NUMBER 1.

Objections against bringing Mary queen of Scots to trial. With answers thereunto; being the censure of the civilians. 1. Objection. She is anointed. Par in parera non habet imperium. Resp.

It may be doubted whether she be a queen. Because she standeth deposed by the three estates Scptiae. 2. She willingly left her right to her son. A king deposed is not afterwards to be taken for a king. Thomas Gramat.

Dec. 65. Therefore Frederic, king of Naples, deprived by the king of Spain, was afterward judged for no king by sentence.

If she were queen of Scots in possession, it may be doubted that she were inferior to the queen of England, as her feudatory. The principal maintainers of her title to the succession affirm, that she was born under the sovereignty of England.

The sovereignty hath a necessary relation to her own subjects, and such actions as are committed within her own dominions.

Each prince without his territories is no more than a private person. Ff. De haeredib, instituend. L. 3.

Again, ratione delicti, each person is subject to the jurisdiction of the place wherin he offendeth. lbi causa agatur, ubi crimen committitur.

The preeminency of the person altereth not the cause. Reatus omnem honorem excludit, ubi de crimine agi oportet.

An archbishop may be punished by a bishop; and one emperor by another prince, ratione delicti; ubicunque quis jurisdictionem non habet, ibi delinquens puniri nequit.

An archbishop is subject to the law of the place where he resideth. Ergo a prince.

Legatus sustinet personam principis. So his ambassage is presumed indifferent to both princes, ob publicam fidem.

The prince cometh only for his own benefit and protection.

Also, Frustra quis privilegium, quod violavit, apud eum profert in quem privilegio est abusus:

Also, if the Scotch queen were not subject to the queen, the condition of a prince were most miserable in her own kingdom.

Eodem jure defendimur, cui subjicimur.

II. Objection. Deletum non est consummatum. Ergo. Secondly, She subjecteth her self juri gentium soli.

Resp. In respect of her allegiance to the crown of England, her actions are rather to be mesured by the positive laws of the land than jure gentlum. But by these it is treason [what] she doth. :Ergo.

Aliens are not exempt from such laws as are of force where they remain.

As Pomponius Atticus lived under the laws of Athens, where he abode.

Si advenae quid faciunt in loco, ubi versantur, quod ipsis liberum sit, videntur quasi consentire in staruto.

Patere, quam ipse tuleris legem. This is agreeable to the law of the country.

In the matter of treason, and in the maner of proceding therin, there is no difference or privilege of a person suspected. Ad Leg. Jul. laesae Majestat. lib. 4.

She hath divers times conspired. A. Delictum frequens aget paenam. Ff. De poenis, lib. 2.8. §. Solent.

The nature of treason is such, as that the punishment thereof is not tyed to any law. Caetera facta habent suas leges. In iis utilitas, metus, occasio, lex est. Mark also publica necessitas.

The law of nations is nothing but Sans rem. Omnes pitiantur, quod in alios factum volucrunt. Good reason, ergo, account voluntatem pro facto. For, post factum nolaw. Ergo, stay not to take conspiratorem. Ergo, Mithridates put to death Attilius ratlone propositi tantum.

So did Albinus to the messenger of Severus.

A confederate, being in the country of his confederate, for a crime committed, is there to be punished, De capitc.

Et postil. Et si sunt apud nos rei ex civitatibus confaederatis, in eos damnatos animadvertimus.

Ergo, tho’ she were a confederate [only], she is punishable.

There is no person but is to be tryed there, without exception of degree, where the crime is committed. Ubi de crim. verba. Qua in provincia quis deliquit, aut in qua pecuniarum aut criminum reus sit, ibi vindicari debet, et hoc jus perpetuum sit. But she, &c. Ergo. 3. Thirdly, Every person equally is to be judged. In trim. laesae majest, aequa est omnium conditio. Lex ait. C. ad leg,. Jul. 1. 4. Ergo. 4. Fourthly, A king in another kings territories may com mit treason, as another private man. Coretus, De potestate Quaero (inquit) utrum rex, non habens justum titulum regni, incidat in crimen laes. majestatis. Ergo. 5. A king, passing through another kings realm, or there resiant, is but a private person. Allegations follow for that. 6. The benefit or privilege of safe conduct is lost, when any crime is committed after the grant of the safe conduct. Then follow allegations. 7. It may be said, Non subditus potest [non] committete crimen laesae majestat. Yet that saying is to be taken where the crime is to be committed without the jurisdiction; but yet within, that may be punished. P.P.

Clementine: de sententia, et re judicata.

