons. The bishop is sued in chancery, and will not answer upon his oath, but upon his honour.

Answer. I bestowed the office of mine audit upon Mr. Ander, and one of my children, because it is in my hand to give to whom I thought good, as my counsil, learned in the law, did inform me. He chargeth me that I will not answer upon my oath. Which I am most ready to do in such maner as I was informed the bishops were wont to do. And it is untrue, that ever I answered upon mine honour.

XI. Austin Styward, having the keeping of the park at Downham, demanding his fee of the bishop, it was with-holden, and denyed him, chalenging the forfeiture of his office: for that the chapel within the house of Downham was made a milk-house. The said Styward and a minister with him, were both indicted for breaking of the milk-pans. The minister having a living of 16l . pension in Ely, he was forthwith suspended from his living, and ministring within the dioces of Ely. No copies can be had of the indictments: and the said Styward must yield tlne at the bishop’s plesure, or else ly in prison.

Answer. I never denyed him his fee, albeit he never did me service, but this: in mine absence he entred into mine house, and brake up my chapel doors. And whereas in the heat of summer, for two or three days in the time of thunder, my woman had set her milk-pans in a cold place of the chapel, he spurned them down with his foot. And Dr. Turner misliking of his doings, the said Styward with lavishing words termed him Dr. Pispot. I suppose this is not the office of an housekeeper.

Notwithstanding I meant not to take any forfeiture of his patent. For since that time he hath received his fee. But for his leud dealing in abusing my house, and breaking up my doors, he and his chaplain are indicted. And this chaplain, Peter Tye, was discharged of his service by my chancellor justly. For divers of Ely have been much offended with him for his negligence in teaching and catechizing the children: and also, for that he is a common dicer, a common bowler, and a common hunter, and is indicted for killing of deer. And I ought not to suffer him to be parish priest and a minister in the cathedral church also, and to keep his residence in Ely, having a benefice in Northfolk. And yet notwithstanding I cannot drive him from Ely to his benefice. And no mervail; for an evil beginning seldom hath a good ending. His father, Dr. Ty, hath told me and others, not without grief, that he wrot a letter, counterfeiting his father’s hand, and carried it to my lord of Canterbury; and by that means was made minister.

XII. The bishop forbiddeth the poor inhabitants to fowl in the merches within the Isle without licence in writing. For which he exacteth 2s. for every writing; and looketh for weekly presents of fowl at a certain price.

His plesure herein is openly proclaimed in all the churches within the isle.

Answer. That 2s. is exacted for licence, is untrue. For they pay only to my knowledge but 4d. to the clark of my kitchin for their licence.

About 14 years past I demanded of the fowlers, how they, having licences, would serve me of fowl: they willingly and well content agreed upon a price: which hath continued until this day, without any misliking; but that it pleased this gentleman now to complain. As for proclaiming in churches, I know no such thing.

XIII. One Dean, a minister, dying, bequeathed by his will certain goods and horses to his children; naming the colour of the horses, &c. One sir Lutt, a priest, maried this Dean’s widow. He killing himself, the bishop seized of all his goods, and took also the poor childrens legacies of Deans, and denyeth redelivery of the same.

Answer. This matter of Dean is untruly reported. For when Lutt had killed himself, mine officers did not seize upon his goods alone, but the dean’s officers seized of his goods also. I remember well, I had certain horses and mares. Which when I understood by his wife that they were legacies to be answered to Dean’s children, I agreed with her and her husband, Laurence Charles; and contented her and her children fully; as appeareth by an acquittance of their own hands remaining by me.

XIV. The bishop suffereth his tenants to be distrained, and taketh the benefit of the distress, being sold; he being bound by lease to discharge the reparation of the bank within the Isle.

Answer. This is untrue. For no distress hath been taken for not repairing of any bank of mine.

XV. The poor men’s turves, inhabiting in Downham, within the Isle, are taken out of their yards, being their fewel, by the bishop, at the Q. [queen’s] price, without pity or regard.

Answer. I take no turves from any man, but as hath been used in all my time, and in my predecessors time before me: paying 2s. for a thousand. And no man ever complained of it, but only you. For they do sell to others for the same price, as well as to me.

XVI. Order being taken of antient time, that no sheep but great cattel should graze within the marsh of West-more, within the Isle, three or four townships having commodity of the same; the bishop, contrary to order, doth feed the said marsh alone with his flocks of sheep; and selleth them fat to the butcher.

