King James Bible Adam Clarke Bible Commentary Martin Luther's Writings Wesley's Sermons and Commentary Neurosemantics Audio / Video Bible Evolution Cruncher Creation Science Vincent New Testament Word Studies KJV Audio Bible Family videogames Christian author Godrules.NET Main Page Add to Favorites Godrules.NET Main Page




Bad Advertisement?

Are you a Christian?

Online Store:
  • Visit Our Store

  • APPENDIX
    PREVIOUS CHAPTER - NEXT CHAPTER - HELP - GR VIDEOS - GR YOUTUBE - TWITTER - SD1 YOUTUBE    


    APP1 “Of both parts, as well, ” etc.] — The Edition of 1563 says,” of both the parties, as wel of the bishop as of his adversaries.”

    APP2 — The following are the titles of the Articles in the liar leian MSS.

    No. 420, relative to Bishop Ferrar: they throw much light on Foxe’s narrative:

    Art. 17. Deposition of Doctor Rowlande Meyrycke, one of the Cannons of Sainct David’s; sworne and examyned the 21 daye of Februarye 1551 upon certeyne Articles objected against the Bishop of St. David’s. (fol. 80.)

    Art. 18 . Deposition of Gryffythe Goz of Blaienporth yn Cardiganshyre, Clerke, upon the name, the 12th day of February 1551 [1552]. (fol. 85.)

    Art. 19. Bishop Farrar’s exceptions against the Testimonies of Roger Barloo yeoman, Griffith Donne gent., Thomas John Thomas ap Harrye gent., John Evans clerk the said bishop’s chaplen. (fol. 89, b.)

    Art. 20, Complaint to the Privy Council [by Rawlyns] of certain words spoken by Bp. Ferrar in the Pulpit, tending to the raising of strife and hatred between the Welsh and English; and to revive the singing of old Welsh Rhymes, and the belief in their vain Prophecies. (fol. 90.)

    Art. 21. A prouf of Rawlins Information made by Thomas Williams, Vicar of Carmarthen, and Moris Gryffythe Clerke. (fol. 92.)

    Art. 22. The Effecte of the Bushope of Saincte Davids Answer to Rawlyns Information. (fol. 93.)

    Art. 23. Deposition of George Constantine of the age of 51:veres, upon the Articles exhibited to the King’s Majesties Privy Council agaynst Robert Farrar Bishoppe of St. Davids. (fol. 95.)

    Art. 24 . Deposition of upon the Articles aforesaid. [Imperfect.] (fol. 1000 Art. 25. Interrogations minystered on the behalfe of the reverende Father in God Robert, by the surffrance of God Bushop of Sanct Davydes, agaynst all and singuler suche Wittnes as shal be producted agaynst him on the behalffe of Thomas Lee and Hughe Raulins, or ether of theym; uppon the which Interrogatoris, and everie part of the same, the said Bishopp desierith that the said Wittnes and every of theym maye be secretly apart, by vertu of their othes, diligently examined. (fol. 105.)

    Art. 26. A brive note, how many Witnessis hath deposed to every Article objected against Bishop Farrar. (fol. 107.)

    Art. 27. Depositions of 127 Witnesses producted on the behalfe of Hugh Rawlings Clerke, and Thomas Lee of Carmarthen, sworen and examyned the 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th dayes of May 6 Ed. VI. [1552]. (fol. 111.)

    APP3 Art. XI. “Thomas Prichard.] Meyrick in his Deposition on this Article, Harleian MS. No. 420, fol. 81, calls this individual” Thomas Ap Richard.”

    APP4 Art. XIII.] — Throughout the Depositions in the Harleian MS. this individual:,s written Phi. with a flourish over: and one of the witnesses has it for his Christian name, so that it probably stands for” Philip.”

    APP5 Art. XXXI.] — Comorth or Gomorth, from the Brit. Cymmorth, q.d. subsidium, a contribution gathered at marriages, and many other occasions: it was professedly voluntary, but through custom and circumstances became practically compulsory, and proved a very inconvenient burden. Hence the statute 26 Hen. VIII. cap. 5, forbade any one” to require, procure, gather, or levy any Commorth, Bydale, Tenants Ale, or other Collection or Exaction of Goods, Chattels, Money, or any other thing, under Colour of Marrying, or suffering of their children saying or singing their first Masses or Gospels, of any Priests or Clerks, or for Redemption of any murther, or any other felony, or for any other manner of cause, by what name or names soever they shall be called.” This was called the” Statute of Comortha.”

    George Constantine says (fol. 97 of the Harleian MS.),” To the xxxjst he cannot depose but by the fame and the relacion of Steven Grene chaplen to the def[endant]: and also other of the def. households shewed this deponent, that so many came with the plowes that they did cate all the bread in the house and iiij s. worth of bred bought in the towns: and that they drank all the drink and eate all the provision: and forther the Vicar of aburgwillie shewed this deponent that he bad theym in the pulpit, which hath bene the maner of Bidding Comorthays.”

    At fol. 145 of the MS. we find the deposition of William ap Jem, vicar of Abergwylly, who states that he was ordered to bid plowes from the pulpit one Sunday, to come and plow a piece of the bishop’s land, and that as many as came.should have for their labor: and that 21:plows came on the Monday morning in consequence.

    At folio 151, Thomas David of Abergwillie states that he plowed one day and was offered 4d. by the bishop, which he refused because he had received other good turns at his hands; and that of 18 others who came, all were offered money, some took it, but others declined it for good turns they had received. At fol. 152 Thomas Lewys ap Rudd says that 30 plows came, bid in Church, and that all were offered money. At fol. 153 Rice Morgan says that 20 plows came, and that he was offered no money. At fol. 157 John ap Rice says 20 plows came: he was offered money, but took none. At fol. 148 Rice ap Rice says that 30 plows came, that the land was 8 acres, and that they were bid in Church, the bishop offering to requite his neighbors by like turns in their need; which he thought against the statute of Comortha. The above remarks will shew the meaning of the text.

    APP6 Art. XXXII.] — ”Sixty and twelve pounds” is an awkward way of expressing” lxxii. ” pounds: Thomas Huet (fol. 142 of the Harleian MS.) deposes, that the college at Brecknock was” endowed with the revenues of lij. lib. or thereabout, as far as this deponent remembreth; and is and hath been seene of the Revenues of lxxij, lib. or thereabouts.”

    Respecting the Establishment at Brecknock referred to, see the” Charta Henrici Octavi de transferendo Collegii de Abergwilli ad domum Fratrum Praedicatorum juxta oppidum Brecknock in Wallia,” dated Westin. 19 Jan. 33 Hen. VIII., printed in Stephens’s Appendix to Contin. of Dugd. Mon., and in Jones’s History of Brecknock, vol. 1:p. 320: it appears from that document that the endowment was then £53 sterling.

    APP7 “Aft eleven years.] The first edition says,” at a. xi.” This looks like a misprint for some other number. Suge Hughes appears as one among the 127witnesses in May 1552, and declares herself then” xx.” years old.”

    APP8 Art. XV.” Without any covin or color.] All the Editions here read” covenant or color:” but the” Errata” to the Edition of 1563 say that” covia” is the true reading: it is an old English word, signifying a deceitful agreement between two or more, to the injury of some other party. It” is the old English word, and is so written by Chaucer, from the old French covia;’ convention secret,’906. (Lacombe.) A deceitful agreement between two or more, to the hurt of another.” Todd’s Johnson in roe.; see also Nares’Glossary. It is used infra, p. 545, line from the bottom.

    APP9 And so she standeth this davy at the point of significavit.” ] — See the Decretall. Greg. IX., lib. 1:tit. 31, sect. 6; and lib. 4 tit. 7, sect. 2, the heading of which latter is: — ”Si, vivente prima uxore et non cognita, quis contraxit cum secunda scienter, et eam cognovit, etiam mortua prima, secundam habere non potest; secus, si prima erat non legitima uxor.”

    The word significavit is used sometimes to denote the Bishop’s certificate of the excommunication into the court of Chancery, in order to obtain the writ De excommunicato capiendo; sometimes to denote that writ itself. In this latter sense it seemeth more properly to be applied, the writ having received its name fro:m this same word at the beginning of it. (Burn’s Ecclesiastical Law, under Excommunication, sect. 18.)

    APP10 “Six score and seven.] The names and depositions of these witnesses are in the Harleian MSS. No. 420, Art. 27. (See the note above, on p. 4.) Their depositions were made the 2d, 3d: 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th of May, 6 Ed. VI. i.e. 1552.

    APP11 The 4th of February.] There is some inaccuracy in Foxe’s statements here, as it appears from vol. 6:p. 588, that Ferrar appeared before Gardiner January 30, together with Saunders and Bradford, who were condemned that day, Hooper and Rogers having been condemned the day before. See the next note.

    APP12 — This is the” talk” mentioned by Foxe at p. 149 of this volume, as having taken place January 22d: he is threatened, next page, with condemnation” within a week,” which would bring us to January 29 or 30, when he did appear again: See the note preceding this.

    APP13 “Articles again ministered against Bishop Ferrar.] These are given in a more complete and original form, in the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, p. 1099:- Articles conceyved and ministred by the Byshop of S. Davids, against Maister Ferrar.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, non licere ulli religioso expresse pro-fesso, nec ulli presbitero post sacros ordines susceptos, uxorem ducere, nec cum illa tanquam cum uxore cohabitare.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, in Eucharistia sive altaris sacramento verum et naturale Christi corpus, ac verum et naturalem Christi sanguinem, vere realiter ac substancialiter esse sub specie panis et vini, omnipotentia verbi post consecrationem a legitimo sacerdote legitime prolatam, non tantum quoad fidem communicantium ut Zuingliani perniciosissime docent, sed vere et reipsa, etiamsi a Turcis et Paganis reciperetur sacramentum post verba consecrationis legitime a ministero [sic] prolatae, ac substantiam panis et vini in Eucha-ristia non manere sed esse muratam in substantiam praeciosi corporis et sanguinis Christi.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, missam esse sacrificium novi testa-menti propitiatorium tam pro vivis quam pro defunctis, non, ut OEcolampadiani somniant, esse impium cultum aut blasphemum.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, concilia generalia legitime congregata in dissolvendis religionis catholicae controversiis nunquam errasse, nec errare posse.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, non sola fide justificari homines coram deo, sed ut vere justi sint coram deo, opus esse spe et charitate.

    Firmiter credo et teneo, ac profitebor, ecclesiam catholicam, quae sola habet autoritatem agnoscendi et interpretandi scripturas, componendique religionis controversias, ac statuendi quae ad publicam disciplinam pertineant, esse visi-bilem, et civitatem supra montem positam, omnibus notam atque manifestam, non absconditam, obscuram, latitantem atque incognitam, ut haeretici nostrae aetatis docent et affirmant.

    APP14 — Tutte le opere del Bernia, le terze rime de messer Giov. della Casa, di Bino, del Molza, etc. Venezia, 1542, 3 pts.” Il existe une edit. d’une partie de ces poesies formant le premier livre, impr. a Venise per Curzio Navo e fratelli, en 1538 pet. in 8. de 55 if. chiffres et un bl.” (Brunet Manuel du Libraire, 4e edit.)

    APP15 — This letter of Gardiner to Bonner is in the Bonner Register folio 358, whence Foxe’s text is slightly corrected.

    APP16 Master More... brought me a book of one Alphonsus.] — On this work see infra, note on p. 179 note (1).

    APP17 — Cotes was consecrated bishop of Chester April 1st, 1554. (Richardson’s Godwin.)

    APP18 — See Mr. Way’s note in Promptorium Parvulorum edit. under” Knoppe.”

    APP19 “Stonyland... Bursley.] These names are so spelt in the first edition of Foxe; but query whether” Donyland and” Dursley,” both in the neighborhood of places immediately mentioned, be not the true readings APP20 May,” etc.] — The ensuing notices, down to” one Benger” in next page, are taken, correctly for substance though not verbatim, from the Minutes of the Council Book, which is preserved at the Privy Council Office, Whitehall.

    APP21 “The Lord L. had done for Ross.] This is quite a mistake, arising probably out of the printer’s misreading Foxe’s MS. extract from the Council Book, which says: — ”A Lettre to the L. Treasurer signyfieng unto him thordre alredy taken for Rosse; and that ordre shalbe given according to his request, for lettres to the Bishopps. And as for Appes,” etc.

    APP22 “Be not compelled to stay.] The Council Book says more distinctly,” be not driven to tarry for the same.” The sums had been settled by a Minute of Council May 16th, as follows::’The Lord Admiral and Lord Fitzwaters to have each £4 per diem in prest: Sir Henry Sidney 5 marks per diem in prest: Richard Shelley 4 marks per diem in prest:” the” passport” (Council Book) presently mentioned was for Shelley alone.

    APP23 “The 29th.] This is an error of Foxe’s; for the Council Book distinctly places this matter among the Minutes of the xxviijth.

    APP24 “One John D.”] — The Council Book says,” oon John Dye dwelling in London.” Dee is again mentioned by Foxe at page 85, June 5th: but the Council Book has the following intermediate notices of Dee and his companions, under date of June 1st: “A lettre to the Mr. of the Rolles to receive into his custody oon Christopher Cary, and to kepe him in his howse without conference with any personne saving such as he speciallie trusteth, until Mr.

    Secretary Bourne and Mr. En-glefelde shall repair thither for his further examination. “A lik lettre in the Chief Justice of the Common Place with oon John dee.” A lik lettre to the Bishop of London with on John Felde. “A Lettre to the Warden of the Flete to receive Sir Thomas Benger, and to keep him in safe Warde without having conference with any. Robert Hutton is appointed, being his servaunte, tattende upon hym, and to be shut up with him.”

    This Dee was the famous John Dee, afterwards Dr. Dee: there is a full account of him in the” Biographia Britannica.” He was educated at St.

    John’s College, Cambridge, but became fellow of Trinity College. He was an eminent mathematician, astrologer, and magician. Having been discovered at the beginning of Mary’s reign to be on friendly terms with some of the Princess Elizabeth’s confidential servants, he was accused to the Council of plotting by magic against Queen Mary’s life.

    He was accordingly thrown into Newgate and tried, but acquitted of this charge, and released August 29th, 155.5 (see p. 85): he was bedfellow to Bartlet Green, and having been observed to shew sympathy for him when carried away to his execution, he was put under the surveillance of Bonner,.. on a suspicion of heresy’, hence he appears subsequently in the examinations of Philpot (pp. 638, 641,642, 659, 681, of this volume), where it was the object of his enemies to test his soundness in the Romish faith, and his allegiance to the papal church: he is called at pp. 659, 681,” the great conjurer.” He was born in 1527, and died in 1608. It is observable that after the Latin Edition of 1559, and the English of 1563, Foxe has (for whatever reason) suppressed the name of Dr. Dee, in every instance.

    APP25 “D.”] — See the preceding note.

    APP26 “Upon such further points, ” etc.] — The Council Book says:” Upon suche poynts as by their wisdomes they shall gather out of their former Confessions touching their Lewde and Vayne prac-tises of calculing and conjuring, presently sent unto them with the said lettres, willing and requiring them further, as they shall by their Examinacions prove any other man or woman touched in this or in the like matters, to cause them to be forthwith apprehended and committed, to be further ordered according to justice.”

    APP27 — An error has crept into the text of this Edition: the original text of Foxe reads” good abearing:” the Council Book reads thus: — “At Greenwich the 29th of August. “A Lettre to the Mr. of the Rolles to cause Carye remayning in his Custodie to be bound for his good abearing betwixt this and Christmas next and fourthcoming, whenne he shalbe called; and thereuppon to set hym at libertie.” A like lettre to the Bishop of London for John Dee.”

    A like lettre to the King’s Marshall for oon Butts.”

    There is the following notice in the Council Book, under July vii, respecting Benger: — “A Lettre to the Warden of the Flete to let Sir Thomas Benget have the liberty of the Flete, and his wife to come to him at tymes convenient.”

    APP28 — The burning of Dirick Carver, John Launder, and Thomas Iveson, is described at pp. 321 — 328.

    APP29 Stennings. ”] — The Council Book reads” Steynyngs.” (See the note infra, on p. 321.)

    APP30 — The Council Book adds: — ”and to send some of his Chapleins into that shire to preach there.”

    APP31 — The true date of their burning seems to have been Tuesday June 11th: see the note infra on p. 329.

    APP32 “From the tyranny, ” etc.] — See pp. 94, 96, 107; and Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 638.

    APP33 The write or mandate, etc.* for the citing of John Tooly, hanged a litle before, to appear before the saide byshop for heresie.

    Edmundus permiss, divina Lond. Epis. universis et singulis rectoribus, vicariis, capellanis, curatis et non curatis, clericis, et literatis quibuscunque per diocesim nostram Lond. constitutis, et praesertim Richardo Clony Appa-ritori nostro jurato, salutem, gratiam, et benedictionem. Quia fama publica, ac plurium fide dignorum relatione, nec non facti notorietate insinuantibus ad nostrum nuper pervenit auditum, quod quidam Joan. Tooly civis et Pulter Lond. perditionis et iniquitatis filius, ad profundum malitiae perveniens, etc.* First Edit. p. 1142, as printed.