And tho’ the P. P. reversed his sentence; yet he saith, if the party have been within the jurisdiction at the time of the crime committed, juste damnaretur. Verba. Si rex infra districtum imperialem fuisset inventus, protuisset contra eum sententia dici. Ergo, by the popes rule, &c. 8. Henry VII. emperor gave a solemne judgment of death at Pysca, anno 1311, against Robert king of Sicilia Deiotar, condemned by Jul. Caesar.

Joan queen of Naples for murthering her husband. §. De patois.

Punishments ought to be equal to their offences. Then follow allegations. It standeth with the law of nature. Which is impossible, ut quisque consular suae saluti, et suorum. Poena unius, salus multorum. An offence in the highest degree, contra principem; being an head of a politic body; as an offence to each member of the same. Arctiora sunt vincula virtutis, quam sanguinis.

NUMBER 2.

An analogy or resemblance between Joan queen of Naples and Mary queen of Scotland. Offered to queen Elizabeth by the parliament.

I. JOAN queen of Naples, being in love with the duke of Tarent, hanged her husband Andreas (or as some write Andrasias) king of Naples, in the year of our Lord God 1348. Mary queen of Scotland, being, as appeareth by the Chronicles, and her own letters, [in love] with the earl Bothwell, strangled her husband, the lord Darly, king of Scotland, in the year of our Lord God 1567.

II. Joan queen of Naples did presently after the foul slaughter of her husband mary with the said duke of Ta-rent, notwithstanding they were joyned and knit in kindred neer together.

Mary queen of Scotland, within twelve days after the death of her said husband, was maried by the bishop of Orkney to the said earl Bothwel, notwithstanding he had two wives alive; and was divorsed from them upon a likely adultery, by himself committed.

III. Joan queen of Naples had no long fruition of her inordinate lust, and infamous mariage of the said duke of Tarent: for he being therefore detested of all the country, pined away shortly after with immoderate venerie and thought.

Mary queen of Scots, after the adulterous mariage had with Bothwell, did but a small time enjoy him: for the nobility and commons rising in armes against them, put them both to their several shifts. Her to fly into England; Bothwel into Denmark; where he living, or rather languishing, like a banished and consumed man, had nothing so comfortable to his guilty conscience as present death; which shortly after ensued.

IV. Joan queen of Naples raised a miserable schism in Italy and France, by reason of two popes at one time, Urban, pope of Rome, and Clement, pope of Avignion.

Mary the Scotish queen did sow the seeds of schism and sedition both in the church of England and Scotland, by means of two popes, Gregory XIII. and Sextus V.

V. Joan queen of Naples was besieged in Castello, now called New Castle, one of the three strongest forts within the kingdom of Naples.

Mary queen of Scots was besieged in the castle of Dumbar, [Dunbar,] one of the three forts of the greatest force in all her dominions and kingdom of Scotland.

VI. Joan queen of Naples sent to the pope of Avinion, called by many historographers antipope Clement, a pope of her own facture and faction, to uphold and defend her quarel against Charles his forces: who, by reason he was nephew to Lewis king of Hungary’s son according to some right, or, as some say, next of kin to Andreas, her first husband, king of Naples, by her murthered, was competiter with her in the said kingdom; and that by the title of Robert king of Naples her grandfathers testament.

Mary queen of Scots (which is far worse) sent many times to popes of Rome, both to the said Gregory XIII. while he lived, and afterwards to the said Sextus V. now pope, not for the defence of her self, or her son, in the kingdome of Scotland, but to disturbe and terrify the quiet state of England with the thunderbolts of excommunication, and other seditious dissensions; tending to the bereaving of her majesty of her rightful crowne and dignity royal.

VII. Joan queen of Naples sent also at that time, and to the same end and purpose, to Charles the French king, and Aniens [Anjou] the French kings uncle, requesting them to bring all the forces they could, to the subduing of Charles nephew to Lewis king of Hungary.

Mary queen of Scots sent many times to king Philip, and her uncle the duke of Guise, to bring their foreign forces, and to preserve her in her possession of the kingdom of Scotland; which she had resigned long before to her son: but [also] to the invasion of this realm of England, and subduing of her majesty, the most lawful and undoubted queen of the same.

VIII. Joan the Neapolitan queen, for that she had no child, offered to make the said Lewis, duke of Anjou in France, her heir by adoption, and successor in the kingdom of Naples.

Mary the Scotch queen, altho’ she had a son, promised England and Scotland to the king of Spain, if her son would not be called from heresy; as by her letter lately written to the Spanish ambassador, Mendoza, evidently appeareth.