Answer. There are two great fens, Byal fen and West-more fen. The tenants made a by-law in the court, that none of them should put any sheep in any of these fens. The lord was never included in the law. And yet the tenants, contrary to their own order, keep sheep in Bial fen.

And Austin Styward findeth no fault therewith: but the lord (by Mr. Styward’s judgment) may keep none in any fen. Where this year only, the lord hath kept for necessity 200 sheep, or thereabouts; though it pleaseth him to call them flocks: and where he saith, I sell them, being fat, to butchers, it is utterly untrue; saving, that my servants perceiving half a hundred old ews, that could not well eat, and fearing they would dy ere I could spend them in mine house, sold them away, and bought as many young in their place.

XVII. The master and fellows of Christ’s college in Cambridge, purchasing 30l land by year, holden of the bishop, the said bishop entreth upon the said land, as upon his escheats, for alienation in mortmain: and presently made a lease of the same to certain of his kin of trust.

Answer. True it is, that there was certain land, that held of me in chief, in the right of my bishoprick. Which land the master and fellows of Christ’s college purchased without my privity. Whereof when I understood, I made over a lease unto a friend of mine for the maintenance of my right; which otherwise should have been extinguished. Nevertheless the lease was never put in ure. And afterwards, upon their suits made unto me, I promised them licence of alienation for the better assurance. Which they may have at all times.

XVIII. The bishop, being informed by one Ficas of Dodington within the Isle, that a tenement there was his by right, (for that one Pemford, owner thereof did kill himself,) entred upon it; and charged t’homage at the next court to enquire of this escheate. The informer refused to swear, but the bishop continued possession. The right owner of the tenement entred again upon the bishop, and dispossest him. The bishop clapt him and his wife in the jayle. And they remained there more than a month; till they were constrained for 60s. to leavy a fine to the bishops use.

Answer. There Was one Markham of Dodington, that had a very small college decayed, and having not above one acre and a rood of arable land belonging to it: which was free, and pay’d but 6d. a year to the lord. And when he was dead, upon search and presentment made by the tenants, there was no heir found to possess it. Whereupon, according to the laws of this realm, it was escheated to the lord, who immediately made a graunt thereof to one of his servants. Which enjoyed it quietly three or four years; until the husbands of the brothers children of one Pemford, under colour of title, that their wives should have to it, did enter by force, and kept it, till my servant complained to the justice. By Whose order, and according to law, they were removed, and he put in possession again. And he willing to have the matter tryed, procured an original process against the parties, retornable within the Isle at the next sessions. By the which process they were arrested, and for lack of sureties for their appearance at the next sessions, they remained in the custody of the under-bailiff, and paid nothing for their charges all the while they were there. But for any enforcement that was done unto them to make them agree, is utterly false. For there was no cause why it should. For one Drakes, after they were discharged, made a new claim unto it: and in very deed shewed more apparent matter to be heir to it than they. And yet in the end was contented to give over also.

XIX. A poor man, One Sharpe, a tenant of the bishops at Downham in the Isle, because he did not transport Mrs. Coxe to a certain place by water, according to her commandment, his copy-hold was seized. The poor man, after long suit to be restored, was enjoyned, as in nature of a fine, to cast the bishop an huge pond in his park, which was a thing impossible for him to have performed, without the charitable help of his neighbours. He was rewarded for casting of this huge pond with an half-penny loaf, and a quart of beer. His report being brought to the bishops ears, the poor man keeping an ale-house, his sign was beaten down; and he could not again be admitted, but with a second fine.

Answer. This is a slanderous report. The man was not put from his copy-hold at all; but a shew made as it were a seizure; for that he did not his service and duty, as of right he ought to do, to make him take warning hereafter. And where he saith, he cast an huge pond in my park for a fine, it is utterly untrue. He cast no pond at all. But he, with the help of other my tenants, let water out of a pond: and they were paid for their labour by mine officers. Also, he layeth to my charge, that for displeasure I took with the man, I caused his sign to be beaten down, and put from victualling; which is utterly false also. He was indeed brought before a worshipful justice in the Isle, by a complaint that his neighbours made of him, for suffering and maintaining unlawful playing and gaming in his house, contrary to the law. And being proved and found true, he discharged him justly from victualling. But shortly after, upon promise of amendment, was restored again.