    APP34 — The text of the first edition reads” Sunday,” evidently by a misprint; for April 26th was the day, as stated by Robert Bromley, p. 96; and April 26th, 1555, was a Friday, the day of the week mentioned by John Burton, next page.

    APP35 — The original text of the first edition puts” etc. ” for” and all his detestable enormities.”

    APP36 “The earl, either, ” etc.] — The Latin edition, 1559, p. 446, says:” Mense Junii 23, anno 1554, Comes Oxoniae, cujus non multo ante famulus eram, servo illius cuidam me commisit ad Bonerum Londinensem perducendum, una cum literis ad Episcopum scriptis, quarum haec fere erat formula.” And the edition of 1563, p. 1148, begins the narrative: — ”The xxiij day of June I was apprehended and sent to London to Doctour Boner, at the same time Bishop of London: and a man with me, who brought me up as a prisoner, with a letter to the Bishop, wherein was contained these words following.” And after the letter, it proceeds in the first person:” Then the Bishop red the letter unto me; when I heard it, I thought I should not be very well used, seeing it was put to his discretion. Then wrote he a letter again to him that sent me with many great thanks, for his diligence in setting forth the Queen’s proceedings. Then spake the Bishop unto me and said, What should move you to leave your child unchristened so long?”

    APP37 “Hath remained unchristened more than three weeks. ”] — ”Filium habet jam tertiam agentem sine baptismo septi-manam” (Latin Ed. p. 446): which accords with Foxe’s words, line 25 of this page,” a young son, whose baptism was deferred to the third week;” see infra, note on p. 99.

    APP38 “Then he said unto me, Ye seem to be, ” etc.] — ”Nae ego, inquit, hominem to satis superbum video et praefractum. Unde hoc tibi de me judicium nascitur? Quia alterum hunc video Comitis amulum, quam humiliter se ac submisse gerit.” (Latin Ed. p. 447.)

    APP39 “Which hath lain three weeks unchris-tened, ” etc.] — ”Jam tertiam septimanam domi sine baptismo custoditur, quemadmodum literis Comitis Oxoniensis ad me scriptis testatum habeo.” (Ibid.)

    APP40 “Commanded me away. ”] — ”Itaque cum illo congressus Episeopus, me jubet cum generosorum ibi quodam confabulantem expectare. ” (Lat. Ed. p. 448.) From which one might fancy” away” a mistake for” await.”

    APP41 “His man. ”] — ”Cum Bono meo generoso.” (Lat. Ed.)

    APP42 . “I! befool your heart. ”] — ”I be foole your heart.” (Ed. 1563, p. 1149) Query, does not” I” stand here, as frequently in the old writers, for” Aye?” (See Nares.)” Aye! befool your heart.” The whole passage runs thus in the Latin:” Scilicet Reverende Domine arbitron. Epise.

    Dignus profecto contumelia: stultum caput, quur non idem dixti prius? siquidem jam ante sauciasti inepta tua responsione hujus imperiti hominis conscientiam: sed gaudeo fateri to aliquando verum. Tum ad Hauxum se vertens, Atqui, inquit, hunc hominem resanescere video ac resipiscere.” “Aye, ” twice above, is spelt” A. ” APP43 — See above, vol. 4 p. 643. This John Bird is stated in Dr.

    Richardson’s Godwin (pp. 626, 776) to have been a native of Coventry, educated at Cambridge, and the thirty-second and last provincial of the Carmelites. He visited Bliney at Norwich in 1531, as suffragan to bishop Nix (See vol 4 p. 643). He is said to have been suffragan of Penreth June 1537, bishop of Bangor in July 1539, and of Chester 1541.” Conciones quaedam coram Rege habitae, in quibus, Primatum pontificium nervose impugnavit, aditum illi ad has dignitates patefecere. Sub Maria regina exauthoratus est, propterea quod uxorem duxisset.” (Godwin.)” Postea vero palinodiam cecinit, et fit Episcopus suffraganeus Edmundo Bonner, et Rector de Dunmow in agro Essexiensi, ubi octogenarius ferme diem clausit extremum anno 1556.” (Richardson.)

    APP44 “I know nothing else by them. ”] — A use of the preposition” by ” not altogether obsolete in the North of England, which may be briefly illustrated from Sir Thomas More’s Debellacion of Salem and Byzance (bk. 1:ch. 5): — ”Surely I suppose he may therein find that I force not what such as they be call me. And I can write no worse word by them, I wot well, than they write mary by me.” There is another instance in Foxe himself (vol. 5:p. 452), where Porter” trusted that should not be proved by him;” and in this vol. p. 653,” evil you knew by me.” Also Corinthians 4 4,” I know nothing by myself.”

    APP45 — It is the same in Ed. 1563, excepting” before” for “to.”

    APP46 “Dr. Smith... it was no recantation, but a declaration. ”] — It was neither of these as respects the title (which is given in the Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 469), but a” retractation.” Strype has made a large extract from it in the Appendix to his Cranmer, No. xxxix.” Smith came up again publicly in Oxford July 24, 1547, and then read his whole recantation, verbatim, which he had made before at St. Paul’s; having first made a large preface, shewing the reasons of his coming up there again. Therein he acknowledged,’that the distinction he had lately made, to the offense of many, between recantation and retractation, was frivolous, both words signifying the very same thing; and that the true reason he had affected the word, was to palliate and excuse his own recantation. That it troubled him, that by any obscurity he should deceive any. And whereas, after his recantation, he had writ and scattered his letters, wherein he labored to excuse himself to his friends, and dissembled his doings, seeming more studious to preserve his name and credit, than openly to avouch the true doctrine, he now declared, that all he had afterwards writ in letters, or delivered in his lectures, he renounced and revoked as false and erroneous.’And then he proceeds to read the whole recantation, as he had made it before in London.” (Strype’s Memorials under Edward VI. book 1:chap. 6.)

    APP47 “Miles Huggard. ”] — Heset forth a book about this time (or rather the year after) bearing for its title’Against the English Protestants,’[“ The displaying of the Protestants,’etc. 1556], a piece written with much bitterness and scurrility; laying to their charge the famine, and the other miseries of England. This man made some pretense to learning; but Bale laughs at him, for going about to prove fasting from Virgil’s AEneis and Tully’s Tusculan Questions. But he set himself to oppose and abuse the gospellers, being set on and encouraged by priests and massmongers, with whom he much consorted, and was sometimes with them at Bishop Bonner’s house.

    And the Protestants were even with him, and made verses upon him, not sparing him at all; some whereof, in Latin, may be seen in Bale’s Centuries. Against him wrote Laur. Humphrey, Crowley, Kethe, Plough, and others.” (Strype’s Memorials under Mary, ch. 34, vol. p. 459, edit. 1816.)

    APP48 “Which thing he promised, ” etc.] — There is some little variation here in the first edition, p. 1162:” it was agreed amongest themselves, that if the flame should in strength vexe him intolerably, he should stand quiet; but if it shoulde be tolerable and to be suffered, and by sufferaunce might easely be overcome by the greater strength of constance and spirite, that then he should lyft up hys handes above his head towarde the heaven, before he gave up the ghost. Thinges therefore set in this order, and their mindes thus confirmed by this mutuall conversation, the houre of their martirdom:is come. Hawkes is brought out to the slaughter house: and straight after to the stake fastened in the ground he is bounde verye straightlie with a chaine, compassing his bodye: the gentle sacrifice standeth ready to receive the:fire.”

    APP49 “Articles objected against Thomas Wats. ”] — These Articles appear in a slightly enlarged form, and the different Items all commence personally, in the first edition of the’Acts and Monuments’ (pp. 1163, 1164,) as thus:” Item, that thou Thomas Wattes,” etc., but the variations are immaterial.” The Answers of the said Th. Wats” also vary slightly.

    APP50 — Wats is spoken of by Robert Smith, June 10th (which was a Monday in 1555), as then” gone to death.”

    APP51 — The queen was actually reported in May following to be delivered of a prince. The parish priest of St. Ann’s, Alder;gate, went so far as to describe the beauty and fair proportions of the child.

    Amongst Ellis’s Letters, vol. 2:p. 188, occurs a letter from John Hopton, bishop of Norwich, to Lord Sussex, May 3d, 1555, stating that Te Deum had been sung for the happy event; in the cathedral and other places in Norwich, and that there had been general rejoicings in the city and surrounding country: a similar report seems also to have reached Antwerp. (Ellis’s Note.)

    APP52 — So Archbishop Cranmer, in his Prologue or Preface to the Bible, writes: — ”Which thing also I never linn to beat into the ears of them that be my familiars” (Works, vol. 2:p. 119, Parker Soc. edit.): being a translation of the oujdie>lipon of Chrysostom, in Conc. in. de Lazard, tom. 1:p. 737, Montf. See also Foxe himself, vol. 2:p. 467.

    APP53 “Our sovereign lord and lady, therefore, ” etc.] — In edit. 1563 (p. 1147):” Therefore *most entierly, and earnestly tenderyng the preservation, and safetye, as well of the soules, as of the bodies, lands, end sub-staunce of all their good and lovyng subjectes and others, and minding to foote out, and extinguish all false doctrine and heresics, and other occasions of schismes, divisions, and sectes that come by the same heresics and false doctrine,* straitly charge, etc.

    APP54 “Any book or books.., of Martin Luther, or any book or books.., of Calvin. ”] — The possession or retention of books of this class or similar exposed the individual, if a male, to decapitation, if a female, to burning alive, among the Belgic subjects of Charles V. in 1540; and a persistance in the sentiments to punishment by fire, and confiscation of goods:” Viros gladio feriendos, Mulieres vivas defodiendas esse, si modo errores suos tolerare aut defendere nolint. Si autem in erroribus et haeresibus perseverare velint, igne ad mortem adigendi sunt.” (Cochlaei Comment. de actis et scriptis M. Lutheri, p. 300, edit. Mogunt. 1549.)

    Such edicts and such penalties are well worth a remembrance in the present liberal days.

    APP55 “By the blood of Thomas, ” etc.] — In the” Primer off Salysburye use... newly empryntyd yn Paris wythyn the howse off Thylma Kerver, 1533,” this versicle is followed by a prayer:” Deus pro cujus ecclesia gloriosus martyr et pontifex Thomas gladiis impiorum occubuit; praesta quaesumus, ut omnes qui ejus implorant auxilium pie petitionis sue salutarem consequantur effectum, per dominum nostrum,” etc. fol. lv.

    APP56 “And join us with them which rewarded be.”] — In the” Prymer off Salysburye use,” Paris, 1533, fol. xciii, verso, this line reads:- “And joyne us wyth theym whych burnyshed be.” APP57 “Here beginneth the Psalter of.”] — It may be well to show what a large’circulation has been allowed to this manual in the regions of Romanism.“Psalterium B. M.V. a S. Bonaventura editum: Exercitium item quoti-dianum,” etc. 12mo. Constantiae, 1611. “Hoc Psalt. anno 1476 Venetiis est impressum per Jo. de Hallis. “J’en ai une petite edition entitulee Psalt. B. M. V. a S. Bonaventura edi-tum: edit. ult. 12mo. Neuhusii, 1709. “Cette edit. porte sur le dernier feuillet l’approbation qui suit: Hoc Psalte-rium B. M. V. a sancto Bonaventura compositum, nunc mendis plurimis repurgatum... et omnibus pie admodum et laudabiliter in privatis precibus ad honorem ejusdem beatiss. Virginis recitabitur.

    Actum Duaci 4 Julii, 1609. “Ce Psautier a ete traduit en diferentes langues. Mr. Duve en a une edit. Francoise sans Titre, qui doit etre de l’an 1672. “J’en trouve une nouvelle edit. cotee dans la Biblioth. select. Jac. Chion Hagae Com. 1749, p. 161, en cets mots; Le Psantier de la Vierge Marie ou le Paradis des ames Chretiennes contenant le Psautier de Bonaventure, Brux. 1701, item a Liege, 1702, in 8vo.”

    Editions of translations into Italian, German, Flemish, are also mentioned by Clement (from whom the preceding is extracted), Biblioth. Curieuse, tom. 5:p. 58.

    The continuator of Wadding, the annalist of the order to which the saint belonged, confirms the preceding, and adds other translations. “In halicum idioma versum a Jo. Bapt. Pinello vulgatum est Genuae 1616, in 4to, per Joseph. Pavonem; circa quod tempus et in Germanicum sermonem ab Adam Walessero translatum asserit Possevinus in Appar. sac. Append. I., et a Gulielmo Spoelbergo ait Waddingus: germanice prodiit Coloniae, 1605, in 12mo. In Sinensium idioma etiam translatum fuit a Emmanuele a S. Jo. Evangelista, teste Jo. a S. Anton. tom. i.p. 160. Ex eo Breviariu m B. V. extraxit Didacus Christiani Min. Observ., ac imprimi curavit Parisiis 1645.” (Supplementum et castigatio ad Scriptores Ordd. S. Francisci a Waddingo — opus Jo. H. Sbaraleae, Romae, 1806, pp. 159, 160.)

    APP58 “In the next tractation followeth the Rosary or Garland of our Lady. ”] The following remarks from one of the latest writers on this subject in the Church of Rome may be quoted; one, too, whose work is not particularly accessible in this country. “Corona B. Mariae Virginis, incipiens: Cum jucunditate memoriam, etc.; partim prosa, et partim versu composita, nequaquam indigna est Seraphico Doctore; utut repugnet Oudinus. Nam primo falsum est, preces Coronarum temporum novissimorum seu saeculi 15:esse; quoniam, ut omittam Rosarium, et ea quae de eo dicuntur, Mabillonius in praefatione saeculi 5: (Benedict. No. 125) ostendit initium Coronae B. V. ab ineunte seculo 12:repetendum esse. Deinde titulum’Coronoe’ huic opusculo non autor indidit, sed collectores: autor autem pia precamina laudum vocavit suum Opusculum; in fine enim ait, se laudu m pia precamina ad honorem quinque vulnerum Filii Virginis, et ad laudem sancti nominis Virginis Marioe decantasse, quinque scilicet Psalmis, orationibus et rythmis, antiphonisque; et rythmus incipit: Gaude Virgo mater Christi, quoe per aurem concepisti, Gabriele nuncio; eodem quidem versu, quo Laudismus S.

    Crucis...... Prodiit primum in edit. Argent. 1495 cum aliis S. Doctoris Opusculis.” -Supplementum ad Scripp. Ord. Francisci opus J. H.

    Sbaraleae; Romae, 1806; p. 149.

    To this writer may be added a reference to Rivet’s Apologia pro Virgine Maria, lib. 2:cap. 12, as illustrating also pp. 780-81 of vol. in., and fully confirming the statements there made.

    APP59 — Strype in his Life of Grindal (book 1:chap. 2) states, that Grindal furnished Foxe with the account of Bradford and with many of his letters. Grindal and Bradford were fellows of the same College, and fellow-chaplains to the king and to Ridley.

    APP60 “Dr. Ridley, bishop of London.... called him to take the office of a deacon. ”] — The ordination of Bradford is recorded in the Ridley Register, folio, 319 verso: he was ordained at St. Paul’s,” Die Dominica decimo videlicet die mensis Augusti Anno Domini Millessimo quingentesimo quinquesimo, et Regal Illustrissimi in Christo principis et regis Edwardi Sixti quarto.” He is recorded thus among the Diaconi: — ”Magister Johannes Bradford, socius perpetuus collegii nuncupati Pembrook Hall in universitate Cantabrigiae, oriundus in villa de Manchester in corn. Lancastr. Cestrien. dioc.” It appears from the Register that at the same time and place Thomas Horton and Thomas Sampson, fellows likewise of Pembroke, were ordained deacons, and Thomas Lever, fellow of St. John’s, priest.

    APP61 — ”Then ” means” afterward;for Bourn was not bishop of Bath till next year: the conge d’elire was dated March 3, 1554. A similar use of” then ” occurs at p. 403.

    APP62 “Did give him a prebend in his Cathedral Church of St. Paul’s. ”] — The institution of Bradford is given here from the Ridley Register, folio 312 verso. Ridley at one time had an idea of giving it to Grindal; and had some difficulty in keeping it out of the hands of William Thomas, clerk of the Council. (See Ridley’s Letter to Sir John Cheke, Fulham, July 28, 1541, in Bur-net, Strype, and Parker Soc. Ridley: see also Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 550.) “Vicesimo quarto die mensis Augusti idem Reverendus pater Dominus Nicholaus London Epus. Canonicatum et Prebendam in ecclesia Cathedrali Divi Pauli, London, dictam Cantlers alias Kentyshetowne, per mortem natu-ralem Willielmi Leyton, clerici, ultimi Canonici et Prebendarii eorundem vacantes et ad Collationem ejusdem reverendi patris pleno jure spectantes, dilecto sibi magistro Johanni Bradford, artium magistro, contulit charitatis intuitu, Eumque Canonicum et Prebendarium dictorum Canonicatus et Pre-bendae, de expresse renunciando pretensae et usurpatae jurisdictioni auctoritati et potestati Epi. Romani, ac Supremitatem Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis juxta leges, etc. fideliter agnoscendo, necnon de fideliter observando Statuta ordinationes promissiones ac laudabiles dictae ecclesiae cathedralis consuetudines quatenus eum ratione ipsorum Canonicatus et prebendae tangunt et con-cernunt, ac quatenus legibus et Statutis ac provisionibus hujus regni Angliae non adversantur, etc. primitus juratum, rite et legitime instituit et investivit, etc. Et recepta ejus obedientia legitima Scriptum fuit Decano et Capitulo dictae Ecelesiae Cathedralis ac eorum Vicesgerenti et pro ejus inductione et installatione suis.”