IX. Joan queen of Naples had great and mighty princes to take her part, both out of France and from the province. But both she and all that held on her side had so strange and disaster fortune, as it is wonderful. For the pope, by her means exalted, was deposed. The said duke of Anjou, general of the field, that came into Italy, as Pandulphus Cornatius writeth, with 50000 men, and as Peter Meria affirmeth, 30000 of them horsemen, dyed by the way; and 16 barons, and most of the gallant company with him. And the remnant that survived returned home with more shame than with pride they came forth; begging all the way they went, by two or three in a company, as Plantina witnesseth. And the queen her self was taken prisoner by him whom she firmely hoped to have taken and slain.

Mary the Scotch queen, which had in Rome at several times two popes; in Spain king Philip; in France French king and the duke of Guise; and in England and Scotland, dukes, earls, lords, gentlemen, and others, too, too many, bent to accomplish her unquiet humour and seditious dissension; yet neither had she nor any other that took her part any prosperous success: for the best friend of the two popes dyed. King Philip and the French king have never been without civil warts, and their lands full of uproars and dangerous tumults. The duke of Guise so maugre, and so crossed in all his designments, that he could not at any time help her, nor will relieve himself. The dukes, earles, and lords, for the most part, have lost their goods, lands, liberties, and countreys; or have been slain, or slain themselves: many gentlemen hanged for her sake, to the perpetual infamy of themselves and their names, and the utter undoing of their posterity.

And as touching her self, neither her own land could abide her, nor the ocean sea, to whose mercy in extreme refuge she committed her self, could brook her: nor the land of England, where she hath remained above years in our sovereign lady queen Elizabeth her protection, could for the more part like her, or be liked of her. And she became all that while prisoner unto her; whose royal person she continually hoped, and often practised to have murthered.

X. Joan queen of Naples being taken last of all by Charles, nephew to Lewis king of Hungary, was, by the said Charles, upon advice taken and had of the said king, secretly strangled in prison. And so by Gods providence payd the debt, as the history witnesseth, that she gave to her first husband Andreas, king of Naples.

Mary queen of Scots, altho by flying out of her own realm of Scotland into England, and by coming under the queen of Englands protection, she escaped hitherto to have due revengment for her husbands death (when and where her chiefest nobility pursued her end) by justice; yet, because she had sundry times since that time conspired the destruction of the sacred person of her majesty, and being once or twice pardoned, hath fallen into a relapse, or recidevation; there hath been, upon her due hearing and examination of the whole matter, together with her personal answers, taken by the chiefest lords of the realm, assisted with the principal judges of the same, sentence of death pronounced against her, according to the statute of Association by her self subscribed and sworn.

There remaineth nothing to make the history perfect, but that Mary of Scotland may have Gods judgment in her accomplished and performed; that did not only kil her first husband, king of Scots, but practised oftentimes the end of her majesty, the queen of England; and likewise was like to bring the whole realm in danger of a general massacre and present destruction, had not the eternal and mighty Lord, of his unspeakable and accustomable goodness, by a miraculous discovery, preserved the same.

NUMBER 3.

Sentences written by the lord treasurer Burghley ; occasioned upon the death of Mary queen of Scots; and upon queen Elizabeth’s displeasure towards him on that account. Endorsed 1586. After the Scots queen death Wednesday, Febr. The warrant signed, To the Lord Chancellor, that night PECCATUM ignorantia commissum.

Anima si peccaverit per ignorantiam, offeret arietem, et dimittetur ei, quia per ignorantiam.

Melius est, ut benefacientes (si voluntas Dei velit) pati, quam malefacientes.

Quem diligit Deus, corripit.

Quem diligit Deus, castigat.

Tribulatio patientiam operatur.

Si benefacientes patienter sustinetis, haec est gratia apud Deum.

Si bona suscepimus de manu Dei, mala quare non suscipiamus?

Deus meus, tu opem mihi tulisti a juventute mea: et us que ad senectam et canos, non derelinques me.

Non est sanitas in carne mea a facie irae tuae.

Job. Ipse vulnerat, et medetur.

Domine Deus meus, clamavi ad te, et sanasti me.

Quoniam in me speravit, liberabo eum.

Secundum multitudinem dolorum meorum in corde meo, consolationes tuae laetificarunt animam meam.

Laus sit Jehovae, quod audiverit vocem deprecationum mearum.

Quaesivi Jehovam, et respondit mihi, et ex omnibus angustiis hiis eripuit me. Earl of Shrewsbury . To tarry. Earl of Leicester, lord treasure. Lord admiral.

Mr. Davison . The bill signed. Mr. Davison. [His] affirmation. Earl of Leicester . Knowledg from the queen.

Always not to be acquainted with the circumstances.

The queen meant it not. Esto. This not known.

The matter alway present.

The matter for surety. (Greek word- 405) Seneca. Decet timeri regem, at plus diligi.

Potentior rex, quando irascitur viro inferiori. Lucas. Exeat aula, qui vult esse plus.