XX. The bishop causeth all strayes, taken upon his wast, to be sold after three weeks keeping. Insomuch as one Bownet, his servant, sold four colts, after that maner estrayed, by the bishop’s commandment. And were thereupon indicted and arraigned by the owners.

Answer. This is utterly false. And as for Bownet, if he sold any that were not yeared, it was unknown to me, neither gave I him any such commandment. Bownet had no dealings with strayes for me these ten or eleven years.

XXI. Wisbich castle defaced. The lead and timber sold, and taken away by the bishop.

Answer. This is untrue. The castle is not defaced; but there standeth in the middest of a castle-yard an old tower, which in old time had divers lodgings in it, after the maner of gross building, which was used in those days: and was so decayed within, that no man durst go into it: neither was occupied (as I suppose) this hundred years. At my first entry into the bishopric, the gentlemen of the country gave me counsil to pull down the inner parts of it, and to bestow the mony that came of it upon a bank, called Water-sea bank, being three miles of length.

Which was in so great decay in bishop Thirlebie’s time, before I came to the bishopric, that neither man nor horse could escape. I at their earnest request caused the inner part to be pulled down, but let the tower stand wholly; which in very deed doth make as fair a shew of the castle still, as ever was. And that mony which it was sold for, which was 50l. or thereabouts, have I bestowed on the bank: and 200l . more, besides that, out of mine own purse, or ever that it could be made good again, as shall be proved, if need so require.

XXII. The bishop hath entred upon Wisbich Barton farm; being demised by lease, and bound to all reparations. And hath pulled down the barn, and sold it off the ground.

Answer. This is false. I never entred upon Barton farm; neither have I pulled down the barn, nor sold it. But Meggs, my farmer, pulled it down, and sold it. And I bought it of him to whom he sold it.

XXIII. Contrary to an act of parliament, he daily en-grosseth farms, and doth buy and sell them. And paying only 10l . rent, he hath raised it to 55l . yearly.

Answer. This is false. I engross no farmes; I have bought two farmes for two of my children only. And I know of no raising of rents; but that my child’s tenant have made of it to his most advantage.

XXIV. Being inhibited all spiritual persons to gain by buying and selling, the bishop doth daily buy and sell all manner of cattel, white meat, fruit, timber, and such like.

Answer. This is utterly false.

XXV. The bishop and one Mr. Brackyn of Ely were in communication for the loan of 200l .

Answer. This is utterly false.

XXVI. The bishop having the forfeitures of the commission of sewers, useth to set great paines upon the heads of the poor townships of the country. And they say, he made the last summer 900l . of the forfeitures.

Answer. This is a slanderous report. For I set no pains at all upon any man; as the rest of the commission of sewers can and will testify. There is no pain set, but at a full session; when a competent number of commissioners be present: and that with good advisement; and not without the consent of the jurators, who present the faults. I do know, there be great pains set, ad terrorem: and not withoat cause; for it lyes upon the preservation of an whole country. But I am sure they are not gathered, as he falsely reporteth. My books shall make appear, that where he saith, I made the last summer 900l . I have not had, in all together, 40l . towards the charges of the commissioners diet, and rewards for the clerks of sewers, and other charges.

XXVII. He setteth down such strait orders, with penalties for commission of sewers, as can by no means possibly be kept. And not being performed, he most extremely levieth the penalties upon their goods, to the utter undoing of the poor men.

Answer. This is utterly false, and a slaunder to me and the rest of the commissioners.

XXVIII. The bishop is loth to let Mr. Hatton have Ely house in Holborn, because his brother by his consent hath leased out the gardens to divers persons; and both the base Courts, with bands to enjoy the same a year after the bishops decease.

Answer. This is utterly false.

XXIX. One Love of Littleport, paying a rent to the bishop for a certain fishing, which he hath for years, sparing to fish this last summer, there came great store of fish into his fishing. the bishops servants hearing of this, came and cast their nets, and took a mervaillous deal of fish. The poor man being spoiled of this fish, asked them, who bade them fish there. They answered, The bishop. My lord of Ely, quoth he, I think, will have my heart bloud. The bishop understanding this, the poor man was driven to ask him forgiveness in the church: notwithstanding the bishops servants continued fishing ever when they would. A brother of this Love’s also, being a poor waterman, and getting his living by carrying of things by water, finding the bishops men fishing in his brothers water, asked them, who gave them authority to fish there. They answered, The bishop. If a man should take an ox, quoth he, out of Downham park, the bishop would make him hold up his hand. Hereupon the poor man being indicted, de scan-dalis magnatum, but not found by the jury, the bailiff distrained his vessel:which was the onely hope of his living: and left the party without any other help to live.