    APP63 — The Knight-Marshal of the King’s Bench was Sir William Fitz- Williams, a good man and a lover of the Gospel: hence the liberty which Bradford enjoyed. Bradford wrote him a letter preserved by Coverdale, and sent him a copy of Ridley’s disputation at Oxford.

    APP64 — This must have occurred in 1554, in which year Easter fell on March 25th: in 1555 Easter fell on April 14th, and bishop Farrar was sent away from London Feb. 14th, and was burnt at Car-marthen March 30th: see pp. 23-26 of this volume.

    APP65 — Here is a slight inaccuracy in Foxe’s statement: Bradford remained in the Tower till Easter Eve, March 24th, 1554, when he was removed to the King’s Bench (see last note, on p. 146): hence he is now brought up by the officers of the King’s Bench: see also vol. 6:p. 664.

    APP66 — The ringing a little bell helps to identify this day’s examination with the date of Farrar’s. (Supra, p. 23.)

    APP67 “Whereas before the 22d of January. ”] — Insert a comma before” the 22d of January,” that being the day referred to, when Bradford was before the Lord Chancellor, etc. (See p. 149.)

    APP68 “Argument. ”] — The first edition (p. 1189) more simply says:” That is not against charitie which is not against God’s word: but the othe against the bishop of Romes authorite in Englande, is not against God’s worde: therefore it is not against charitie.” The Latin edition, p. 473, says:” Quod sacris Dei literis non repugnat, cum charirate pugnare non potest: Contra jus pontificis susceptum jusjurandum scaratis literis non refragatur: Proinde non esse praeter charitatem.”

    APP69 “Is no good reason. ”] The first Edition here says,” is not firme;” which is a mere bald translation of” non valet” in the margin. The Latin Edition says:” Verum distinguendum est inter genus et speciem. Neque enim quia in una hac re obtemperare non debeam, ideo in crimea vocandus sum inobsequentiae, quasi in omnibus sim ei refracturus.”

    APP70 “A year and almost three quarters.l The Latin edition p. says,” Jam integrum biennium paulo minus.”

    APP71 “Whilst I was three quarters of a year in the Tower. ”] — The English editions all omit” whilst,” which is necessary to the sense and is supplied from the Latin:” dum biennium pene integrum sub potestate essem vestra in arce captivus,” etc. The error of” biennium” in the Latin is corrected in all the English editions. It is, however, just possible, that” arce” only means” carcere,” in which case” biennium” is right.

    APP72 “Did come into the vestry, ” etc. (revestry,” first Edition).] — ”In sacrarium, ubi erst Bradfordus, introgressus.” (Latin Edition.)

    APP73 “Were this a good answer, to tell my neighbor, ” etc.] — In the Latin, p. 479, this clause runs thus:” An perjurio tenebitur, si, quum res necessario flagitat, contra jusjurandum faciat?”

    APP74 — ”Jam integrum sesquiannum et plus eo in carcere habitus sum.” (Latin Ed. p. 479): line 30,” biennium pene.” (Ibid.)

    APP75 — This proves Bradford’s innocence of direct participation in peculation, which was probably Sir John Harrington’s sin, while Bradford was only guilty of connivance.

    APP76 “And not wrest them to a contrary sense. ”] — This is a great improvement on the first edition, which reads,” and not as thought awrye without he see just cause.” The Latin says:” At Bradfordus rursum orare ut candide aequamque in partem quae dicerentur acciperet; animumque perpenderet dicentis, non verbs in alienum sensum intorqueret.”

    APP77 — ”The last day of January” seems a mistake for the” last day but one;” see supra, vol. 6:p. 588.

    APP78 — For “spent” the Ed. of 1563 reads” spoyling.” “Trattle, ” to prattle or talk idly. (Halliwell’s Archaic Dictionary.) “Styll she must trattle: that tunge is always sterynge. ” — Bale’s Kyng Johan, p. 73.

    The Ed. of 1583 alters it into” tattling.” The Latin, p. 487, says,” Hisque ac aliis id genus prolegomenis extracts colloquia sunt, sine ulla re ferme gravi aut fructu.”

    APP79 - “For the Infidels by Jupiter, ” &,.] — The Latin, p. 487, reads:” Ethnici siquidem per Jovem Junonem; Turcae per Alcoranum et Machumetum; coelo se potituros autument.” The first Edition (p. 1200) says:” For the Infidels by Jupiter Juno, the Turks by Machomet, by Alchoran, do beleve to come to heaven.”

    APP80 “They sat down:.. they had said... they had gone, ” etc.] — This is in the first person in the Latin and first English Editions.” Con-sedimus ad colloquia,” p. 490:” progressi simus.”

    APP81 “I have read the place,etc. ] — The first Edition, p. 1204, reads here,” But Bradford shewinge hym how that place maketh [nothing] for elevation, sayde, this is no time,” etc.: following the Latin,” Caeterum Bradfordus, ubi explanato Basliii loco nihil eum ad elevationem pertinere edocuisset,’Atenim’inquit,” etc. (p. 494.)

    APP82 “Canon made by Gregory and Scholasticus.”] — See James’s Corruption of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers; pp. 149-,50, Edit. 1843.

    APP83 “But Scholasticus was before St. Ambrose time. ”] — It is probable he lived — if, as Bellarmine remarks,” Gregorius per Scholasticum intelligit certum aliquem hominem ” (De Missa 2. 19) — about Gregory’s own time, and of course long after Ambrose. See Clarkson on Liturgies, Lend. 1689, p. 83.

    APP84 “Mine own confession, because I did deny, &c. sacrament Therefore, ” etc.] — The foregoing is the punctuation in the first edition, evidently founded on the Latin text (p. 495):” nempe quod transubstantiationem pernegarem, quodque impiis sacrum Domini corpus minime communicari existimarem; Ob haec,” etc.

    APP85 “[do remember Chrysostome. ”] — De Poenitent. hem. ix. tom. 2:p. 413, Edit. Paris, 1837.

    APP86 — The first Edition omits the parenthesis “ (York and Chichester)” but the Latin has” Eborac. et Cicestrensis. Nimi rum haec tua est theologia,” (p. 497).

    APP87 — ”Verbs haec Augnstini:” Lat. Ed. p. 497.

    APP88 “Yes, that you do. ”] — ”Imo, judicas tu quidem illam,” Latin Ed. p. 498. The first English,” you: ” later editions alter” you” into “they. ” APP89 “In St. Jerome’s time’all the Church,’saith he. ”] — In see. lib.

    Comment. ad Galatas, prooem.; tom. 6:p. 132, Edit. Colossians Agripp. 1616.

    APP90 “We leese but labor. ”] — ”Lavamus profecto, D. Brad forde, latetem in to instituendo:” Lat. Ed. p.’198.

    APP91 “Hilary’s time.., writeth toAuxentius. ”] — The identical expressions do not appear there: Bradford may merely advert to the drift of the passage (sect. 12), rather a favourite one.

    APP92 — Some account of the merits of this Friar, and more especially o:f his works, will be best given from the historian of the Order to which he himself belonged: — ”Alphonsus a Castro, Zamora Hispaniae ad Durium flumen urbe nobilissima ortus, provinciae S. Jacobi, vir quidem doctus magnaeque existimationis apud Carolum V. et Philippum II., quem propterea in plerisque expeditionibus adhibuerunt consiliarium, itinerumque, et quidem Carolo a sacris concionibus, et conscientiae secretis fuit. Singularis ejus virtus maxime in insectandis haereticis enituit. Lutheranis agrum tunc Germanicum locustatum more depascentibus acerrimum bellum indixit, et repullulantes errores veteres cum novis suffocare studens scripsit:’De justa hoereticorum punitione’: prodiit Salmanticae an. 1547, fol., typis J. Giuntae; et Venetiis, 1549; Lugduni quoque apud Seb. B. Honorati 1556, et Antverpiae 1568, ‘Adversua omnes hoereses:’ hoc opus absolvit autor non anno 1556, sed 1534; Parisiis ter, primo an. 1534, semel Colonize 1540 in fol., intra septennium typis excusum: deinde iterum Parisiis 1543, et Lugduni 1546 et 1555, ab autore recognitum et auctum. — Prodiit iterum opus Parisiis 1560, et Antverpiae 1565 et 1568.” (Scriptores Ord. Minorum: recensuit L. Waddingus; p. 7, Edit. Romae, 1806: and Supplementa ad Scripp. Ord. Francisci — opus J. H.

    Sbaraleae, p. 24, Romae 1806.) A. Castro was destined for the Archbishopric of Com postella, but died before inauguration at Brussels, 3d of Feb. 1558. It seems pretty evident that the circumstance of Alphonso’s being, on one occasion, directed to preach against religious persecution, was owing to the unpopularity and want of success in the opposite course — the burnings in fact did not answer. (See vol. 6:pp. 698, 699. See also supra, p. 44, line 22) APP93 “How hangeth this,etc.] — ”This hangeth not together: for to reason thus, because you are here, ergo you are at Rome, is far out of frame: even so reason you: because Christ’s body is in heaven, ergo it is in the Sacrament under the form of bread, which no wise man will grant.” — Ed. 1563, p. 1209.

    APP94 — ”A.B.C.” See p. 241,line 6.

    APP95 — ”Augrym, algorisme. To counte, reken by cyfers of agryme, enchifren, etc.; Palsgrave.” See Promptorium Parvulorum Edit. 1843, p. 18, and Mr. Way’s note, who remarks: — ”Algorithm or algorism, a term universally used in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to denote the science of calculation by nine figures and zero, is of Arabic derivation.” An additional instance of this expression is found, nearer home, in Mr. Wright’s” Queen Elizabeth and her Times,” vol. 1:p. 291.” And so I praye your helpe, that either I maye serve as a cypher in agryme at the courte,” etc. (Sir F. Knolles’letter.)

    APP96 “As Ignatius was at Rome, to the leopards. ”] — There seems to be some misapprehension both here and in note 10, the” leopards” being the guard of soldiers to whose custody Ignatius was committed.-’ Apo< Suri>av me>cri Rw>mhv qhriomacw~ dedme>nov de>ka leopa>rdoiv, o[ ejsti stratiwtw~n ta>gma. Ep. ad Romans sect. 5; where see Mr.

    Jacobson’s note; and Basnage’s Annales Politico-Ecclesiastes ad an. 107, sect. 20.

    APP97 “Obduravit .”] — The Latin quotations from Scripture, it may be observed, in Bradford’s quotations, do not always accord with the Vulgate. Generally he has adopted the translation of Erasmus, though not adhering even to that verbatim, in every instance.’In the present case,” obduravit” occurs in neither of the versions above-mentioned.

    The same remark may be made on Latimer’s quotations. (See infra, note on p. 513.)

    APP98 — Francis, Lord Russel, was committed to the custody of the Sheriffs of London July 30, 1553; supra, vt. 537. And John, Earl of Bedford, attended at Dr. Watson’s Sermon August 20th, 1538. Foxe does not mention Fr. Ld. Russel among those released Jan. 18, 1555, vt. 587. John was the first earl of Bedford, Francis the second. John died at his house in the Strand, Merci, 14th, 1554, according to Strype and the chronological MS. in Whitecross-street Library.

    APP99 — Latimer writes (or his translator) of some which do execrate the world in outward signs,” but in heart and work they toll and kiss him.”

    Remains (Parker Society), vol. 1:p. 43, where Mr. Corrie’s note is,” French accoler, to hang round the neck.”

    APP100 — The opening of this letter (as given in Coverdale) is omitted here: it alludes to a heavy judgment on her father; some suppose Sir J.

    Hales.

    APP101 “To be hewn and mapped at.’”] — That is, rudely assailed.” To snag is, in some parts of the North of England, to hew roughly with an axe.” (Todd’s Johnson.)

    APP102 “Stand in a mammering. ”] — That is” hesitating.” See Shakspeare, Othello, act in. st. 3, and Todd’s Johnson.” She stode still in a doubte and in a mummeryug which way she might take.” Sir Thomas More’s (quoted in Richardson) Workes, fol. 760.

    APP103 “Christ’s Cross. ”] — See p. 209, line 8 from bottom.

    APP104 “Bite-sheep.] — See infra note on p. 713.

    APP105 — See p. 221, note (1).

    APP106 “R. B.”] — means Roger Beswick.

    APP107 “Not once a year or once a quarter as a strawberry. ”] — This expression which Latimer made use of to designate the non-residents of his day, who only visited their cures once a year, became proverbial. A bachelor of divinity, named Oxenbridge, in a sermon preached at Paul’s Cross, Jan. 13, 1566, says,” I will shew you the state and condition of this my mother Oxford; for a piteous case it is, that now in all Oxford there is not past five or six preachers,1 except strawberry preachers.” (Prof. Corrie’s note, in Latimer’s Remains, Parker Society, vol. 1:p. 62.)

    APP108 “the letter Thau. ”] — See note (4) on p. 578, and the additional note infra on that page.

    APP109 “Which take in good worth. ”] — i.e, receive kindly: a phrase of some antiquity, having been used by the Duchess of Norfolk in Henry VIIth’s time: — ”I pray yowre lord-chyppe take yt in worth.” (GentlemanMay. 1845, March, p. 266.) Latimer also in the present vol. of Foxe (p. 491) says,” I pray you take it in good worth.’And in Hooker’s Dedication to Archbp. Whitgift he writes (sect. 1),” I nothing fear but that your clemency will take in good worth the offer of these my simple and mean labors.”

    APP110 — ”To rabble,” to speak confusedly. — North, (Halliwell.) “Let thy tunge serve thyn hert in Skylle And rable not wordes recheles out of reson.” — MS. Cantab. Ff. 2:38, f. 24.

    APP111 “The 26th of June. ”] — Foxe’s text says.” July:” but see p. 312: also for examined”]t reads condemned: their condemnation, however, did not come till later, see p. 340.

    APP112 — Both forms,” Pathingham” and” Pachingham,” are used in the course of eight pages for the same individual.” Paringham” is used infra vol. 8:p. 722. The variation might arise from the ambiguity between th and ch in old manuscript.

    APP113 — The order for their burning was applied for June 12th (see p. 85). Staining, near Worthing, is no doubt the place meant by” Stenning.” (See note above on p. 85.)

    APP114 — This is the man alluded to p. 85.

    APP115 Certain godly martyrs. ”] — The martyrs here alluded to were John Simson and John Ardeley. June 12th, 1555 (the date given of this letter), was Wednesday; and Foxe, p. 90, says,” they were burnt about June 10th, which was Monday;” it seems, however, from the letter ensuing, that Tuesday, June 11th, was the real day.

    APP116 — ”Pachingham’s” (or” Pathingham’s, ” or” Paring-ham’s”) confession will be found infra, 8:722: that is signed” Paringham.”

    APP117 “The 5th of July. ”] — This date is confirmed by page 349, infra.

    APP118 — This account of John Newman is repeated verbatim, infra, vol. 8:p. 243-246.

    APP119 “Putting off his cap.”] — See the Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 598.

    APP120 — For John Warne’s martyrdom, see pp. 77-84.

    APP121 “As is also above specified. ”] — See vol. 6:p. 579.

    APP122 “The same month. ”] — See page 82 of this volume, note (1).

    APP123 “Brought to examination. ”]-This was July 5th, 1555: see note on p. 349.

    APP124 “Of that devout Catholic, ” etc.] — In the first Edition of the Acts and Monuments, p. 1251, it is,” of that monstrous Bonnerian, and cruel papist;” but the expression is altered in the Edition of 1570.

    APP125 “My brother Harwood. ”] — The first Edition, p. 1253, col. 1, has” Heralt,” looking more like a vulgarism for Harold, than Harwood.

    APP126 — Denley and Newman were condemned July 5th (Sup. p. 334), which was a Friday in 1555 by Nicholas’s Tables: and this was a Friday. (See next note.)

    APP127 “Upon Saturday. ”] — This was the next day after the foregoing examination; see top of next page, where” yesterday” is mentioned: consequently the day before was Friday, July 5th.

    APP128 “The 12th day of July.”] — See p. 354.

    APP129 — Wats had been sent away May 22d, or June 9th (see p. 123); and all the rest about June 9th or 10th. So this is most probably June 10th, the day on which Carver, Saunders, and Iveson were condemned. (See pp. 325, 327.)

    APP130 — In the verse,” A thousand fold with lyke,” all editions after the first have” joys” for” lyke.”