Sit piger ad paenas princeps, ad praemia velox.

Quique dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox. Proverb. xx. Thronus Dei corroboratur clementia.

Morieris nec primus, nec ultimus.

Ne sis miser ante tempus. Clementia. Leones prostratis parcunt.

Nullum magis decet clementia, quam principem.

Est omnibus clementia secunda sed maxime decora principibus. Correctio. Pro mensura peccati erit plagarum modus.

Q. Phreneticum ligat, et lethargicum excitat, ambobus molestus, sed ambos amat. Consilium. Sapiens non mutat consilium, omnibus illis manentibus quae erant. Confessio. Quum homo agnoscit, Deus ignoscit. Bona quaerentibus vix obtingunt mala, non quaesita. Dolor. Aristoteles. Cor non comedendum.

Nemo potest valde dolere, et diu. Error. Errare est falsum pro vero putare.

Lauda parce, vitupera parcius.

Inopinatum malum valde metuendum, si sine exemplo sit.

In summo imperatore haec quatuor esse oportet: scientia rei militaris; virtus; authoritas; faelicitas.

Colant te servi tui, potius quam timeant.

Amare debemus Deum tanquam filii, timere tanquam servi.

Non est bonum pluralitas principantium: unus ergo princeps.

Beatus qui beatis servit.

Justius est injustum juste evadere, quam justum injuste puniri.

Anima dum vivificat corpus, anima est. Dum vult animus est. Dum scit, mens est. Dum recolit, memoria est. Dum rectum judicat, ratio est. Dum spirat, spiritus. Dum aliquid sentit, sensus est.

Job. xvi. In mundo pressuram sustinebitis.

Act. xiv. Oportet nos per multas tribulationes ingredi regnum Del.

Heb. xii. Flagellat omnem filium, quem recipit.

Job. vii. Vita hominis militia super terram. 1 Cor. xi. Castigamur a Deo, ut non condemnemur in hoc mundo.

Ecc. xxviii. Afflictio dat intellectum. 1 Naum. Bonus Dominus est, confortans in tribulationibus.

Afflixi te, et non affligam te ultra.

Qui contra praepositam potestatem murmurat, ilium redarguit, qui dedit potestatem.

Maximum solatium est, vacare culpa.

Ante senectutem curandum est, ut bene vivat. Mors. Non facit malam mortem, quod sequitur. Vita amara. Vocantur ante tempus boni, ne diutius vexentur, morte. Mali, ne diutius persequantur.

Latet ultimus dies, ut observetur omnis dies. Mors calamitatis terminus.

NUMBER 4.

The lord treasurer’s second letter to the queen, lying under her displeasure, upon the death of the Scots queen. Dated Febr. 17. but not received. MOST gracious sovereign; altho’ to my great grief I cannot understand that your majestys offence against me is diminished, notwithstanding my humble submission to endure any thing that might pacify the same; yet finding my mind continually opprest with griefs for your displesure, and mine old body and lame limbs by day and night vexed with pains, and that therof I can imagine no remedy, but by continuance of my humble intercession to your majesty, either to receive my submission, or rather first to hear me answer any thing wherewith your majesty shall charge me.

Whereunto I will most plainly and truly answer for thought and deed, as if God himself should call me to judgment, from whom nothing can be hid.

My case alone is most miserable. For tho’ for this late fact, for which your majesty is so deeply offended, I am no more to be charged than others; yet I find and hear by report, that your majesty doth, with more bitter termes of displesure, condemne me than others. And this, I suppose, encreaseth, by reason your majesty hath not heard me as you have others, whom your majesty hath admitted to your presence: which through my lameness and infirmity, being not hable of my self to come unto your presence, is my principal let and stay. And yet such is my earnest desire to appear before your gracious presence, as I am most willing to endure any pain, to be caried to some place, if to be laid on the floor, neer your majesties feet, there to receive your gracious censure: hoping, by Gods special goodness, (in whose hand your heart is, and who knoweth best my thoughts past and present, to be so reverend to your majesty, and so careful of your favour,) that I shall find some drops of your mercy, to quench the panting sorrows of my heart.

NUMBER 5.

The lord treasurer’s third letter to the queen, dated Febr. 23, remaining yet under her displeasure, on the same occasion; delivered by lord Buckhurst.