Who for very thought and poverty dyed the last year.

Answer. Love of Littleport hath a fishing: which he enjoyeth quietly; and having entred a great way further than his lease doth bear him, he was justly restrained thereof. And in case he hath done me wrong, reason willeth he should make me recompence. In case my servants have done him wrong, he is also to be recompenced. And the matter to be used equally and justly. But men to fall to outragious talk and railing against their neighbours, is not to be maintained. And therefore though one of the Loves acknowledged his fault openly, the other was amersed by the justices, and not by me, in 10l . Whereof I forgave him 8l . and the poor had 20s. and a man of mine other 20s. And that he dyed for thought is nothing like.

XXX. The bishop gave orders in a common alehouse at Erythe to fifty or sixty persons: and did minister the com-reunion unto them: some of them being driven to kneel in the street, the room of the house containing scarce xx foot square.

Answer. There remaineth at Erythe a certain house, which heretofore was an hermitage, the uttermost part of the Isle. My predecessors, bishops of Ely, lying at So-mersham in Lincoln dioces, and the hermitage in Ely dioces next adjoyning, have used heretofore to give order there; and no man then agrieved at it. And so in such case have I done. It pleaseth the accuser to term it an alehouse; and to number them to 50 or 60. But if he could find in his heart to tell the truth, he would say, they were but now xix. now xi. and xxiii, at the most.

XXXI. Having made 4000l . in woods, he never saved the spring of one tree.

Answer. This is false. For this sixteen years I have made of my woods not one thousand pounds; as shall be well proved: and the springs well maintained.

XXXII. He hath enclosed a green in Ely, and a highway to a house, which he hath bought. And hath left the high-way so strait, as they can scarce turn a cart in it.

Answer. There is an unsavoury and a fulsome ditch in Ely, conveying from the high-street the water and refuse of the street; which I have stopt up, to the great benefit of the people, and conveyed the water closely through my grounds: and I have set a pale upon mine own wast, somewhat within the ditch, noisome to no man; and left a way with a great breadth: which heretofore hath been a way but only for footmen.

And the chiefest of the parish have declared their contentation herewith in writing. But Sty-ward, in his bravery, forbade my workmen, and discharged them with threatnings, as though he had been the lord of the Isle.

XXXIII. The accompte of his expences in house seem great. His wife, Mrs. Cox, selleth him butter and cheese. The bishop spendeth not half the strayes he hath in the year. The best of them are sold to the butchers. The worst Mrs. Cox selleth to the bishops steward. If they be worth 20s. Mrs.

Cox maketh the steward allow her 40s. the piece. And so it is entred into the book.

Answer. For the expences of my house, it is certainly known to my steward and clark of the kitchen, what it is. And for my wifes selling of butter and cheese, 1 know not. But sure I am, my house is served by the butter and cheese that her servants make. And the rest that remaineth, the poor being relieved, her servants do sell for to pay their wages, and other necessaries perteyning unto them. And for my strayes, I never had so many in any one year, as would serve my house a month. And sometime I have not one stray in a year. And for selling of any, either to the butcher or to my steward, it is utterly false.

XXXIV. Sithence king Edward the Thirds time, no bishop of his predecessors have had so many suits as this bishop within these seventeen years.

Answer. How like this is to be true, all wise men may judge. The wrangling and deceitful world is such at this day, as never was the like.

Unles a man would yield unto and maintain the unjust dealing of people, he must needs crave help at the law. My continual suit these sixteen years, or thereabouts, hath been in the chancery to my great charges and expences, to recover a stock of a thousand mark, which my predecessors have quietly enjoyed from one to another, since king Edward the Thirds time; till Dr. Thirleby possessed the bishoprick of Ely, by his executors with-holden. Other suits I have, for that I cannot get my rents of divers of my tenants; besides Mr. Sty-ward, and the unjust dealing of one Symcotts for a piece of land. [All these articles before, were drawn up by Austin Sty-ward, for spite and malice against the bishop, he having a controversy with the bishop. His pretence is framed into the last article: which follows. And it is this.] XXXV. Austin Styward, having twenty-nine years to come in the lease of the manor of Downham, tendring his rent upon the ground according to his lease, the bishop desirous of his farm a long time, because his wife pretended forfeiture for non-payment, he made a lease of the said farm to two or three several persons, onely supposing sixty shillings of rent to be behind unpaid. Which hath been offered him, and 20l . more for his favour.