    APP131 “Anne Potten. ”] — Potten’s name is Agnes, infra, 8:101:

    Michael’s wife is referred to again in the same place as Potten, and also 8:725.

    APP132 — ”Gergesites:” in the Letters of the Martyrs (p. 505, Edit. 1564), it is” Gadderns.”

    APP133 “The martyrdom of George Calmer,etc. ] — This portion is thus prefaced in the first edition of the Acts (p. 1273)” Like as Bonner byshoppe of London raged in his crueltie here within his dioces of London: so his bloudye bretherne the byshoppe of Dover and Nicholas Harpesfielde, archdeacon of Caunterburye (a whelpe of Bonner’s owne heare), did no less bestyrre themselves there; as appeareth, as well by the handlyng of John Blande, and divers others before mentioned whiche were all within a very short time dispatched; as also by these fyve godly and constant martyrs.” As for” heare” in the above extract, it is explained by the following. — ”Hair: grain, texture, character. This is a common word in old plays.” (Halliwell.)

    APP134 — This letter of Robert Glover to his wife is exhibited so differently in the Edition of 1563, p. 1273, that a copy of it according to that Edition is given among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. I.

    APP135 “That almost any brooking, ” etc.] — This passage will be found at the bottom of p. 384, where we discover that the word” neither” should be here supplied before” almost.”

    APP136 — For other instances of” while” in the sense of” until, ” see Nares’s Glossary.

    APP137 — ”Exempted” must be a mistake for” excommunicated.” See heading, last page: or is it” disfranchised? ” APP138 — In the table of errata to the edition of 1576 it is stated:” Whereas it is mentioned of Maister Edward Bourton Esquier, that he was brought to the church and there denyed Christian burial: understand (gentle reader) that he was not brought to the place of burial, but only a messenger whose name is John Torperley was sent to know whether he should be buried in Christian burial or not: whych being denyed him, he was therefore buried in his own garden, as is declared in the page above mentioned.”

    APP139 “Then bishop of Lincoln. ”] — I. e.afterwards, ” A.D. 1557 — 1559. (Godwin de Praesulibus.) For a similar use of” then,” see note on p. 144.

    APP140 “Turmoiled , murdered. ”] — The first edition of the” Acts” (p. 1283) reads” manicled, murdered.”

    APP141 “I remember that Calvin beginneth to confide the Interim. ”] — In a publication entitled,” Imerim adultero — Ger-manum; cui adjecta est vera Christianae pacificationis et Ecclesiastes reformandae ratio, per J.

    Calvinum,” 1549:” Ce livret a ete imprime trois fois en 1549... On en a copie exactement le Titre dans la seconde edition, dont j’ai donne le Titre entier a la tete de cet article, si j’excepte le nom de Calvinus que l’on voit dans la premiere edition, et que l’on a change en celui de Calvinus dans la seconde. “Calvin s’est contente de mettre l’Interim a la tete de son edition sans la Preface. Il commence d’abord par cet mots,’De conditione hominis ante lapsum.’Dans la seconde edition l’on amis a la tete de l’Interim, la Preface, avec l’inscription suivante: — ’S. Caesarea Majestatis Declaratio, quomodo in negotio religionis per imperium usque ad definitionem Cone. Genesis vinedum sit, in Com. Angustanis XV. Maii an. 1548 propos. etc.’La troisieme edition de l’an 1549 est cotee dans la Biblioth. Fayana, Paris, 1724, p. 80,’L’Interim ou provision faite en quelques villes d’Allemagne sur los differends de la Religion, avec la vrai facon de reformer l’Eglise Chretienne, par J. Calvin, 1549.’” (Clement. Biblioth. Curieuse.)

    APP142 “That same vehement saying of Augustine... wont to trouble many men. ”] — So great a potency is imagined by papal controvertists, even to the, present days, to exist in these few words of Augustine, that it may be well to furnish a refutation of the sense ordinarily assigned to them, from a Spanish member of the Roman church: — “Michael Medina, scriptor alioqui pontificius, in volum. Venet.[1565] impress. agnoscit dictum Augustini non posse nostrae sententiae opponi.’Quod ex eo, inquit, Augustini dicto ecclesiae quam Scripturae majorem autoritatem persua-dere conantur, prorsus est futile. Nam ex eo, quod ecclesia Scripturas ostendit, et eas a falsis discernendi potestatem exercet, eam eisdem Scripturis autori-tatem praestare infirme colligitur, nisi etiam is qui inter hominum confertissimas turbas mihi regem ostenderet, potioris etiam, quam ipse Rex, autoritatis haben-dus esset; aut nisi Mosaica lex, quae Christi et Evangelici status fuit index (Johan. 5:39 et 47), majoris esset autoritatis quam Christus aut Christi evan-gelium, quod est absurdissimum.’[He shews this by other examples, and then proceeds]’Ecclesia, fateor, est nobis causa credendi, hunc aut illum librum esse divinum; non tamen cum ipsa eadem Scriptura, autoritate contendit, quemadmodum neque horum autoritas qui de Christo testabantur cum Christo erat ullo pacto conferenda. Ostendit Notarius aut pubiicus tabellio hanc aut illam esse Scripturam Regis, atque ita ostendit, ut illi tantam fidem habeamus, quantam negotia humana postulant. Quis tamen tam insanus, ut tabellionis autoritatem cum Regii aut Imperatorii scripti autoritate componat?’Gerson in Declarat. veritat., quae credendae sunt de necess. salut, tom. 1:hum. 14, lit. E. recte monet Augustinum loqui de testimonio primitivae Ecclesiae, et addit, vicissim dici posse’Ecclesiae non crederem, nisi me Scripturae moveret auto-ritas.’Pontificii veto de sun hodierna Romana ecclesia unice sunt solliciti.” Gerhard. Loci theolog, 1:cap. 3; tom. 2:pp. 47 — 49, edit. 1762.

    APP143 “Cont. Epist. Gaudentii. ”] — This reference is in some way mistaken: at least one far better supporting the text might be made to the books against Faustus, lib. 19:cap. 14. See vol. 5:p. 249.

    APP144 “Therefore there is no remedy, ” etc.] — From hence to the end, forms the conclusion of the first Conference in the Parker Society’s Edition of Ridley’s Remains, p. 115.

    APP145 “As for the rumors, ” etc.] — This shews that Ridley never had” massed” in the Tower, and that Foxe is mistaken in his conjecture, vol. 8:p. 708: see also p. 434, line 14 from bottom.

    APP146 “But of the rest never a deal.”] — Anglo-Saxon, dael, pars. See note in Mr. Way’s edit. of Promptorium Parvulorum, p. 117, and p. 432 of this volume, near end.

    APP147 “And the profundities thereof. ”] — In the” Letters of the Martyrs,” (p. 63, edit. 1564) the reading is,” and the doun-geons thereof.”

    APP148 “And then because, ” etc.] — See the note above on p. 424, line 14.

    APP149 — This portion of Foxe’s text is given according to the text of 1563, having been needlessly tinkered and much spoilt in the subsequent editions.

    APP150 “Where also he was born.”] — There is considerable difference of opinion as to the date of Hugh Latimer’s birth. Gilpin places it so far back as 1470: Austin Bernher, in the Dedication of’his Sermons on the Lord’s Prayer (vol. i.p. 320 P.S. E.), calls him” a sore bruised man, and above threescore and seven years of age” in Edward’s reign, who came to the throne in 1547: according to which he would have been born somewhere between 1480 and 1486, for it is uncertain what precise point in Edward’s reign Bernher would fix upon. On the other hand, Latimer himself states that he walked in darkness till he was thirty years of age (Sermon on Twelfth Day, Park. Soc. vol. ii., p. 137), and that his conversion was soon after he took his B.D. degree, which was in 1524, according to the Proctor’s Accounts for that year; which would place his birth in 1494. It is not improbable, however, that when Latimer spoke of” having walked in darkness till thirty years of age,” he deducted the fourteen years previous to his confirmation and going to college, as a period of unaccountableness and nonage. In confirmation of the date 1480 it may be observed, that the account of his appearance before Wolsey represents him as much more advanced in years than Wolsey expected to see him: and that in the narrative of the final examinations and sufferings of Latimer, Cranmer, and Ridley, Latimer is represented as the oldest of the three; but Cranmer was born July 2d, 1489. As Latimer relates that he buckled on his father’s armor in 1497, it may be a question whether his age of going to Cambridge be not fixed too early; for he did not incept as B.A. till 1510, after keeping eleven terms of actual residence (see next note to this): at all events there is a long period of fifteen years from 1494 to 1510, which is difficult to account for, on the supposition of his having gone to College at fourteen.

    APP151 “When he proceeded Bachelor of Divinity. ”] — The reader is here presented with copies of the official entries relating to Latimer’s academical course, in procuring which the Editor has been most kindly aided by the Revelation Joseph Romilly, Registrar of the University of Cambridge. “Etiam circa festum Purificationis Proxime sequens [Feb. 2, 1510] eligeban fur in socios istius collegii Dom. Johannes Powel et Dom.Willelmus Pyndar, in Artibus Baccalaurei; et Dom. Hugo Latimer, Quaestionista.” Register of Clare Hall, anno 1509-10. The Grace Book for the year Michs. 1509 — Michs. 1510 has the following entry:- “Conceditur Hugoni Latemer ut xij. termini in quorum quolibet excepto uno ordinaria audiverit, etsi non secundum formam Statuti, sufficiant sibi ad respondendum questioni.” Under the year Michs. 1513 — Michs. 1514 occurs the following:- “Conceditur Domino Latymer ut Lectiones ordinariae novem terminorum auditae cum quatuor responsionibus, quarum una erat in die Cinerum altera in finali determinatione [second Tripos Day] et duae aliae in Grammatica quarum altera in die conversacionis altera in scolis publicis, sufficiant sibi ad incipiendum in Artibus, sic ut solvat Universitati 13 sol. iiij d.”

    There is no grace extant for his B.D. degree, but in the Proctor’s Accounts for the year Michs. 1523 — Michs. 1524 we find as follows:- “bachalaurei in theologia M. latomer stafforth M. rogers M. foberry M. cheswryght nihil.”

    M. thyxtyll M. nycolls M. hale Why all these men paid the Proctor nothing, does not appear; but such an entry is not uncommon for various degrees at various times. N.B.

    Undergraduates in their last term ore called Quoestionists: when they have been admitted ad Respondendum Quaestioni they are called Determiners: on the second Tripos Day they are complete Bachelors, called in Latin Domini The admission ad Respondendum Quoestioni is called the Bachelor’s commencement; and the regular time now is on the Saturday after the first Monday in Lent Term, which always begins on Jan. 13th: this in 1510 would fall on Jan. 19th: but the custom may have been different formerly, so as to allow of Latimer being called a Quaestionist still on Feb. 2d, perhaps till the first Tripos Day, February 14th.

    At present there are two subsequent ceremonies; on the first Tripos Day (i. e. the day after Ash Wednesday, or Feb. 14th in 1510) the seniority of the Wranglers and Senior Optimes is reserved: on the second Tripes Day, exactly four weeks after the first, or the Thursday after Midlent Sunday, the Seniority of the Junior Optimes is reserved, and the degree of B.A./s now complete to all who have been admitted ad Respondendum Quaestioni. On the second Tripos Day the ,final determination is pronounced by the Proctor in these words: — “...... Creamus et pronunciamus omnes hujus anni determinatores finaliter determinasse, et actualiter esse in Artibus Baccalaurios.”

    The grace of the B.A. degree is now,” ...... ut duodecim termini completi in quibus ordinarias lectiones audiverit licet non omnino secundum formam Statuti sufficiant ei ad Respondendum Quaestioni.”

    Of these twelve terms only ten are kept now: the entering the name before the first term of residence is allowed to count for one Term; and the examination in a Term after ten Terms of Residence is allowed to count for one Term: there is a connection still with twelve Terms: formerly the regular keeping of twelve terms, i.e. of four years, was required.

    In the M.A. degree, the Inception cannot take place till nine terms of complete B.A. are ended: the earliest day for bringing forward the grace for an incepting M.A. is the Friday following the second Tripos Day in the third year after final determination; and the day of Admission ad incipiendum in Artibus, is the following Friday.

    He becomes a complete M.A. by Creation on the first Tuesday in July, when he is called Magister.

    An M.A. is regent till of five years’standing.

    APP152 “Master Stafford. ”] — On Stafford, see before, vol. 4 p. 656: from the note preceding this it would seem that he took his B.D. degree at or about the same time with Latimer.

    In the Register of West, Bp. of Ely, at folio 83, an Ordination is recorded as taking place at the Chapel in Ely Palace, Ely, Saturday, March 7th, 1516-17, when among the” Subdiaconi.’ ‘seculares ” appears the name of” Georgius Stewert, Dunelmen. dioc. per lit. dim.

    Aulae Pembrochiae Cant. And from the same Register, fol. 83 b., he appears to have been ordained Deacon three weeks after, at the same place, Saturday, March 28th, 1517,” ed titulum collegii Valenciae Mariae Cant. predict.”

    The following grace for George Stafford’s B.D. degree will, perhaps, be acceptable to the reader: — In the year Michs. 1523 — Michs. 1524:” Item conceditur Georgio Stayert ut sex anni a sua regentia [i.e. his M.A. degree], cum una responsione et duobus sermonibus, altero ad Clerum et altero ad crucem Pauli, sufficient sibi ad opponendum in theologia, sic quod admittatur intra quindenam.”

    APP153 “Master Thomas Bilney, of whom mention is made before. ”] — See vol. 4 pp. 619 — 656. Bilney appears from the Tunstel (London) Register to have been ordained subdeacon at the priory of Elsing, London, by John, suffragan bishop of Calipolis, on Saturday, March 19th, 1518-19:” Thom as Bylney, Norwicen. dioc. per lit. dim. ad titulum prioratus sive monasterii Sancti Bartholomaei in Smythfeld London.” And from the Register of West, bishop of Ely, folio 87, it appears that he was ordained deacon by bishop West at Dodington, June 18th, 1519. The entry is as follows: — “Thomas Bylney Nor. dioc. sufficienter dimissus, ad titulum prioratus sancti Bartholomaei in Smythfeld London, in presbyterum [lieg diaconum] admissus.” And on the same folio, at the ordination on Saturday, 24th September, of the same year, we find:” Dominus Thomas Bylney, Nor.. dioc. disconus, sufficienter. dimissus, ad titulum Mon. sire prioratfis Sancti Bartholomaei in Smythfeld, in presbyterum admissus.”

    And it further appears from the Proctors’Accounts at Cambridge, that he took the B. C. L. degree in 1520-21. “ Receptaa bachalaureisin jure canonico pro ordinariis et pro locatione cathedrae. “In primis a domino goodman 6 — petytt 6 — duke 10 — davy 10 — dale 13 — doughty 13 — clapam 6 — wylne 10 — pateper 6 — north 6 — bilney Summa 4 13 Why Bilney paid nothing does not appear, otherwise than in the form of a caution for future payment: this appears in an after entry:” Cautio domini bilney in manibus Magistri Medow.” the University chest was formerly stocked with Cautions for people who had not money at hand: these cautions were pieces of plate, rings, missals, etc. If the cautions were not redeemed, the goods were sold.

    The following entry is from the Register of West, bishop of Ely, fol. 33: — “Item xxiijtio die mensis predict. [Julii] Anna Dni. et loco suprascriptis [i.e. A.D. 1525, intra manerium suum de Somersham] dominus concessit licen-tiam magistro Thomae Bylney in jure canonico Bacchalaurio ad praedicandum populo sibi commisso per totam dioc.

    Elien. temporibus et locis congruis, Absque tamen alieni juris praejuditio, ad beneplacitum suum duraturam,” etc.

    In the margin we read: “Revocata fuit haec Licentia per spiritualem Inhibitionem quid super heretica pravitate accusatus et convictus erat.”

    APP154 — Foxe adds, in 1570 and subsequent Editions, after “others, ” “and came also to Master Stafford before he died, and desired him to forgive him.”

    APP155 “Became a public preacher. ”] — Latimer seems to have possessed a predilection for preaching previous to his conversion, for we find him in the Proctors’Accounts as one of twelve University preachers appointed in 1522.

    APP156 “Three years. ”] — The Edition of 1563 reads” 2 yeres, ” that of 1570” iij yeres, ” which all the rest follow. The number” three” is here substituted to render the narrative consistent; for though the first Edition reads” 2 years” again at p. 454, yet in an intervening passage, p. 452 (which is not found in the first Edition)” threeis also mentioned. This period of three years seems intended by Foxe to include the space between Latimer’s conversion and his appearance before Wolsey (see page 454).