Most gracious and mighty queen. ALTHO’ I am come to no understanding what special means to use to pacify your majestys heavy displeasure, so often and grievously exprest both to my friends and many others; wherby I am so overborn in my weak spirit, as no part of my mind is sound to perform that I ought to do; a torment such as I never felt; that I may say as is in the Psalme, Non est sanitas in me a facie irae tuae : yet such is the miserable condition of my state at this present, differing from others of my company, that tho’ I find my humble submissions to your majesty, and most lowly requests to be heard, to be still denyed, yet comparing in my knowledg your majestys natural, princely clemency and compassion with this late accidental quality of your mind, by onely one act miscontented, I do turn my face with my fact passed, to behold rather those princely graces which your majesty hath of God and nature, than to abide the censure of your mind, now miscontented; seeking by my defence [not] to have your majesty in any sort touched, by maintaining any thing against your honour; but to submit my self to your accustomed clemency: and so to be heard, as if your majesty shall not allow of my answer, yet I may hope to have your concept of my fact in some part alleviated.

I know surely by many experiences your majestys sincerity and Christian conscience such, as except your majesty [esteemed me] faulty indeed, your majesty would not thus extremely use me. And theftore I do not therein think any thing but honorably of your majesty; as you are persuaded, and as long as your- majesty shall, for lack of my answer, so conceive of me, I can hope of no good end, but only by your mercy. But if your majesty might be pleased to hear me, tho’ in your conceit as an offender, to answer to such things as move you to think me faulty; indeed I hope in my good God, to whose judgment without mercy I dare yield my self, (for any evil meaning in this cause,) either to move your majesty to temper the severity of your judgment against me, as not being a wilful offender, or to mollify your displesure with some drops of your princely pity towards me: whom I think your majesty afore this time, in no action whatsoever towards your person or honour, found me wilful, over seen, or void of care.

I perceive by my son, Thomas Cecil, that in deferring the time till my access, I might write to your majesty that which I had to say. For which favour I know that writing is but a composition of words, that may be otherwise doubtfully taken, for want of explanation or reply .... [And therefore I desire] to deliver the sense of my heart by mine own tongue. I dare not aventure to write as the cause requires, lest, in seeking favour, clemency, and pity, I might enerease the countrary, &c. Tribulationes cordis mei multiplicatae sunt : de necessi-tatibus meis erue me.

NUMBER 6.

A writing of the lord treasurer; for his absence from council; upon some angry words used to him by the queen. To be delivered to her by Mr. Vice-Chamberlain. March the xvth.

IAM so wounded in the heart with the late sharp and piercing speeches of her majesty to my self, in the hearing of my lord of Leicester and Mr. Secretary Walsingham, expressing therewith her indignation, at such time as I was called to her presence for matters of the Low Countries, my self giving no occasion by any speech of the matter of the queen of Scots, until her majesty did charge me therewith; as since regarding, in great anguish of heart, the weight of her majestys displesure, so settled and encreased, as I then deeply conceived; and mine own humility not hable to abide the continuance of such her displesure; I am therefore most careful, how by any means possible I may shun all en-crease of the weight hereof: knowing it very true that was said by the most wisest king, Indignatio principis mors est. And tho’ my conscience doth certainly witness with me in the sight of God, that I never had thought, nor did ever any act with mind to offend her majesty; but now finding this heavy burthen of her majestys displesure in mine old years, so long faithfully, painfully, and dangerously spent, only for her service, to be lately rather encreased, since her majestys princely compassion permitted me to her presence a few days past, I have great cause to fear, that this encrease groweth more by means of some secret enemies to my self, than of any influence of her own princely nature.

And therefore, tho’ I cannot imagine that any person is my enemy for any private offence of my own, but only in respect of my services for her majesty; wherin I have certainly felt of long time many sharp effects for doing my duty; yet now being so publicly, in town, in court and field, known, as I daily find it, her majesty is so grievously offended with me; whereby my enemies may presume that her ears are open to any sinister calumniations to be devised against me, for any thing I shall do in this time of her disfavour; I am therefore urgently moved to live warily; in token of the reverend fear I bear to her majesty, to forbear from all voluntary public actions of state, wherunto I am not by her majesty expresly commanded, until I may be releived to have her presence, as others of my condition have. And which I do to avoid the calumniations of the evil disposed, that may untruly incense her majesty, that I make no difference of times between the clearness of her former favour, and the darkness of her displesure.

And this having a special desire to notify to her majesty, being not the hundredth part of my heavy, bitter cogitations, I do notwithstanding remain free and ready to do, to serve and to suffer, without respect of pain or peril, as I may understand shall best content her majesty. For therein do I think my happiness to consist, as the Greek verse is:

Maka>riov o[stiv makari>ov uJphretei~ Beatus qui beatis servit.

NUMBER 7.

The bishop of Meath in Ireland to the lord treasurer lord Burghley, now come into England; to solicit for favour upon account of his first-fruits, not paid. His case referred to the lord deputy, his enemy.