But it hath been denyed; and his men have been imprisoned by his absolute authority, and without law.

Answer. This is falsely reported. The truth is, I made a re-entry for lack of payment of my rent. And I did it not without good consideration. My farm in Downham hath a great deal of arable land belonging unto it: which being tilled and occupied as it ought to be, and hath been heretofore, had been a great help to the inhabitants of the town: which be a great number. And now of late years, the tenant that did occupy the farm hath left a great deal of the arable land to ly lay, and will neither till it himself, nor let the poor men of the town have it for their mony, (as other farmers have done heretofore,) to the great impoverishment of the town: and also a very great loss unto the person.

Also he will not suffer my poor tenants, according to their time out of mind, to common upon his lay-grounds. So that by this means they are less hable to maintain themselves, their wives and children, as heretofore they have done. These and such like complaints came daily to me, and desired my help. I remembring these complaints, upon just occasion given unto me for not paying my rent, re-entred: that by having the farm in my hand I might redress these disorders.

This done, a young man, Edward Meggs, (who at the same time had the lease of the farm, and said nothing to me, that he had put it away,) came unto me, bringing with him a letter in his favour, from Mr. Nowel dean of Powles, and desired my favour for Meggs: for that his tenant had without his knowledge forfeited his lease. I minding by this means to have a redress of those defaults above rehearsed, told him at that time, I was not fully resolved what was best to be done; minding nothing less than to take it from him, as may appear by mine answer at that time to Mr. Nowel’s letter. And further I willed my receiver to say unto Mr. Nowel, by word of mouth, that I minded so to deal with the young man, that Mr. Nowel should well like thereof. But at his next coming I was determined to set down in writing what order should be taken to help my poor tenants. But I never heard of him after, till a bruit was given out all over the town, that he had sold his lease to one Austin Styward: who shortly after came thither in great heat, and said, I had undone him in taking his farm from him: threatning that he would complain of me to the best in England. And ever since hath been full of trouble, seeking by outragious speeches, and buying other men’s titles, to vex and molest me.

Yet notwithstanding, I was content, at his request, the matter should be tryed in Westminster-hall, at the common place bar, to avoid all partiality: when he, clean contrary to his promise, brought it down into the country, and a quest was pannelled very favourable, as I was informed, on his behalf, and as it appeared by their verdict. And further, understanding that the lord North is bent against me, he hath sold the farm to him, to move further vexation, (he taketh it.) Who strait upon the sale hath made an entry in great hast, not only on the farm, but also upon my park, wherein my dwelling house doth stand: which the farmer, unto whom the lease was first made by bishop West, in the fourteenth year of king Henry VIII. never enjoyed. Which bishop lived eleven years after the lease was made; and enjoyed the park still notwithstanding the lease. And after him bishop Goodrike was bishop twenty-one years, and enjoyed the park quietly. After him bishop Thirleby, who was in the see five years, enjoyed the park quietly. And now I have been these sixteen years; which maketh in all fiftythree years. And all this time the park was never claimed. Because he knew well enough it was never the bishop’s meaning to let away his park from his dwelling house, from him and his successors.

I am most humbly to crave at your honours hand, to be so good and gracious lords to me, as to take so much pains for me and my successors; that a quiet and a good end may be made in this matter: which otherwise, I doubt will grow to great trouble; which is not convenient for me now in mine old age. And this I desire for peace sake, which our Saviour Christ so much commended unto us all. Causes of complaints against the bishop of Ely, by Hasyl of Cambridge, who had been his servant seven years; of the same spiteful nature with the former. The chief whereof were these that follow. THERE is a bank in the Isle, called Watersea Bank, which is the safety and defence of four townes, containing in them all twenty-six score households: which calsey or bank is the bishop’s charge. These four townes were drowned about six years past with rage of water, the bishop being asked before but 10l . to repair the said bank, to save those townes. But the bishop unchristianly denyed to disburse any mony. Moreover, he hath raised great tolls and exactions upon all travailers passing through the Isle, taking 2d. for man and horse, without any letters patents or authority from the prince. There are two of the Ashwoods of Dodington, which have paid in one year for toll for their parts twenty marks. This toll hath continued twelve years.