    APP157 — Fuller, in his History of Cambridge, places Latimer’s Card Sermons in the vice-chancellor’s year 1527-8: certainly they must be misplaced by Foxe here, if 1529 be their correct date, for he subsequently mentions his citation before Wolsey, who was in disgrace Christmas 1529, and died in November 1530. Professor Cartie (Parker Society’s Latimer’s Remains) places the Card sermons subsequent to the appearance before Wolsey. It is highly probable that Latimer got into trouble through his faithful preaching long before the Card Sermons in 1529, and that Foxe confounded the two occasions, and was thus led to transpose the order of events in his narrative. Becon, in his” Jewel of Joy,” published toward the close of 1547, says that he remembered how” before twenty years” he used to attend Latimer’s preaching at Cambridge, and how he pleaded for the use of the English Scriptures, and inveighed against the monks and friars, and was persecuted by them. (Parker Sac. Edit. p. 424.) This would correspond with the latter part of 1527: and it is probable that Latimer was summoned before the Cardinal some time the next year: see note on p. 454.

    APP158 — John 1:19, etc. is the Gospel for the Sunday before Christmas Day.

    APP159 “And in daunger unto God. ”] — A phrase originally signifying feudal subjection. It is Latinized in the Promptorium Parvulorum by Domigerium, on which word see Adelung, who in his Glossary remarks,” Est enim Danger, Gallis, potestas,” p. t92. The word is used in this sense in the old translation of Bishop Jewel’s Apology, pt. 6, chap. 15, sect. 3, “these men have them fast yoked, and in their danger;” and by Latimer himself again at p. 467,” all the world shall be bounden or in danger to God.” So again in Taverner’s Postills, edit, Oxford, 1841, we read (p. 393),” Wher- fore they whyche so love theyr evel affections.., be under the daunger of synne and deserve the stypende thereof.” In the Paston Letters (vol. 1:p. 94, edit. 1840) we and: ,, He... hath bought divers books of him, for the which as I suppose he hath put himself-in danger to the same Karoll.”

    APP160 — The table of errata to the Edition of 1563 directs us to supply the word” as” before” setting.”

    APP161 “It would ask a long discourse, ” etc.] — From hence to p. 452, line 21,” the Heretics’hill,” is much more amplified than in the Edition of 1563: the corresponding passage of that Edition is printed among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. II.

    APP162 — How Buckenham came to be called in the first Edition” prior of the Lady friars” (an appellation which is changed in every subsequent Edition,) does not appear; but there certainly was an order of” Fratres de Domina,” or” Lady Friars,” and they had once a house at Cambridge,· near the Castle: see Tanner’s Notitia Monastica. They had also a house at Norwich, on the south side of St. Julian’s churchyard, with its east end abutting on the street: see Blomfield’s Norfolk, vol. it. p. 547, where we read the following description of them: — ”The Friers of the order of our Lady, called Fratres de Domina, were a sort of Begging Friars, Under the rule of St. Austin: they wore a white coat, and a black cloak thereon, with a Black Friars’cowl, and had their beginning about 1288, the order being devised by Philip, who got it confirmed by the pope.” The Black Friars, called also Dominican and Preaching Friars, were also under the rule of St. Austin, which will account for Buckenham being called an Augustine monk, page 438.

    We find a subsequent mention of this Buckenham, as” Prior of the Black Friars,” in a letter from Thomas Tebold to Cranmer, dated July 15, 1535, Cotton MSS. Galba B. 10:fol. 102; of which the following is an extract: — ” Within these 16 days I take my journey from Antwerp, the last day of July. And because at my first arrivance at Antwerp I found company ready to go withal to Cologne, I went to see my old acquaintance at Louvain. Where as I found Doctor Bockenham, sometime prior of the Black Friars in Cambridge, and another of his brethren with him. I had no leisure to commune long with them; but he shewed me, that at his departing from England he went straight to Edinburgh in Scotland, there continuing to Easter last past; and then came over to Louvain, where he and his companion doth continue in the house of the Blackfriars there, having little acquaintance or comfort but for their money; for they pay for their meat and drink a certain sum of money in the year. Allsoever that, I can perceive them to have it only by him that hath taken Tyndale, called Harry Phillips, with whom I had long and familiar communication, for I made him believe that I was minded to tarry and study at Louvain.”

    In the Document published by Dr. Lamb, referred to in note (8) to p. 451, it is stated that the vice-chancellor cited before him, January 29, 1580,” Master Latymer, Masters Bayn, Bryganden, Grenewod, and Mr. Proctor of the blak frears;” where” Proctor ” is probably a clerical error for” Prior,’ and, refers evidently to Buckenham.

    APP163 “Dr. Venetus.’ ”] — Dr. Venetus appears from the University Register to have taken his D.D. degree in 1518. He is mentioned in the” Placer, ” or form of Grace, granted by the Senate, as one of twentyseven delegates who were to determine on the question of Henry’s marriage, in 1529. (Lamb’s Collection of CCCC. MSS., p. 20.) Latimer was among the twenty-seven; also Crome and Thyxtell.

    APP164 “Dr. Cliffe of Clement’s Hostel. ”] — The Tunstall (London) Register states that” Robert Clyff, legum doctor Coven. et Lich. didc.” was ordained deacon at London on Saturday, February 28th 1523, “per lit. dim. ad titulum monasterii de Basyngwerke Assaven. dido.” It also appears from the West (Ely) Register, folio 32 b, that Dr. Robert Clyff, Doctor of Laws, was made Commissary General to the Bishop of Ely for the whole diocese in room of Dr. Pellis resigned, June 24th 1525, at his manor of Downham; and that he was the same day made Vicar of Wysbeach. He was excommunicated by the vice-chancellor of Cambridge in 1529, for infringing the privileges of the University.

    After submitting himself he was reconciled, See an account of the affair in Dr. Lamb’s Collection of CCCC. MSS., London, 1838, p. 12.

    APP165 “Then came at last Dr. West, bishop of Ely. ”] — The Editor has searched the West Register, but in vain, for any traces of his opposition to Latimer: the only document bearing on the subject occurs at folio 33 of the Institution Book: at the institution of George Gyles to the living of Eversdon parva, October 2d, 1525, we find a peculiar oath administered to him, called in the margin” Forma juramenti pro opinionibus Luther-anis non tenendis.” The oath is as follows:” ... ipsumque [Georgium Gyles, in Artibus Magistrum] Rectorem perpetuum canonice Instituit in et de eadem cum suis Juribus et pertinentiis universis, praestito primitus per eum tactis sacrosanctis Dei Evangeliis Juramento corporali, tenore subsequente: Et ego Georgius Gyles juro ad haec sancta Dei evangelia per me hic corporaliter tacta quod ero obediens Reverendo in Christo patri et domino domino Nicholao per-missione divina Elien. episcopo, et successoribus suis, in omnibus licitis et canonicis mandatis juxta juris exigentia. Item, quod nullam hoeresim Luther-anam seu aliam quameunque ab ecclesia dampnatam docebo proedicabo aut Ratiocinando quovis modo defendam, aut pro eis earumve aliqua inter conferen-dum auctoritatem vel Rationem quamcunque joco vel serio, animo deliberato, in medium afferam: Sed eas omnes et singulas pro Ingenii mei viribus et doctrina et eorum fautores impugnabo. Sicut deus me adjuvet et haec sancta dei Evan-9elis. ” Instead of this oath the other Institutions say: — ”Instituit praestito canonlea3 obedientiae juramento in forma debita et consueta,” or something similar: this oath seems then first to have been used.

    APP166 “Dr. Barnes, prior of the Augustine friars, did licence master Latimer... Christmas Even upon a Sunday. ”] -This was (by Nicolas’s Tables) at the close of 1525 (see also Bilney’s and Barnes’s histories in vols. 4 and v.); and we must suppose it introduced retrospectively, if 1529, or even 1527, be the true date of the Card Sermons. Indeed, Foxe seems to speak of Dr. Barnes’s license as a providence which had befallen Latimer:” God so provided, that Dr. Barnes did license.”

    As Dr. Barnes’s history has a bearing on that of Latimer, the following information may be useful. There is no grace extant for his D.D. degree, but in the Proctors’Accounts for the year running Michs. 1522 — Michs. 1528 is the following entry: — “Doctores Theologiae.

    Dr. Addison D. Sharpe D. Patenson D. Marshall D. frater Stokes D. frater Barnse from which it appears that xxd must have been the fee to the Proctor for each D.D., and next year, Michaelmas 1523-1524, the following very curious Grace occurs: — “Conceditur Doctori Barnes ut possit esse non regens, et quod non arctetur ad determinandum, quia tantum obrutus est negotiis in sua religione quod adesse non potest ante festum Johannis Baptistae.”

    N.B. Two years are ordinarily required for a D.D. to become a” Nonregent:” it is most probable that Barnes took his D.D. degree in the year 1523, and was released by the above Grace from further attendance early in the year 1524, for in that year Stafford took his B.D. degree (see note above on p. 437), for which he kept his famous Act under Dr. Barnes as his Moderator, being” the first man that answered Dr. Barnes in the Scripture, for his form to be bachelor of divinity.” (See vol. 5:p. 415.)

    APP167 — Latimer himself says that this was the first sermon he ever preached before the King (see Latimer’s Sermons, Parker Soc. Edit. p. 335). Latimer was probably introduced to the king by Sir John Cheke, or by Dr. Butts, concerning whom see the note infra, on p. 454.

    APP168 “Dr. Redman, of whom mention is made before in the reign of King Edward. ”] — See vol. 6:pp. 135, 236 — 239, 266 — 274. The Latin letter of Young to Cheke, promised in vol. 6:p. 271, note, was inadvertently omitted, and will be found among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. III.; together with the original Latin of the present Correspondence between Latimer and Redman from the Edition of 1563.

    APP169 “Latimer called up to the Cardinal for heresy....content to subscribe, ” etc.] — Strype prints a narrative respecting Latimer’s conversion and appearance before Wolsey, drawn up (as Strype thinks) by Ralph Morice, archbishop Cranmer’s secretary; which gives a very different view of Latimer’s treatment by Wolsey, as if he had been dismissed with a full license to preach in defiance of the Bishop of Ely’s Prohibition. This is printed from the Harleian MSS. among the documents at the end of this Appendix, No. IV. This appearance of Latimer before Wolsey is stated by Foxe to have been after about three years” preaching and teaching in the University of Cambridge;” which expression seems intended to include the whole period since his conversion: and therefore it probably happened sometime in 1528. See Strype’s Memorials under Henry, chap. 41, where he describes Tunstall as sending to Cambridge for the apprehension of Rodolph Bradford, Latimer, Nicholson, Smith, etc.: compare this with vol. 5:p. 27, of Foxe, where Nicholson is represented as troubled by Tunstall in 1528. Barnes recanted at Paul’s Cross Feb. 11th, 1526, and Bilney, Dec. 8th, 1527. We learn from Joye’s history that Dr. Capon was in attendance on Wolsey at the latter date (see Appendix to vol. 5:note on p. 132), and so he might have encountered Latimer in 1528 as Morice describes. This date,” 1528,” receives further confirmation from a Letter printed at the end of this Appendix, No. V., from R. Moryson (apparently) to Cranmer, dated December (apparently) 1533, in which Moryson speaks of having gone to Cambridge’a Cardinalis oedibus’ five years before, (i.e. December 1528),’cognoscendi Latomeri causa;’ which surely must have been subsequent to Latimer’s appearance before the Cardinal, and the Car, dinal’s handsome treatment of him.

    APP170 — Dr. William Butts was made M.D. at Cambridge in 1518. Regr.

    Cant.: supplicated to be incorporated at Oxford in 1519: afterwards became physician to Henry VIII., who granted him a pension of forty marks annually out of certain lands, Nov. 13th, 21 Hen. VII. (1529).

    He died 17th Nov., 1545, and was buried et Fulham. See a Character of him in Dr. Goodwall’s Epistle before his Historical Account of the Proceedings of the College of Physicians, of which Dr. Butts was one of the founders. (Wood, cura Bliss, vol. 2:Fasti p. 50.) It appears from Masters’s Account of Corp. Christi Coil. Camb. (Edit. Lamb, p. 313), that in 1524 Dr. Butts took St. Mary’s Hostel on a lease from the College of 99 years, for 24s. per annum. Hence he probably resided at Cambridge several years, and formed a friendship with Latimer.

    APP171 — There is a letter in Burnet’s Reformation” Records,” by which it appears that Latimer was at Cambridge promoting the divorce in February 1530. Burnet likewise prints the decision of the University on the subject, dated March 9th; and Dr. Lamb (Collection of CCCC.

    MSS., p. 23) prints a letter from the vice-chancellor Buckmaster to Dr.

    Edmonds, dated Cambridge” in crasto. Dominicae Palmarum” [April 11th], giving an account of his arrival at Windsor with the University determination” dominica 2nda Quadragesimae” [March 13th], when Latimer (he says) was preaching. Near the end of the letter he adds,” Mr. Latymer preacheth styll, quod emuli ejus graviter ferunt; ” from which it would seem that he had returned to Cambridge again from Windsor.

    APP172 “A benefice offered by the King. ”] — The following is a copy of Latimer’s Institution to the Living of West Kington, furnished by the Registrar of Salisbury Cathedral, from the Campeggio Register, folio 24:-“ Ao. Domini MCCCCCXXXo. Indictione iiijta Ao. viij D.

    Clementis Septimi, litera dominicali A. “Quarto decimo die mensis Januarii, anno 1530 [i.e. 1531], Magister Ricardus Hilley Vicarius Generalis, in domo residentiae infra clausum Canoni corum Sarum situata, Ecclesiam parochialem de West Kington in Archidiaconatu Wiltes. Sarum Dioc., per mortem Domini Will.

    Dowdyng, ultimi Rectoris ejusdem, vacantem atque ad collationem Domini Laurencii Satum Episcopi pleno jure spectantem, Magistro Hugoni Latymer, presbytero, Sacrae Theologiae Baccalaurio, auctoritate qua fungebatur contulit, ac ipsum Rectorem dictae Ecclesiae de canonica obedientia etc. juratum instituit canonice in eadem cum suis juribus, etc. commisitque sibi curam animarum, etc. et Scriptum fecit Archidiacono Wiltes. et ejus officiali pro ipsius inductione, etc. ” APP173 “He could not escape without enemies. ”] — Whether it was from the Wiltshire priests or not, it seems that Latimer’s name was presented to the Convocation soon after his induction to West Kington, as appears from.the following: — Ex Reg. Convoc. et excerptis Heylinianis, Wilkins, in. pp. 725.” Tertio die mensis Martii [1531] articuli nonnulli pro examinatione mag.

    Crome, Latymer, et Bilnye proponebantur, qui 18 sequente hujus mensis die repetiti sunt. Sed ulterior deliberatio eorum in aliud tempus dilata est.”

    APP174 — In confirmation of this part of Foxe’s narrative we find in Wilkins certain minutes of the Convocation, and in the Tunstall Register the Latin Articles which Latimer was required to subscribe: these are printed at the end of this Appendix, No. VI.

    It seems that Latimer got into further trouble with this Convocation the very next month, respecting a letter which he had written to Mr.

    Greenwood, one of his former opponents at Cambridge: see No. Vii., among the Documents at the end of this Appendix.

    APP175 — The original Latin of the above Inhibition is given from a copy in the Chapter House Papers, Rolls House, among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. VIII.: there evidently was some other recent Inhibition of Latimer, which has not been yet discovered: in the absence of that, the Editor has printed with the Inhibition of Latimer a more general one of the previous April, from a copy on the same sheet in the Rolls with the Inhibition of Latimer.

    APP176 “Bishop of Worcester. ”] — Latimer was installed August 30th, 1535.

    APP177 -A great many of us. ”] — The Edition of 1563 omits” great:” see the note on p. 639, infra.

    APP178 Divers other conflicts and combats in in his own country and Diocese. ”] — Foxe presently enters at large into Latimer’s persecution by Hubberdin and others at Bristol in 1533: but there is also the Report of a Royal Commission which sat at Bristol, 7th May, 29 Hen.

    VIII. [1537], preserved in the Rolls, Chapter House Papers, first Series, No. 66; consisting of depositions taken before the Mayor and the other Commissioners; the preaching of the Warden of the Grey Friars seems from this Report to have been of a papistical and seditious character: but William Oliver prior of the Preaching Friars was sound on justification, and had collected a cartload of cowls and other trinkets to burn: John Kene, in Christ Church, Bristol, despised the new preachers and their learning; the hereticks (he said)grinned and laughed at him; he omitted to pray for the King; and called the bishop of Worcester a false varlet and heretic: Henry Jones, tailor, thought the bishop of Worcester a heretick: Sir John Rawlins hoped to bring a fagot to burn Latimer, and called him a false varlet and heretick: William Glaskeryon hoped before he died to see Latimer burned; rejoiced in the Northern Rebellion; and had the slanderous Pater Noster and Ave Maria. the Report concludes: — ”Dyverse other persons hath been in pryson for their sedycious and slanderous words hadde of the bishopp of Worcester, according to your Commission.”

    APP179 — Latimer and Shaxton resigned the same day, July 1st, 1539.

    Foxe seems to have followed hereabouts Augustine Bernher’s Preface to Latimer’s Sermons on the Lord’s Prayer.

    APP180 “The Tower where he constantly remained prisoner, ” etc.] — This statement somewhat varies from that of Hilles in a Letter to Bullinger. (“Letters on the Reformation,” Parker Soc. 1846, p. 215.)