It may please your good lordship, YOUR resolution for the referment of my cause back again to my lord deputy doth much grieve and discomfort me. Your lordship knoweth that his hard dealing hath forced me to come hither: where, according to your good advice, I have suffered both him and his agents to play upon me, bearing all things patiently. Now if I shall be referred unto him, who hath confessed that he never meant to have relieved me, until it were too late, I must needs say my hap is most hard.

Good my lord, let me not be made the first precedent to pay that which before was never exacted of any of my calling; but, in my reasonable suit for my relief, vouchsafe me your good favour. If either my service or course of life were known to your lordship, I doubt not you would more favourably consider of me. I have these three months followed only your lordship, and wholly depended upon you, and none other. Your lordship knoweth I am in Ireland a person hated for my religion, greatly maliced by the deputy; unles I may have her majestys and your good lordships countenance, what comfort can I have to return thither: mine estate is so poor, that I profess unto your lordship I was enforced to employ the mony which I owe unto her majesty upon my charges hither, to seek relief.

I am bold in the paper enclosed to discover to your lordship the yearly value of all the livings I have in Ireland. According to which note I am contented that any man shall be my farmer. Upon which livings I do keep always in a readiness xx able men in my house to serve her majesty: the one half of them well furnished on horseback; and I my self daily employed in her majestys service without any consideration.

I humbly recommend my self to your lordships good favour and devotion, having none other to depend upon. So humbly craving pardon for this boldness, I take leave, this 5th of March.

Your lordships humbly to command, THO. MIDENSIS.

NUMBER 8.

Mr. Henton, archdeacon of Coventry, to the bishop of Litchfield.

Account of the backwardness of some of the clergy of that archdeaconry in the payment of their taxations for the queen’s forces in the Low Countries.

Rt. reverend father in God, &c. THESE may be to signify unto your [lordship], how that according to your lordships commandment, by your lordships commission to us directed, and according to our duties in that behalf, we have performed such service about the taxing of the abler sort of your clergy within the archdeaconry of Coventry, towards the provision of the sum of 3 score and 15 pounds for lances, for the service in the Low Countries, as by that commission was enjoyned us; and as to the uttermost of our discretion we thought convenient for the full performance of the same. It may please your good lordship, we required and commanded the parties so by us taxed, in her majestys name, to make speedy payments of their several sums wherunto they were by us taxed, at Coventry, the 19. day of April, 1586, without any delay. At which time and place we also attended, to have received the same sums, if they had been brought thither unto us. But it may please your good lordship, among them all there was not above one man ready or willing to satisfy his taxation. This said party is ready to make pay, and will be at your lordships plesure; namely, the parson of Harborough Magna, neer to Rockby, Frauncis Kemberly. All the residue utterly failing their duties in this behalf, and shewing themselves most unwilling hereunto, alledging their disability. Whose names and several sums, by us so taxed, we have sent unto your good lordship, in a scedule or writing here enclosed; that your lordship may take order with the said parties, as to your lordships good discretion shah seem most convenient.

We have most willingly performed our service to your good lordship herein; and don that which hath seemed to us in our conscience most best.

And so we hope your lordship will conceive of us and our service.

It may please your good lordship, we have dealt further with all the residue of your clergy of the said archdeaconry, to se what every other minister would do of his own voluntary will; but the sums by all such others of the ministry offered voluntarily did not surmount in the whole above 6 or pounds, scarce the 4th part of one horse. For the willingness wherof we gave them thanks in your lordships name. But we left that course, because we saw it would serve neither to the performance of our commission, or your lordships expectation. And therefore continue the first course, above specified, according to the scedule herein enclosed. And thus with our humble duties unto your good lordship, &c. At Coventry, the 20 of April, 1586.

Then followed the names of the abler sort of the clergy within the several deaneties of the archdeaconry, cessed for the service of the lances, together with their respective sums to be paid.

Coventrie, deanry L. s.d. Whitnash 5 0 Willy 8 6 8 Allsceye 5 0 Redworth 6 5 0 Arden deanry 6 5 Harbrough 6 5 0 Weddington 6 5 Brymycham 6 5 0 Marton deanry6 5 Meryden 6 5 0 Lodbroke 6 5 Barkeswel 12 10 0 Staecton 6 5 Stonely deanry5 0 0 Southan 8 6 Warmington - 5 0 0 Hardwick 5 0 NUMBER June the 24th, 1586. Freke’s account for the monies received of the clergy for lances, in all the dioceses from the bishops; and of recusants for light horse. So endorsed by the hand of the lord treasurer.

This paper is defaced by rain and wet where the blanks are.