Answer. What charge I have been at touching Water-sea Bank, the whole country can tell. And as for 10l . which he saith was required of me for the banks, is untrue. And yet both at the time, and since the time, at the great outrage of stormes, I have bestowed upon the banks within the hundred of Wisbich more than my whole revenue of the country, (which is six-score pounds by year,) for the space of three years and more together. And as for toll for helping of the bank, it hath continued time out of mind. And at this present, the bank is well repaired, whatsoever this article slanderously doth report. It is answered more at large in the eighth article of Styward’s complaint. He reporteth that two Ashwoods, which be horse-coursers, have paid for toll twenty marks. I cannot tell what they have paid for toll; but I hear it reported by the whole country thereabouts, that those two horsecoursers do more hurt with the number of cartel that they drive, than many other that pass that way.

Another article was this. An house and ground violently taken away by the bishop.

Answer. This is not true. There was no house and ground violently taken away by me, nor none for me. But one Thomas Coward of March, being my copy-holder of a tenement with the appurtinences, holden of my manour of Dodington, one George Hasel, brought down a commission for conceled lands, (as it was said,) which Hasel so informed, and persuaded this poor man, Coward, my tenant, (as it should seem,) that he was contented to become tenant of the said tenement, and to purchase it of the said Hasyl; and so to hold it freely.

By reason whereof, ipso facto, the copy-hold was forfeited. For that according to the custom of my manour, no tenant may do any act to alter his copy-hold to free-hold. And therefore upon the said forfeiture, which was apparent, I graunted such interest as I had in the same copyhold unto one Henry Serle and to John Chapman, two of my servants.

And what end or order they have taken in the same, since my graunt, I know not.

Item, The servant of this complainant was indicted of felony for four hogs, and should have been hanged by the bishop.

Answer. The man was charged for four hogs, and brought before the justice, who committed him for felony. And at the next sessions an indictment being presented against him, the great inquest found the bill true. And thereupon arraigned, and found guilty. And in the end saved by his book.

Item, A lease taken away by force by the bishop.

Answer. It is utterly false. There was no lease taken away by force; but there was an house let by lease (being a copy-hold) without licence; contrary to the custome of the manour. And thereupon a lawful seizure made into the lord’s hands. Also the commissioners of sewers had laid a paine of 30l . for the not scowring of a certain loade, belonging to the said copyhold. The not doing whereof was very noysome to the whole country thereabout. And for that of necessity the thing was to be done forthwith, I was faine the rather to take the house and load into my hands, and to set men a work to do it myself, to my great cost and charge. At the suit and request of the lord North, I gave a like forfeiture to his brother in a town of mine, called Thriplow. And then it was lawful; but now it is not, against his man.

Item, The bishop’s men forcibly entred Hasyll’s house, and took away a patent out of a chest they brake open; which the bishop had graunted him of divers offices.

Answer. First his patent was delivered him of trust, to shew what authority I had given him, and to return the same again to my keeping.

The said Hasyl used himself so naughtily in the office, that the whole country exclaimed of him, and of his evil dealing. And divers times he was indicted of extortion, as appeareth by the records. This exclamation of his evil doing coming to mine ears, I oftentimes after spake unto him, to bring me the patent again, which I delivered him of trust: upon which demand he oftentimes made promise to bring it again; but he kept none of them. It followed, by the means of these and divers other ill abuses, I put him clean out of my service. And afterward, by reason of divers outlaws against the said Ha-syl, the commodities whereof of right due unto me, I did clearly remit and forgive. But there came one especially afterwards, at the suit of Richard Barnes, clerk. By reason whereof, and by good warrant, unto the bailiff of the liberties directed; the said bailiff entred upon such goods and chattels as were then found to be the said Hasyll’s. Among which the said patent was one. And the bailiff brought it unto me, as of right he ought to do. And which matter the said Hasyl before this time brought in question in the star-chamber: where he was answered, that it was lawfully done, which both the bailiff and I had done. And since that time he hath been divers times out-lawed, as may appear; but especially by two writs extant, signed under the hand of her majesties atturney general, Mr. Gerard.