    Writing in 1541, he says:” These two bishops were a long time under restraint, because they would never give their sanction to the statute published against the truth in the year] 539.”

    APP181 “In this his painful travail he occupied himself.., preaching for the most part every Sunday. ”] — A curious, and it may be thought, a valuable proof of Bishop Latimer’s services on such occasions occurs in Nichols’s “Illustrations of ancient times in England from the Accompts of Church wardens,” etc. (Lond. 1797), under the head of St. Margaret’s, Westminster, in 1549; when there was” Paid to William Curlewe for mending of divers pews that were broken when Dr.

    Lattymer did preach, 0 1 6.” p. 13.

    APP182 — The allusion to the characters named in the conclusion of this letter will receive ample illustration from the Documents No. IX. at the end of this Appendix.

    Some at least of these characters appear to have got into trouble for their proceedings at Bristol; for among the Chapter House Papers, Rolls House, 1st Series, No. 1528, we find a list of persons (apparently prisoners), with the dates (apparently) of their incarceration. The paper is headed” William Delapoole,” probably the jailor: and it concludes thus: — ”Yt may please yr. maistership to have me in remembrance to the king’s grace for two monethes lycens into the Countrey: that is to say oon. And then to retorne ayen iiijer or fyve dayes. And so to repayre another monethe.” The last entry is of four coiners, July 6th, an. reg. xxvij [1535]. Among the names we find, William Heberdyn, priest, 4th July, anno regni xxvto. [1533]; Nicholas Wilson, doctor, 10th April, an. regni supradicto [1534]; Edwarde Powell, doctor, 10th June, anno regni xxvjto. [1534]: also Thomas Abell, priest, 24th Dec, 1533, and Richard Fetherstone, priest, September 13th, 1534. — If the Heberdyn above mentioned be Latimer’s opponent, there is some error in the date attached to his name, for he was at large and preaching subsequent to July 11th, 1532: see the Letter of John Bartholomew, Documents No. IX. There is also a deposition in No. 1500 of the same series of Papers against Dr.

    Powell by one of his own servants, for his opposition to the King’s marriage. — Powel, Abell, and Fetherstone were executed in 1541:

    Wilson was persuaded by Cranmer to recant. — There is among the Harleian MSS. a Sermon preached by Hub-berdin at the desire of some thieves who stopped him in Hampshire.

    APP183 “The blood of Hayles. ”] — The origin of this asserted portion of the Savior’s blood is given in the Liber festivalis, Paris, 1495 (fol. lxxxii, verso). A Jew is discovered in the days of Queen Helena, apparently in possession of a rood:” Thenne anone come all his neighbors wode for wrathe & all to bete this man: and drew hym and tugged hym in the worste runner that they cowde; and soo at the laste they sayde; al this is the ymage that thou belevest upon. And they toke the ymage & bete it and scourged it & crowned it with thornes; & at the last they made the strengest of hem to take a spere & with all his might to smyte it to the herte; and anone ther with blood & water ranne oute of the sydes. Thenne were they sore aferde thereof’& sayde: take we pottes & fylle hem with this blood & lete us here it in to the temple there as all the syke peple is of dyverse maladyes; & anoynt them ther with, & yf they be hole with the blood, thenne crye we God mercy and anone lete us be cristned man & woman. Thenne they annoynted the syke people with this blood and anone they were hole. Thenne went thyse Jewis to the bysshop of the cyte & tolde him all the caas; & anone he kneeled downe on his knees & thanked God of this faire myracle. And whan he cristned the Jewis he toke vyoyles of glasse cristall & aumbur & put of this blode in hem, & sent it aboute in diverse chirches; and of this blode, as many man understonde, come to the blood of Hayles. ” APP184 “No doubt he did miss the cushion. ”] — i.e. Failed in his aim: see Nares’Glossary, or Halliwell’s Dictionary of Archaic words; sub voc.

    APP185 I could wish that it would please the King’s [/race to preach before his highness a whole year together every Sunday. ”] — It was probably in consequence of this sentence that, by the good offices of Archbishop Cranmer, Latimer was called to preach before the King all the Wednesdays of Lent, 1534. (Cranmer’s Works, Parker Soc. Ed. vol. 2:pp. 308, 309.)

    APP186 “Magnesfeldice. ”] — CalledMarch- feldiae,” p. 483: Marshfield, a town in Gloucestershire, eleven miles east of Bristol; three miles to the right of it is Dyrham Park, whence this letter is dated.

    APP187 “Origines ... in Mathoeum v.”] — This is a rather misleading reference; the passage quoted appearing, with an unimportant variation, in the 5:Hom. in diversos; tom. 2:p. 284 Paris, 1604. These Homilies are, however, incorrectly assigned to Origen, and do not appear reprinted in the Benedictine edition of his works.” De Homiliis in diversos Matthoei locos, constat Erasmo, non esse Origenis, sed hominis Latini; reliquas a Ruffino impudenter contaminatas. Sine dubio non sunt Origenis, inquit Bellarm. de Scrip. Eccles.” Rivet. Crit. Sac. lib. 2, cap. 13.

    APP188 “At versabatur tum (inquis) Christus cum pauculis disci-pulis. ”] — See Archdeacon Hare’s” Mission of the Comforter,” pp. 878, 918.

    APP189 — See, on Latimer’s University License, the next note but one.

    APP190 “Gather up my joyse. ”] — ”the Agistatores in an old version of Charta de foresta are called Gyst-takers or walkers. Hence our graziers now call the foreign cattel which they take in to keep by the week, gisements or juicements (pronouuced like the joices in building, corrupted from the French adjoustment, the cross pieces of timber that are adjusted or fitted to make the frame of the floor). And to gise or juice ground is when the Lord or tenant feeds it not with his own stock, but takes in other cattel, to agist or feed in it.” (Kennet’s Glossary in the new Edition of his Parochial Antiquities, or in Dunkin’s Bicester.) In the Glossary to Matthew Paris (edit. 1640,,p. 268) under” Agistare ” is given,” Adjouster a gist dicunt Galli; nos, joyst. (See also Spelman’s and BoucherGlossaries.) Agistment tithe is a term still in use.” Agistment, Agisting, in the strict sense of the word, means the depasturing of a beast the property of a stranger. But this word is constantly used in the books, for depasturing the beast of’an occupier of land as well as that of a stranger. The tithe of agistment is the tenth part of the value of the keeping or depasturing such cattle as are liable to pay it.” (Jacob’s Law Dictionary, 5:Tithes.)

    Jacob goes on to show some of the peculiar intricacies and difficulties attending the settlement of agistment tithe, in a manner which well shews the opportunity afforded to a rapacious tithe-taker, and the force of Latimer’s expression,” gather up my joyse narrowly and warily.” Kennet is inclined to interpret” agistamentum” with reference to the” ager,” or place of feeding; and to consider it as the profit of depasturing cattle on such land, as if it were synonymous with” agrarium,” “agerium, ” and” agroticum. ” The phrase” gathering up,” as applied to such matters, may be illustrated by a sentence quoted in the biography, of Bishop Pilkington (p. vii,. Parker Soc. edit.):” The Bishop of Chester hath compounded with my lord of York for his visitation, and gathereth up the money by his servants.”

    APP191 — Latimer’s name appears as University Preacher in the Proctors’Accounts at Cambridge, with eleven others (Croke, Aldrydge, Gooddrydge, etc.), in the year 1522-3.

    APP192 — Bromham, a seat five miles from Devizes.

    APP193 “As appeareth by his own words in the Prologue. ”] — These words did not come from Jerom’s pen, and are printed, according to Oudin, in but few editions of his works; nor are they in the instance before us quoted quite accurately, though given with some improvement in the present edition of Foxe. The supposed Prologue is prefixed to the Catholic Epistles in Schoeffer’s edition of the Latin Vulgate, 1472, in the Complutensian Polyglott, vol. v., and in De Lyra’s Commentaries. (See Oudin de Scripp. Ecclesiastes tom. 1:col. 823; and Horne’s Introduction, 4 462, edit. 1846.)

    APP194 “Montes [non illos quidem qui vel leviter tacti fumigant] sed montes [veteris et] Novi Testamenti. ”] — The words between brackets do not appear in Jerome, nor is the remainder altogether verbally correct.

    APP195 — Dr. Crome is stated to have submitted to the bishops May 11th, 1530-31. (See Appendix to vol, v., note on p. 537, and Documents No. XVI.)

    APP196 “Tot quot. ”] — The pope sometimes granted dispensations to hold so many (tot) benefices as (quot) together amounted in value to a given sum, without specifying the particular benefices. See Ridley’s use of the phrase in this sense at p. 571 of this volume. Hutchinson (Parker Soc. Ed., pp. 6, 93) mentions” tot-quots,” and” tot-quots of promotions, ” in lists of ecclesiastical abuses of the time.

    APP197 “Here followeth another letter, ” etc.] — In the first Edition we have this affair titus introduced, p. 1335: — “Here followeth another letter of his writing unto King Henry, where with most christen boldness he persuadeth the King that the Scripture and other good wholesome books in the English tongue may be permitted to the people, which books the bishops at that time (wickedly conspiring together) went about by a public and authentic instrument to suppress: wherefore or we come to this letter of maister Latimer it shall not be impertinent, first by the way to set forth the said process and instrument of these bishops, whereby to understand the better the effect of the foresaid letter of Master Latimer answering to the same.”

    APP198 — The two proclamations here referred to are those which Foxe himself refers to in the Editions of 1570, 1576: the single reference printed in the following editions points to the two proclamations given vol. 5:pp. 565, 569, the former of which belongs to the;’ear 1540 (as Foxe in his text of this passage affirms), and for that very reason could have had nothing to do with producing Latimer’s remonstrance in 1530.

    APP199 — The subscriptions of’the three Notaries have been printed at full from the Warham Register, in order to show the mistake of’Henry Wharton (see Harmer’s Specimen of Errors) in representing Latimer as having actually subscribed the Proclamation: he positively states at p. 509 that he and a few more had protested.

    APP200 “Againsaying. ”] — This word is found repeatedly in the Wycliffite version of the New Testament; as in Luke 21:15; Acts 4 14; Titus 1:9. (See Halliwell’s Dictionary of Archaic words, p. 128; and also pp. 495 and 50.0 of’the present volume of Foxe.)

    APP201 “To be imputed or arrected. ”] — Halliwell quotes from Sir Thomas More’s Works, p. 271:” therefore he arrecteth no blame of theyr dedes unto them;” and upon” arettid, ” used in Wycliffe’s Apology for the Lollard Doctrines, Dr. Todd remarks (p. 134)” arettid: Reckoned, accounted, nos putavimus eum, Isaiah 53:4.” In the Wycliffe translation of Romans 4 4, we find,” to byre that worchith, mede is not arettid by grace, but bi dette;” and Cardinal Wolsey writes,” I beseche yow to arrect no blame to me.” (Fiddes’Life, Collections, p. 8.)

    APP202 — The heading to Latimer’s Letter in the Edition of 1563 is,” The letter of maister Latimer written to King Henry, answering to the foresaid inhibition of the Byshops.”

    APP203 — There is a copy of Latimer’s Letter to Henry in the Chapter House Papers, Rolls House,” Polit. and Theolog. Tracts,” vol. A. 1. 13, folio 301, varying, however, considerably in phraseology from Foxe’s: there is also a part of another copy in the same volume, folio 189, commencing with the words,” realm, yea between the king and his subjects,” etc. (p. 507, line 7 from the bottom): this varies, but not much, from the other: neither has the date at the end: some of the readings are much better than Foxe’s.

    APP204 “Banbury glosses. ”] — The Rolls copy reads” barbarous glosses.”

    APP205 — On this idiom, see note to vol. in. p. 319, and vol. 5:p. 635, vol 6:p. 441, and p. 713 of this vol., and vol. 8:p. 172.

    APP206 “But again, as concerning, ” etc.] — The reading in the Rolls Copy seems much better:” But of the other part, as concerning that ye be but a mortal man, in danger of sin, having in you the corrupt nature of’Adam, in which all we he both conceived and born; and so having no less need of the merits of Christ’s passion for your salvation, than I and other of your subjects have, which be all members of the mystical body of Christ: and thoff ye be an higher member, yet ye must not disdain the less; for as St. Paul saith, Those members which be taken as vilest and of’least reputation be as necessary as the other, for the preservation and keeping of the body; — This most gracious King when I considered, and also your favorable and gentle nature, I was bold to write these humble, simple, and rude letters,” etc.

    APP207 — Latimer meant probably Crome, Thixtill, and himself: there might be others: but Cranmer and Cromwell could scarcely be meant. It is curious that this sentence in the text,” And howbeit.... to go forth in English,” is imperfect in both the copies at the Rolls House; which read: — “And howbeit as it is ever seen, that the most part overcometh the better:” the incompleteness of this sentence shews that the transcriber has omitted something, which Foxe’s copy happily supplies in all his Editions.

    APP208 — In the Edition of 1563, p. 1348, Latimer’s letter breaks off here with the following notice: — More of this letter carne not to our handes (gentle reader): and yet we would not defraud thee of that we had, considering the pithiness thereof APP209 — Latimer here follows Erasmus’s translation. (See the note supra on p. 217.)

    APP210 As Germans’ lips. ”] — The same comparison occurs in Calfhill’s Answer to Martiall, p. 345 (Parker Soc. Edit.): and in [Bagshaw’s] ‘True relation of the faction begun at Wisbich, imprinted 1601,’p. 88;” as just as Jermaine’s lippes.”

    APP211 “Against the Sacrament. ”] — In Edition 1563,” against the Lord’s Supper.”

    APP212 — The title is: — “A sermon very notable, fruictefull, and Godlie, made at Paule’s crosse the 12:dale of Novembre, in the first yere of the gracious reigne of our Sovereigne ladie by James Brokis, Dr. of D4 and Master of Bailye Colossians in Oxforth: anno Dni 1553.”

    The” clipping,” to which Latimer adverts, does not seem to be very prominent in this edition; it may be more so in one which followed a year or two afterwards. But see the passage in Dr. Wordsworth’s Ecclesiastes Biog. vol. 2:643; and Herbert’s Typog. Antiq. p. 1796.

    APP213 — The following is the passage of the” Loci Communes” to which the bishop of Lincoln refers, as it appears for the first time in the Edition of 1541, cap.” De participatione Mensae Domini:” — “Disputant etiam de metaphora. Sed sentis, Christum vere adesse sacramento suo, et ibi efficacem esse. Sicut ait Hilarius:’Quae sumpta et hausta faciunt ut Christus sit in nobis, et nos in Christo.’Et Cyrillus inquit in Joan. cap. 15:’Unde considerandum est, non habitudine solum, quae per caritatem intelligitur, Christum in nobis esse, verum etiam participatione naturali.’” In the Edition of 1561, under the head” De Coena Domini,” the passage is thus revised: — “Nec est inane speculum, sed Christus revera adest, dans per hoc ministe-rium suum corpus et sanguinem manducanti et bibenti, sicuti et veteres scrip-tores loquuntur: Cyrillus in Joanne inquit:’Unde considerandum est, Christum non solum per dilectionem in vobis esse, sed etiam naturali participatione,’etc. Et Hilarius ait,” etc.

    The revisions made in the successive Editions of Melancthon’s” Common Places” from 1541 to 1555 were such as to render them almost new works.

    APP214 “Burdenous to your soul ”] — In the first edit. p. 1372, the reading is” ponderous.”

    APP215 “Your lords, hip doth often inculke. ”] — This reading of the first Edition, p.1372,” inculke” (altered subsequently into” repeat” ), is adopted, because it may be supported or illustrated from Sir Thomas More:” Whereas Christ hath.., so often repeted it, and in such effectuall wise in-culked it.” (Workes, p. 1099.)

    APP216 — For “bishops” we ought to read” Proconsul: ” see Acta Cypriani, sect. 3.

    APP217 “And again demanded ”] — After the Edition of 1563 the word” being” is inserted before” demanded;” as if Latimer had been asked the question, or rather Cyprian. The notion that Cyprian was asked, would be inconsistent with the history: and the question comes better from than to Latimer: on this supposition,” he” at the end of the paragraph likewise means Latimer.

    APP218 — See Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 691.

    APP219 “fit which words one Edridge. ”] — Or Etheridge: see Cranmer’s Works (Parker Soc. Edit.) vol. 2:p. 383, and Wood’s Athenae Oxon. 1:540, edit. 1813. See also Warton’s English Poetry,4 109, edit. 1824.

    APP220 “Made without fraud or coven. ”] — This word, which subsequent editions have corrupted into” cunning,” is here restored from the first edition (p. 1879). The better spelling seems to be” covin.” (See note above on page 12. ) APP221 “For it was almost half a year after his deposition afore I did enter into that place. ”] — Bonner was removed from the Episcopate of London, October 1, 1549, and Ridley entered April 1, 1550. (Richardson’s Godwin.)