MAY the 4. 1586. Cantuar. Received of my L. s. d. lord archbishop there _ _ _ Surf. Received of lord bishop there _ _ _ London. Received of my lord bishop there _ _ _ Coventry and Litchfield. Received of my lord bishop there CC. _ _ College de Windsor. Received of Master Dean there 75, 0 College de Westmin. Received of Master Dean there 75, 0 Ebor. Received of my lord archbishop there 700 0 Sussex. Received of my lord bishop there 271 0 Wigorn. Received of my lord bishop there 200 0 Exon. Received, &c 549 3 Norwich. Received of, &c 225 0 Hereford. Received of,&c 100 0 0 Lincoln. Received of, &c 800 0 Winton. Received of, &c 340 0 Burgum. Sti Petri. Received of, &c. 250 0 Chester. Received of, &c 225 0 Carliol. Received of, &c 100 0 Gloucester. Received, &c. 200 0 Dunolm. Received, &c 300 0 Bath and Wells. Received, &c. ___ ___ ___ Sum 6650 3

NUMBER 10.

An account of the names and preferments of the prebendaries of Westminster. Drawn up and given in by Goodman, the dean, April 1586.

Months . Names, Maried,or not Preferments and benefices. 1. Mr. Mounford. Maried. Two benefices. 1. 2. Mr. Read. Not maried. Fellow of S. Johns, Oxon. 3. Mr. Wyborne. Maried. Prebendary of Rochester. 4. Mr. Wagstaft. Not. Parson of Henley. 5. D. Bond. Not. Chaplain of the Savoy. 6. D. Lewes. Maried. One benefice prebendary of Worcest. and Hereford. 2. 7. D. Still. Maried. Two benefices; master of Trinity coll.

Cambr. parson of Hadley, and archdeacon. 8. D. Buckler. Maried Prebendary in WestChester. A benefice in Bedfordsh. 9. Mr. Read. Maried. Prebendary of Windsor. 3. 10. The Bp. Of Rochester. Maried. 11. Mr. Wickham. Maried. Two benefices; the one in Sussex, the other in Kent. 12. Mr. Grant. Maried. Two benefices in Norfolk.

Then followes in the same paper, The order by the statutes, devised by Dr. Bill, and so in use ever since the late erection, hath been, that every four in course, after this order for their months, should be resi-dentiaries; and so contribute to the commons, for the month; and either preach themselves or find some other.

The allowance of every prebendary towards the commons for the month is 40 shil.

Howbeit few keep their order and course of residence. And so others that be presents have the benefit of the diet.

In term time other of the prebendaries be sometimes present, beside the residentiaries. Who for that time have allowance of diet for themselves and their men: giving no allowance for the same.

Most commonly present, Mr. Grant, Mr. Wagstaft, Mr. Wickham, D.

Bond, Mr. Bead, in midsummer quarter.

Such as preach and come to divine service in their habits being present: Dr. Bond, Mr. Bead, Mr. Wagstaff, Mr. Grant, Mr. Mounford, Mr. Wickham, D. Lewes, D. Still.

Mr. Wyburn and D. Buckley come not to divine service in their habits, nor do preach in this church; because they have not subscribed unto the articles sent unto us by my lord of Canterbury in her majestys name. Howbeit they have here whole living, as others have.

NUMBER 11.

Beza to the lord treasurer. The state of Geneva; obliged to him, next to the queen, for favour and assistance shewed them. This letter brought over by Wil. Cecil, the treasurer’s grandson, returning home from travel.

QUAM aegre tuli, spectatissime mi domine, periculosam charissimi tui nepotis in Italiam profectionem, tam mihi, imo nobis hic omnibus jucundus fuit illius ad nos adventus, jucundissimus futurus, si diutius ipsius praesentia frui, et aliquibus officiis nostram in te et ilium observantiam testari, licuisset. Verum magna fuit nobis religio tua quidem gaudia, ipsis vero desiderium renovari, nunquam alioqui passuris, ut ingrati tuorumque plurimorum ac maximorum apud nos meritorum immemores fuisse videamur. Cui enim hominum plura, secundum serenissimam regiam majestatem, quam tibi, tota haec civitas debet? Plura quidem certe, quam animo complecti queamus, nedum ut Hesiodi praeclarum illud de referendo beneficio praeceptum possimus praestare.

Quod unum igitur nobis ad animi ingrati vitandam notam supersit, id sedulo agimus, assidue, baud secus ac pro nostra ipsorum salute, precantes, imprimis, ut serenissimam regiam majestatem tot priorum non hominum modo, sed etiam populorum, insignissime oppressorum, vindicem; sed adeo, suaque omnia rarissimo vere Christiani zeli exemplo, evangelii propagationi postponentem firmissimo suo praesidio tutari, et omnibus sancti sui spiritus eximiis donis ornare et amplificare pergat. Deinde, ut divinitus attributos ipsius majestatis regiae consiliarios, et te quidem praesertim, cujus illa non immerito consiliis plurimum tribuit, ea perpetuo sapientia, prudentiaque semper instruat, quam tot ingentium negotiorum administratio requirit.