A BILL OF COMPLAINTS EXHIBITED BY CHARLES BALAM, GENT. OF THE ISLE OF ELY.

Item, Wood felled by Mr. Balam upon his own ground, and sold for repairing of certain banks: the bishop caused his officers to fetch the said wood off the gentleman’s own ground and inheritance.

Answer. Charles Balam not paying my rent of xx nobles by year, for the space of xi or xii years, a distress was taken upon the ground, to the number of an hundred and half of faggots.

Item, The bishop’s officers do both threaten, and also offer the gentleman great injuries: only to enforce him to sell his lands to the said bishop.

Answer. This is utterly untrue and slanderous.

ARTICLES EXHIBITED AGAINST THE BISHOP BY ONE RADCLIFF, GENT. 1. The bishop practised to frustrate a lease of the parsonage of Swavesy, and made a re-entry upon refusal of the rent. 2. Item, The rent was tendred and received by one of the bishop’s officers. 3. Item, The rent being demanded the 27. April last past, it was tendered, and refused by one Mr. Alden, gentleman: who made a re-entry upon the lease. 4. Item, The lessee having disbursed 52l . upon reparations of the parsonage, which the bishop standeth bound to answer, he can get no allowance of the same.

Answer to the 1, 2, S, and 4th articles. This lease is of a parsonage impropriate, which I had in exchange, among others, of the queen’s majesty, for certain manours and parks, belonging to my bishoprick in Northfolk and Marsh-land. Which parsonage the queen’s majesties auditors did set down to me in writing to be leased out for fourty years; and the rent set down also. And this man claimeth it by a lease of fourscore years yet to come; being dated the same day and year that the other lease of 40 years is. Where the other lease maketh end within these two years. And for that I do not allow of this long lease, he will not pay me rent. And therefore driven to re-enter. And for allowing of reparations, I do stay till I can learn how it cometh to pass, that he hath such a lease, and the queen’s officers not privy to it. I am bound by the lease to repair all his houses: and he buildeth new houses, and would have me pay for them. 5. Item, He detaineth a rent of twenty six shillings and eight pence per ann. going out of Water Beach, and de-nyeth payment.

Answer. I know of no such rent: nor he himself sheweth not wherefore.

LAURENCE JOHNSON (THE BISHOP’S UNDER-KEEPER) AGAINST THE BISHOP. 1. The bishop put him to great charge and trouble of long time; for that he would not cleanse certain waters, which the bishop was bound to do, and did of long time.

Answer. The commissioners of sewers of the Isle, having made a law that the occupiers of fishings and all waters should cleanse their waters, I leased Laurence Johnson and others certain waters heretofore; not binding my self to scowre them. Notwithstanding he refused to do any cost upon them; nor would suffer his under tenants to do it. And to bragg out the matter the better, he hath let them over to Austin Styward, and occupieth them himself under him. Notwithstanding this summer past, I have scowred them at my own charges for the necessity of the country. And yet he complaineth that he is troubled. 2. Item, The bishop onely of malice, and without any just cause, caused the said Johnson to be bound to the good abearing.

Answer. This is maliciously uttered. He compared my wife in his talk to Jezabel, for a matter which she never heard of. Which was complained of to the justice. Who wrot unto me, that he was content to submit himself. Which notwithstanding he did not perform. And at the next sessions, he denyed that he had offended me, but said openly in the face of the court, that I had done him wrong. Whereupon the justice bound him to the good abearing. For the which how outragiously the lord North before a good number, intolerably taunted the chief justice, because he presumed to touch his man, it doth plainly appear. Besides this, it is witnessed to me and other justices, that the said Johnson did prick forward one Bownet to complain of me to the honourable council. And besides that, I was credibly informed from time to time, how leudly and un-dutifully he hath used his tongue against me and others. Whereupon I discharged him of mine underkeepership. And straitways the lord North took him to be his man. 3. Item, The bishop took certain kine from Johnson without warning, and contrary to covenant.

Answer. It is false that any kine was taken from him contrary to covenant, For I let him have twelve kine from year to year: which were all I had in my park at that time. And for that he liked not of the bargain that my servant made with him, but said, he was a looser by them, they were taken again, when the year was ended. 4. Item, The bishop took a common marsh from the town of Somersham, and demised it by lease to his wife’s brother.