    APP222 “And faced with foins. ”] — ”the Fooyne appears to have been the same as the polecat or fitchet...’Foyns, a furre, foynnes Palsgrave. In the Inventory of the wardrobe and jewels of Henry V. taken in 1523, at his decease, are mentioned’gounes de noier damask furrez de sides de foynes et marterons,’and the value of this kind of fur is ascertained by the following entry:’iii. pares de foyns, chascun cont’c. bestes, pris le pec’xd. xii 51:xs.,’the marteron being more costly.” (Mr. Way’s note on Prompt. Parvulorum, p. 168.)

    APP223 “The Latter Appendix. ”] — For some things relating to Ridley, see vol. 8:pp. 701 — 708, and the notes in the Appendix on those pages.

    APP224 “Should be by and by declared. ”] — It may be observed that the word” declare” will be met with not unfrequently in the present volume of Foxe, used, as here, in the sense of” explained, made clear, proved:” see Articles of the Church of England, No. XXI., and St.

    John’s Gospel, 1:18.

    APP225 “As Tertullian saith. ”] — De Praescrip. Haeret. sect. 21.

    APP226 “Doth spiritually mell. ”] — To meddle with:see Nares’Glossary.

    In Strype’s Cranmer (Appendix, No. 49) we have some rhymes ending- ,’ Now God speed thee well, And I will no more mell.” APP227 “To and fro in sheep’s pilches. ”] — ”Pilch, or Pilcher, a scabbard; from pylche, a skin-coat, Saxon.” Nares’s Glossary.

    APP228 “Tot-quots.”] — This expression is better explained, in this connection, by the note above on page 498.

    APP229 — See above, p. 277, line 15 from the bottom.” He... hath marked us not only with the sign of the cross on our garments, as we have before said, but also (I trust) with the sygn of tan in our souls; the which sign beareth the figure and similitude of such a cross T, of the which sign speaketh the prophet Ezekiel, and none may perish as long as that sign is imprinted in their souls by grace.” The pilgrimage of perfection, fol. 26:verso, edit. printed by W. de Worde, Lond. 1581.

    But see Calfhill’s Answer to Martiall on the Crosse, pp. 106 — 108, for abundant reference and some correction on the point. (Parker Soc. edit.)

    APP230 — ”When a Protestant Synod was to be convoked, in 1555, at Pinczow, Calvin wrote to the most influential Protestants in Poland, urging them to invite Lismanini, as one who might prove of great use to their cause. Many eminent persons interceded in his behalf, and the departure of Queen Bona, who left Poland the same year, removed the great obstacle to his return. He arrived in Poland in June 1555, but remained for some time concealed at Ivan-ovitze, in the house of a noble lady called Agnes Dluski.” See Krasinski’s Sketch of the Reformation in Poland, vol. i.p. 278. Lond. 1838.

    APP231 “And instead thereof have inferred certain gatherings. ”] — The first Edition (p. 1583) reads somewhat differently:” A certein tretise of D. Ridley, wherein is declared contradictions in the workes of Winchester;” etc. These are included in Archbishop Cranmer’s Works, vol. in. p. 555.

    APP232 “The book of John Elder, sent into Scotland. ”] — It is called a letter, and is directed” To the ryght Revelation -Lord Robert Stuarde Bishoppe of Catheness,” etc., and entitled,” Copie of a letter sent in to Scotlande, of the arrival and landynge, and most noble marryage of the most Illustre Prynce Philippe,” etc., and concludes,” From the citie of London this new yeares day and the first of ye Kalendars of January, 1555. By your Reverende Lorde-shippes humble oratour, John Elder.”

    Imprinted in Flete-strete, by John Waylande. (Dibdin’s Typograph.

    Ant. in. 525.) There is a copy of this letter in the Grenville Library, vol. 1:p. 221.

    APP233 “Charge us with dissension and repugnance among our selves. ”] — these variations are not at all peculiar to the Protestants; the Bishop of Winchester himself and many others were, to say the least, equally at variance with themselves, and” pliable.” “Who taught us that Thomas Becket was no saint, but a devill, no true subject, but a false traitor, that did disobey and contend with his Prince, and took part with the Pope? And yet that precious perle of prelacy that constant Constaunce [Gardiner] Lord with what pain did he busy himself, to saint him again. Who (I pray ye) put into the. prayers of the Primer..: From the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and all his detestable enormities, O Lord, deliver us? and whether the acts of our blessed Bishops, the Pope’s executioners, have been such as we have needed (if we mought) so to pray still, I report me to you. Who made it one chief part of their matter in pulpits, still to shew us of his intolerable arrogancy and abuse of Princes, of his tyranny, war, quarrelling, avarice, apostacy, simony, sacrilege, whoredom.., malice, pride, poysonings, and all kinds of wickedness and abominations beside, so continually exercised by him, and all his whole holy company his Cardinalls and court? Who taught us that his dispensations, his pardons and Bulls,were but false trumpery, wicked for him to give and folly for us to receive, and utterly damnable for any to trust in? Who taught us that Scripture never made mention of Purgatory after this life, or if there were any such peines, yet were they not redeemable by the Pope’s pardons, by Monks’Masses, or Priests’penny-prayers? Who taught us, that it was meetest for us to have the law, that we all professed, and to have divine service in that language, that we best knew? Who taught us that sacraments were ever most faithfully ministered in that tonge that the people best understood? and specially, those whereby we made any covenant, or promise to God, or received any comfort of his mercy and goodness; as Baptism, Matrimony, and the holy communion? Who taught us to pluck images out of churches for doubt of idolatry? Who taught us to make our prayers, not to our Lady, nor any other bisaints, but only to God? Who taught us all this, and and ten times more than I have leisure to tell, or ye to hear, and now can recant it every whit? Who, I say, who and who, I pray ye? Mary who but even they and they of their coat? Our Bishops, our Suffragans, our Doctors, our Deacons, our Parsons, our Chaplains, our hedge Priests and all, whereof many yet alive both quick and queathing.” (‘A special grace, appointed to have been said after a banket at Yorke, upon the good nues and Proclamation thear, of the entrawnce in to reign over us, of our lady Sovereign lady Elizabeth, in November 1558;’signature D. 1:and in.) there is a copy of this scarce tractate in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth. See Strype’s Cranmer, book it. chap. 7.

    APP234 “In Gloss. [in cap. 56]’non iste.’Thom.parte 3,” etc.] — In the Secunda Secundoe however of Aquinas the very words are,” sed manet quamdiu per calorem naturalem digeratur.” The Gloss above referred to on cap. 56, Non iste, is as follows, taken from the edition Venetiis, 1’t77:” Non incorporatur, sicut caeteri cibi qui in stomacho digeruntur, vel non descendit in stomachum, sicut ille cibus corporalis, vel non transit in sustentationem corporis, sicut ille; est enim cibus animae non corporis,” etc.

    APP235 — After this the first Edition, p. 1385, contains the following additional Proposition and Contradiction: — “The syxt of John speaketh not of anye promise made to the eating of a token of Christes fleshe: p. 10, line 24. The syxt of John must nedes be understanded of corporall eatynge in the sacrament: p. 19, lin. 9.”

    APP236 — The expression fytte was anciently applied to the cantos or divisions of a poem which was sung or recited. (Vide Strutt, etc. Pulpit Oratory of the time of James I. by Revelation J. H. B19om, Norwich, 1831, p. 54: also Percy’s English Poetry, ed. 1839, pp. 21,133.) Bale, in his” Yet a course at a Romysh Foxe, 1543. under the name of Harryson, has (p. 12),” And thys is therof the fyrst fytte.”

    Philpot, or whoever first printed these Examinations, has regarded them as the successive Acts of a Tragedy: see the close of the first Examination p. 609, which the Latin Edition, p. 546, thus renders:” Atque hactenus habes hujus tragoediae prothesin:” and at the close of the seventh Examination the Latin says, p. 588:” Habetis ergo alterum tragoediae hujus actum.” Foxe translated Philpot’s English into Latin.

    APP237 “As Hosius... would assume that position. ”] — In mentioning Hosius as probably president of the Council at Nice, it was not intended to exclude others, or to say that he had the best claim of any.

    If that question were started, he would perhaps be anticipated by Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, who is plainly mentioned in Theodoret (Hist. lib. 1:cap. 9). The probability is that he shared the station with others. Richerius, after giving the Synodical epistle of the Nicene Fathers from Theodoret, writes: — ”Hinc claret Alexandrum Episc. Alexandrinum, velut Patriarcham, Concilio cum aliis Patriarchis, ut praesides solent in actionibus Parliamenti, praesedisse” (Hist. Conc.

    Genesis cap. 2, sect. 8); and Eusebius, by speaking plurally of presidents, th~v suno>dou proe>droiv supports, and is sufficient authority for, such a view of the subject (vide Vit. Constant. 3, sect. 13). At all events, Hosius certainly did not represent the bishop of Rome upon the occasion: vide’Casauboni Epistolae,’p. 625, edit.

    Roterod. 1709. Philpot commits the same error again at p. 642. See Strype’s Life of Grindal, book 1:chap. 2; and a Letter of Grindal’s, noticing the error, Parker Soc. Grindal, p. 222.

    APP238 “Galatians the first. ”] — To make this reference complete, the reading ought to be,” the first chapter and eighteenth verse, and the second chapter and first verse.”

    APP239 — The Latin (p. 557) says,” Hierosolymis:” but the Edition of 1563 strangely omits” at Jerusalem.”

    APP240 “What! did Peter, ” etc.] — In the Latin Edition, p. 557, we read:” Et quid ergo tandem Petrus scribit ad Galatas?” But the Edition of 1563 reads,” What, did Peter write to the Galatians?”

    APP241 “I find not in Eusebius that Peter should be bishop... twenty-drive years. ] — The assertion is made in Jerome’s Latin representation of the Chronicle of Eusebius (p. 160 in the” Thesaurus Temporum,” Amst. 1658), on which Scaliger remarks:” Adjecta sunt ab Hieronymo; et ab eodem repe-tuntur in Catalogo Scriptorum Ecclesiast. Graecs enim non habent. Ab assumptione Domini ad id tempus quo Petrus conjectus fuit in vincula ab Herode... Petrus semper fuit in Palaestina, aut in Syria. Herodes Agrippa obiit quarto anno Claudii, numero MMLX. Quomodo igitnr anno secundo Claudii profectus est Romam? quomodo 25 annos Romae perseveravit?” See also Basnage’s” Annales Politico-Eccles.” ad an. 42, sect. 9, and Elliott’s” Delineation of Roman Catholicism,” Lond. 1844, p. 633, etc.

    A modern Romish author has endeavored to set aside the argument against St. Peter’s having resided in Rome as a pontiff, derived from the absence of any mention of him by St. Paul when there himself, by paralleling the omission of St. James’s name in the Epistle to the Hebrews; an argument which might have its weight, had St. Paul written from Jerusalem, which he did not. (See Schmid’s” Historia Canonis,” Lips. 1775, p. 595, and Horne’s Introduction, vol. 4 p. 422.)

    St. Peter’s having been at Rome, and his having enjoyed a twenty-five years’Episcopate there, are, it should be remembered, quite distinct subjects. (See Foxe, vol. 1:Append. p. 393.)

    APP242 “Did not speak.., but ajgwnistikw~v ”] — A distinction of some antiquity, but used rather mistskingly by the bishop.” Huc pertinet distinctio Basilii Ep. 64, cui cum objiceretur dictum Gregorii Thaumaturgi, qui in expositione fidei dixisset, Patrem et Fillum juxta mentis considerationem duos esse, hypostasi veto unum; hoc (inquit) oju dogmatikw~v ajll ajgwnistikw~v non dogmatice, sed contentiose in disputatione adversus AElianum dictum esse intelligere nequiverunt. ” Rivet’s Crit. Sac. de Patrum auctoritate, cap. 11:sect. 4. And Harding observes:” The learned, that be well seen in the Fathers, know they must use a discretion, and a sundry judge between the things they write agonisti kw~v that is to say by way of contention, or disputation, and the things they utter dogmati kw~v that is by way of setting forth a doctrine, or matter of’faith.” Art. 12:d4 10, in Bp. Jewell’s Replie. So in Jerome’s” Apologia pro libris contra Joyin.,” cap. 4; Aliud est gumnastikw~v scribere, aliud dogmatikw~v See Daille’s” Use of the Fathers,” pp. 97, 113, edit. 1841.

    APP243 — The Edition of 1563 inserts” not” before” spoken:” the Latin, p. 561, reads” Sed age, nunquam ex eo tempore iterum eadem dogmata renovasti? responde.”

    APP244 “Doth St. Augustine, ” etc.] — ”Itane dicit aut sentit Augustinus, ut hic narrat, D. Curtoppe? quid sis?” Lat. Ed. p. 564.

    APP245 “I require you to prove, ” etc.] — ”Qua ratione common-stretis Romanam Ecclesiam catholicam hanc quam dicimus ecclesiam esse, id a vobis requiro.” Lat. Ed. p. 564.

    APP246 “Yea, that it was, ” etc.] — ”Verissimum hoc est; recte et commode dixisti, D. Curtoppe?” Lat. Ed. p. 564.

    APP247 “And [saith] that heresies did spring, ” etc.] — The following are Cyprian’s words: — ” Neque enim aliunde haereses obortae sunt, aut nata sunt schismata, quam inde quod sacerdoti Dei non obtemperatur, nec unus in ecclesia ad tempus sacerdos et ad tempus judex vice Christi cogi-tatur: cui si secundum magisteria divina obtemperaret fraternitas universa, nemo adversum sacerdotum collegium quicquam moveret, nemo post divinum judicium, post populi suffragium, post coepiscoporum consensum, judicem se jam non episcopi sed Dei faceret.” (Cypriani Op. Paris, 1726, Ep. Iv. p. 82.) The sentence in the text is according to the Edition of 1563, except that” saith” is put in from the Latin Edition, and” ones” is corrected into” one,” on the authority of Cyprian’s language above quoted. The subsequent English Editions read:” And that heresies did spring up and schisms daily arise hereof, that obedience was not given to the priest of God, nor that they considered him to be in the church for the time the priest, and for the time the judge in Christ’s stead.”

    The Latin Edition differs very materially from the English: — ”Neque vero aliunde nasci in ecclesia haereses dicit, quam quod contempto episcopatus vigore sublimi ac divinae potestati non obediatur: nequaquam Romanum sentiens pontificem, sed quemcunque demum intra suam eparchiam (que-madmodum in concilio Nicaeno sancitum est) patriarcham. Nam cum statutum sit at) omnibus nobis, ut aequum sit pariter ac justum ut unius cujusque causa illic audiatur ubi est crimen admissum, et singulis pastoribus portio gregis sit ascripta quam regat unusquisque et gubernet, rationem sui actus Domino reddi-turus, etc. Ex quo facile rides, quaenam beati Cypriani fuerit hac de re sententia.” (P. 567.)

    APP248 “And writing ad Evagium he saith. ”] — This is commonly written” Evagrium:” the works of Jerome, Paris, 1706, tom. 4 col. 803, read” Evangelum.” It has been objected to the alleging the passage here cited, and perhaps with some reason, that it does not prove exactly what it is wanted to support — the equality of bishops; St. Jerome’s object being to show that a prelate’s rank is not affected by the quality of the see he may happen to occupy, The passage is quoted at length and paraphrastically explained in Hooker, book 7:5:sect. 6. Still Rome takes little if any thing by the objection.

    APP249 — The text of Foxe refers by a misprint to the 10th Tractate on John. The passage in the 50th Tractate runs thus:” Nam si in Petro non esset ecclesiae sacramentum, non ei diceret Dominus, Tibi dabo claves regni coelorum, quaecunque solveris in terra soluta erunt et in coelo, et quae-cunque ligaveris in terra ligata erunt et in coelo. Si hoc Petro tantum dictum est, non facit hoc Ecclesia: si autem et in Ecclesia sit, ut quae in terra ligantur in coelo ligentur et quae solvuntur in terra solvantur in coelo (quia cum excom-municat Ecclesia in coelo ligatur excommunicatus, cum reconciliatur ab Ecclesia in coelo solvitur reconciliatus) — si hoc ergo in Ecclesia sit, Petrus quando claves accepit ecclesiam sanctum designavit.” There is nothing of this kind in the 10th Tractate.

    APP250 — ”Quod suis promisit Dominus.” Latin Ed. p. 567.

    APP251 — ”An non majores nostri,” etc. (Lat. Ed.) The Edition of reads,” your forefathers.”

    APP252 — ”Whistered,” introduced here from Edit. 1563, may be supported from vol. 8:p. 170, line 23.

    APP253 “What you can say. ”] — ”Have to say,” Ed. 1563: but the Latin, p. 570,” Nunc audiant quod pro to afferre poteris.”

    APP254 “So I am able,etc.] — ”Igitur ut duos hos 1ocos simul per Scripturam conjunxi, idem et in caeteris articulis omnibus licebit facere:

    Quorum necessaria fides ex Divinae Scripturae manifesta interpretatione colli-genda est.” Lat. Ed. p. 574. All the Editions after 1563 insert” and” before” by the manifest word of God to expound them,” which seems redundant.

    APP255 “And thereunto both the spiritualty, ” etc.] — In this sentence, all the Editions after 1563 improperly insert” was” before” gathered,” also” and” before” gave:” the Latin says, p. 576,” Secundum hanc itaque a reliquis pronuntiatum est, qui tum ex utraque multitudine et laicorum et ecclesiasticorum conveniebant, suaque tum suffragia et consensum juxta scrip-turae censuram accommodabant.”

    APP256 — ”At idem nec materia nec natura ipsc pants dicendus est.” Lat.

    Ed. p. 577.

    APP257 “Naturoe suoe contraria. ”] — See bishop Pearson on the Creed, Art. vi.

    APP258 “Making a great process. ”] — The Latin (p. 578) says,” Post haec D. Chedseius alte repetito principio multa mecum habuit, quorum hujusmodi fete summa erat.”

    APP259 “A good meany. ”] — All the Editions subsequent to the first read” many:” but see note on p. 639, infra.” Aderant id temporis (sit Deo gratis) ex nobilitate reliquisque ordinibus complures boni viri.”

    Lat. Ed. p. 578.

    APP260 — Philpot here distinctly confesses to the authorship of the” Disputation in the Convocation House’in 1553, see vol. vt. p. 395. At p. 660, Philpot speaks in a manner which might possibly be interpreted to imply that he was not the author.

    APP261 All the Editions read” Hertford,” except the.first, which has” Harforde:” the Latin (p. 579),” Hatfordiae.”

    APP262 “Commandment [except I say these three parts be first performed. ”] — The words put between square brackets are not in the Edition of 1563.

    APP263 “Philpot: Let him revoke,” etc.] — This differs so much from the wording in the first Edition (p. 1411), that. it may be best to give it as it appears there: — “Let him revoke that he hath sayd, and then must it nedes folowe, that this is my body hath no place, except blysse take and eate duely goe before. And because the same do goe before, thys is my body, in your sacrament of the Masse, it is not the sacrament of Christ,” etc. The present reading however is closer to the Latin Edition, p. 581.

    APP264 — The words between stars from the Edition of. 1563 are likewise agreeable to the text of the Latin Edition.

    APP265 “Master Dee, bachelor of divinity. ”] — See notes above, on pp. 77, 85.

    APP266 “A meany of prentices. ”] — The Latin Edition, p. 583, says;” Superiori die sese cum adolescentibus aliquot. Londinensibus oblectantes, supra domus testudinem plumbeo obductam tectorio conscenderunt,” etc.” Meany” seems to mean here a company or retinue, as in vol. in. pp. 11,306; vol. 6:p. 630. And the word is so used by Lambard, in his Perambulation of Kent (p. 76, edit. 1826),” the Archbyshop, of Canterbury (through the multitude of his meiney) obtained the better;’see also supra, p. 635,” a good meany of noblemen.” (See also note above on p. 462.) In several of the previous editions of Foxe, and in reprints from him, this word has lost its peculiar meaning, from” of” being omitted or struck out.

    APP267 “Deyus. Itane veto? Verbum non amplius addam. Moxque discessit Dominus Deye,” etc. (Latin Edition, p. 586.)

    APP268 — See note above, on page 616.

    APP269 — The words,” of their own setting up,” do not appear in the Edition of 1563.

    APP270 — ”Hae sunt tuae, dignae videlicet episcopo, eleemosynae.” Lat.

    Edit. p. 589.

    APP271 “We think it lawful to swear, for a man,etc. ] The words” for a man,” etc. are connected in construction with” lawful,” w” lawful for a man,” etc.” Nequaquam illicitum juramentum esse arbitramur, modo si quis jure publico in apertum forum legitime vocatus jurat.” Lat. Ed. p. 591. It would seem more natural to have put this observation into the mouth of the prisoners, than into Philpot’s; the Latin and all the English Editions, however, give it to Philpot; probably by an oversight.

    APP272 — ”A great many of houses” is the reading in the old Editions, where” many” means” multitude.” (See Todd’s Johnson.) The Latin Edition (p. 593) says,” Summa oedificiorum multorum culmina tantum prospicere liceat.”

    APP273 “With St. Augustine’s Epistles, saying. ”] — Instead of” Epistles,” the reference should be apparently to the Sermones; and to that De tempore 251, now placed in the Appendix (as not coming from Augustine himself), tom. 5:Edit. Bened. No. CCLXXX. sect. 3.

    APP274 “And [specially] on the Sabbath, ” etc.] — ”And” is put in from the Edition of 1563, ” specially” from the Latin, p. 597,maxime diebus festis et dominicis.”

    APP275 “Is used as that was. ”] — Altered after the Edition of 1563 into,” is used as then it was.” “Quod nisi vos demon-stare possitis vestram hanc missam similiter ad horum temporum exempla quadrare, nunquam efficietis ex hoc nomine missae,” etc. Lat. Ed. p. 598.

    APP276 “Evil you knew by me.”]-See note above on page 106.

    APP277 “When we met in disputation in’Parris.’ ”] — Parvise, Lat.

    Parvisium, contracted from Paradisus (Gr. Paradei>sov); a church porch: where schools were kept, and courts held, and other matters transacted. (See Glossary of Architecture, Oxford, 1840, and Ducange.)

    Fosbroke says that in the middle ages schools were generally held in a room, called Parris, over the church porch. (Encyclop. of Antiqu.) See Warton’s Eng. Poetry, 2:213 note, edit. 1840. “Parris,” Fr. contracted from Parsdis, Paradei>sov, to>pov ejn w+| peripa>toi. Hesych. Locus porticibus et deambulatoriis circundatus. A portico, or court, before a church, Fr. Gl. in Paradisus. The place before the church of Notre Dame at Paris, called” Parris” in Chaucer,” Romaunt of the Rose” 7158, was anciently called Paradis. (Glossary to UrryChaucer; see also Richardson’s Dictionary, in voc. ) Hence the word seems to have been applied to the public schools at the Universities, which were perhaps formerly built in a quadrangle, over porticos, like Nevil’s Court, Trinity College, Cambridge.

    The Latin Edition (p. 600) thus expresses this portion of the narrative: — “Philpotus. Nihil mall (opinor) Oxoniae unquam perpetravi, cujus me valde insimulare queas. “Harpsf. Nihil mali in moribus unquam deprehendi. Attamen in diatribis parvuli quum essemus, si meministis, pertinax semper eras sententiae semel susceptae assertor, unde baud facile repelli posses. “Philpotus. Domine Harpsfelde, dum in scholasticus diatribis adhuc adolescentes simul exerceremur,” etc.

    Foxe, who is said to have made this Latin translation of Philpot’s examinations, does not appear to have understood the particular meaning of Parvis, as a phrase for the Schools.

    APP278 — ”Very, ” in this and the next line, is from the Edition of 1563: the Latin has” valde proximus” in the first instance, and “proximus” in the second.

    APP279 “That the father shall be, ” etc.] — “Dissideret” (Lat. Ed. p. 603),” should be: suae veriratis cause” (ibid.), all Editions after 1563 read” my truth’s sake.”

    APP280 “It is even the saying of St. Bernard. ”] — The expression appears in Tertullian’De Praescrip. Haeret.’sect. 28, and in the treatise’De Virgg. Veland.’cap. 1.

    APP281 — ”Primurn custodiae Doctoris Chadsei, deinde Doctoris Rayi [Dayi], magni illius (sic enim appellavit) exorcistae.” Lat. Ed. p. 607.

    See Edition of 1563, and note on p. 77.

    APP282 “I cannot tell for what purpose, I. ”]- “ In quem usum plane intcertum habeo.” Lat. Ed. p. 608.

    APP283 — See note above on p. 636.

    APP284 “Whiles I bring my lord of Durham going. ”] — ”To bring one going, to bring one on one’s way, to accompany a person part of a journey.” (Halliwell’s Archaic Dict.) In Greek it is prope>mpein; see Acts 15:3.

    APP285 — ”Si quae dicit comprobe,.” Latin Ed. p. 610.

    APP286 “Ad Romanos... perfidia accedere non, pores,.l How true this is, and has been, of the church of Rome for ages, of course needs no pointing out. But neither does this, nor any of the passages quoted from the Fathers — just admitting the interpretation put upon them to be correct — prove that St. Peter was invested with a sovereign directing authority either over his co-apostles, ,or the church universal.

    So little, indeed, have the bishop of Rome and his admirers been content to rely on the imaginary evidence of either Scripture or Tradition alone, that it has been found necessary to help the case out by corrupting Ambrose, Cyprian, Augustine, and even Pope Gregory himself (see James’s Corruption of Fathers, Councils, etc., edited by Revelation J. E. Cox, pp. 75 — 129), to testify in behalf of the Roman pontiff’s supremacy. The Decretal books of course aided and shared in giving support of this description to the exclusive advantage of the said bishop (as in Dist. 93, sect. 3, making, among other, free use of the forged Decretal Epistles, which though learned members of the church of Rome now occasionally abandon, yet at other times they will quietly trade with; just as Dr. Lingard, the English historian, thinks it as well to retain some hold of the Nag’s-head fable.” Retinuit (writes Boehmer) Gratiani Decretum eam auctoritatem illibatam usque ad saeculum xvi., quo Centuriatores has Decretales in jus vocarunt, eisque litem super legitimis natalibus moverunt, quorum in castra quoque se retulit Anton. Contius in Praef. editionis Corp. Juris Canonici Antverpiae typis exsculptae, an. 1570, quae ea de causa a censoribus Romans suppressa et mutilata est, ut observarunt J. P. Gibertus in Corp. J. C. per regulas expos, tom. 1:in Proleg. p. 260; et Florens, tom. 1:Oper. Jurid. p. 44. Haec vero censura veritati, integritati, atque bonis literis inimica, silentium imponere non potuit eruditis, etiam qui sacris Romans ecclesiae addicti fuerunt: imo hodie omnes unanimi consensu agnoscunt, eas ab impostore fabricatas, et sic merito rejiciendas esse; quorum catalogum pleniorem exhibet Justus Fontaninus in praef. ad.

    Decretum Gratiani nova methodo concinnatum.” (Boehmer Corp. Jut.

    Canonici, vol. 1:p. xix.) See Rivet’s’Catholicus Orthodoxus,’tract, 2:quaest. 4, sect. 11 — 19, for replies to arguments from the ordinary passages in the Fathers; or Dr. Elliott’s Delineation of Roman Catholicism (Lond. 1844), pp. 615 — 620.

    APP287 — This story is told above, vol. 1:p. 184.

    APP288 “I ween it be, ” etc.] — ”Ego potius suspicor spiritum esse tabernae cerevisiariae.” . “Apparet ex oratione magis to familiarem videri in rebus tabernariis quam in Divini Spiritus negotiis.” Lat. Ed. p. 615. By way of illustrating the expression” spirit of the buttery,” we may here give a passage, furnished by Mr. Maitland, from a contemporary work: — ”Many times this hath been seen, that the clerk hath left the cross behind him?and the priest his gospel-book, and scant found the right way home, they have been so cumbered with malt wormes and miseled with the spirit of the buttery.” Sig, D. 8:b (xxx. 8. 20. 8ye.) The full title is,” A Dialogue or familiar talke betwene two neighbors concerning the chyefest ceremonyes that were by the mighti power of God’s most holy pure words suppressed in Eng-lande, and now: for our unworthines set up agayne by the Bishop,es, the imps of Antichrist: right learned, profitable, and pleasaunt lobe read, for the comfort of weak consciences in these troublous dales. Read first and then Judge. From Roans, by Michael Wodde, the xx of February, Anne Domini M.D.L.IIII.”

    APP289 — See The genuine remains of Dr. Thomas Barlow,late Bishop of Lincoln; Loud. 1693, pp. 185-88.

    APP290 “When the Flee Chancellor, ” etc.] — ”Non multum absimilem ludens fabulam ei, quam olim nebulo Latamerus Cantabrigiae desig nsrat. Qui quum non veniret, accersitus a procancellario ejus Academiae, eui tum ob haereses daturus esset excommunicationis poenas, domi se intra cubiculi parietes continuit, moxque persentiens ad se adventantem procancellarium peste se decumbere simulabat, eoque commento Procancellarium astute elu serat.” Lat. Ed. p. 621.

    APP291 “Afore God you are bare arst in all pour religion. ”]- “O Deum, mundus jam totes yes nudes rider in omni religions vestra, et tamen ut nihil pudet!” Lat. Ed. p. 624.” Bare-arst” is the reading in all the old Editions, which probably means” objects of contempt,” like David’s ambassadors when dismissed by Hanun.

    APP292 “To maintain your vain religion, you are void of all good ground, ” etc.] — ”Quod saepe dixi, iterum atque iterum repeto, nihil firmi habetis aut solidi fundamenti, quo religionem vestram tueamini.

    Caeci estis et caecorum duces (nam quid apud vos dissimulem, quod officium est dicere?),vere hypocritae vi ac tyrannide veritatem opprimentes, quam alioqui legitimis rationibus revincere non valetis.

    Postremo ipsi doctores, etc. Lat. Ed. p. 689. The Edition of reads,” by just order you are able to do by no means.”

    APP293 “For he is irrecuperable. ”] — ”Irrecuperable” is restored for” irrecoverable’from the first Edition, p. 1441. Instances are furnished,,., of this. word in Chaucer’s ‘Testament of Love,’ bk..ii, p. 491, Edit. 1721, thus irrecuparable joy is went; and in HallChromcle: see Halliwell’s Dictionary of Archaic words.

    APP294 Then sheriff. ] — The margin of Foxe improperly reads “Sheriffs’. it appears from. Maitland.History of London,. that John Machil. was sheriff with Thomas Leigh in 1555-6: Sir Martin Bowes had been sheriff in 1540-1, and Lord Mayor in 1545-6.

    APP295 “And yet I think it will not be reformed, ” etc.] — In the first Edition (p. 1445) in a somewhat different order:” But for that it concerneth spirituall thinges, and such as I knowe fewe or none dare or will speaks therein,” etc.

    APP296 “Which be not overeome. ”] — In the ‘Letters of the Mar tyrs,’p. 217, Edit. 1564,” which be not overthrowne. ” APP297 “Counterfeit illusion. ”] — In the ‘Letters of the Martyrs,’ p. 221,” collusion ” is the reading.

    APP298 “And not set cock in the hoe,. ”] — See Nares’Glossary, or Todd’s Johnson.

    APP299 “Commend me to Master F.”] — In’Letters of the Martyrs,’p. 229,” insister Fokes.”

    APP300 “Which be the earnest-penny. ”] — ”This word (Airles), or some modification of it, having generally been used in various languages, to express a present given by the man to the woman on entering into an engagement to marry, it was easy to transfer the term to denote any other engagements. And hence, by a course that is common in the history of languages, it came, in process of time to be applied, in almost all of them, to money given to bind any bargain whatever; and by a still further deviation from the original word, is now metamorphosed into earnest. It is also not unfrequently called God’spenny. ” (Boucher’s Glossary, which has a long article on it.)

    APP301 “To my grief it vaded away. ”] — To vade is to vanish away. (See Todd’s Johnson in roe. See also Jewel’s Replie to Harding, p. 95, Parker See. Edit.)

    APP302 “Fellow bite-sheeps (bishops, [would say). ”] — This is the reading in a copy of this letter given by Strype: the Edition of 1596 reads” fellowes, bite-sheep bishops I would say.” Strypereading, however, is no doubt the true one. (On the idiom” I would say,” see note on p. 506, supra, and for” bite-sheep, ” see p. 248, line 11.)

    APP303 — These articles are given from the first Edition p. 1452, where they are rather more full and no doubt more genuine than in later Editions.

    APP304 “Jurisdiction of London. ”] — The first Edition adds,” Wytnesses on Boner’s side producted and examined against the foresaid parties, Thomas Morton, priest. Edmund Buttes. Thomas More. Rowlana Harrison. ” APP305 “John Pulline. ”] — ”John Pullan, B.D., in king Edward’s days. parson of St. Peter’s Cornhill, did under Queen Mary preach privately to the brethren, somewhere in Cornhill assembled, afterwards went beyond sea to Geneva.” (Strype’s Annals, chap. 28, vol 1:pt. 1:p. 492, edit. 1824. See also Wood’s Athenae Oxon. Bliss. vol. 1:345.) Of Michael Rimneger, or Ryneger, there are occasional notices in Strype’s works.

    APP306 “Loute whom you list with change. ”] — To “lout” is to disappoint, befool, (see vol. v., p. 406, note), and has been restores to the present Edition of Foxe from that of 1563, p. 1465, a reading which subsequent impressions]have corrupted into” love.”

    APP307 “And Berard the Frenchman. ”] — The ‘Letters of the Martyrs’ (p. 559, Edit. 1564) have” and Gerard,” which is perhaps the better reading.

    GOTO NEXT CHAPTER - LIFE OF FOXE INDEX & SEARCH

    God Rules.NET
    Search 80+ volumes of books at one time. Nave's Topical Bible Search Engine. Easton's Bible Dictionary Search Engine. Systematic Theology Search Engine.