Caeterum, quis nunc sit non hujus tantum civitatis, sed etiam Helvetiae status, et quid in his quoque regionibus, conjurati moliantur, et nisi conatibus ipsorum obsistatur, perficere se posse confidant, si tibi videbitur, et tum universae reip. Christianae, tum privatim, id vestra interesse arbitraberis, ex ipso nepote tuo certissime et plenissime cognosces. Bene vale, nobilissime, et modis omnibus ornatissime Domine. D. Jesus, Servator ille noster, venerandam et sapientissimam canitiem tuam felicissime conservet. Genevae, xvii. Maii, anno ultimi temporis. CICICLXXXVI.

Amplitudini tuae addictissimus, A monsieur, THEODORUS BEZA.

Monsieur le baron de Burghley, con seiller et grand thesorier D’Angleterre, chevalier du treshonorable ordre de la Jaatiere.

NUMBER 12.

Parsons the Jesuit to Cardinal Allen at Rome; concerning the success of his and other Jesuits, their late mission into England, by commission from him.

Admodum rde in chro’. pt. pax Chri. FAELICISSIMO plane itinere in Angliam pervenimus: ubi magnum in veritatis hostibus furorem, in catholicis vero fervorem non imparem, sumus experti.

Pererebuit jam fama adventus nostri, et ex eorum, qui reginae a consiliis sunt, ore, meum quibusdam nomen innotuit. Terret res adversarium, et magnum nescio quid, a nobis timet. Adeo nunc evasit meticulosus. Cum Londinum pervenissem, primum inter giadios, tum vero in carcere quodam catholicos conveni. Quae (si ominari fas est) quiddam mihi non ingratum portendunt.

Post unum aut alterum diem, hominem, cui nos commisisti, incolumem, et de nostro adventu laetissimum, convenimus, et quibusdam leviuscule tractatis, longiores sermones in tempus magis opportunum rejecimus. Quod non ita multo post nacti, praemissis de more confessionibus, vota nostra, non magno quidera apparatu, sed maxima sane consolatione, renovavimus.

Et si commode res cecidisset sacrum habuissemus, eodem die, qui Stae.

Mariae Magdalenae sacer, solenni ritu, et insigni, variorum instrumentorum et vocum symphonia decantatum. Verum in sequentem diem rejecta res est: quem ego illic alio vocatus agere non potui. Ea tamen quae ad facultates nostras, et praecipua quaeque negotia pertinent, simul expendimus. Mirum in modum noster in insulam appulsus catholicos animavit, recreavitque qui se quodammodo a societate derelictos prius conquerebantur, dubitabantque, ne difficultatibus territi pastores gregem, operis nunquam magis indigentem, desererent.

Capti sunt hisce mensibus sacerdotes non pauci, quamvis neque tam arcte asserventur. Nonnulli etiam e carceribus pretio redempti, et liberi dimissi, nulla plane apposita conditione. Verum lictores illi, quos penes est illos comprehendere, lynceis oculis urbem obambulant, domos evertunt; et quos capiunt, nummis, equis, omnibus denique spoliant. Mortui sunt Nugati, carceris paedore confecti catholiei aliquot, et eo in loco situ et squallore misere cruciantur.

In aula regia fertur quoddam jam prae manibus esse negotlum, quod si faeliciter succedat, extrema quaeque in nobis impendent; serena autem omnia, si secus acciderit. Vetum haec catholicis puerorum terriculamenta visa sunt: quippe quos eo redegerunt, ut ad novam crudelitatem, fere reliquum sit nihil. Et quamvis post primam decreti illius, quod in parlamento, seu comitiis, condiderunt promulgationem, magnum etiam optimi quique concepere timorem; postmodum tamen, collectis animis, ad pristinum redire fervorem; licet operariorum defectu, nonnulli qui tunc languerent, nondum ad ingenium sunt reducti. At certe dolendum maxime est, multos hic esse comitatus non paucis orthodoxis refertos, in quibus nec unus quidem degit sacerdos, quamvis a plerisque eorum maxime expetitus.

Et nisi mature suppetias mittant aliqui, res catholica vehementer laborabit.

Quanquam et illud ad malum accedit, quod qui jam sunt in messe sacerdotes, dum ad unum aut alterum comitatum frequentlores confluunt, alios orbos plane pastoribus relinquant.

Comiti Arundelliae propositum fuit a primoribus, et, ut arbitror, a regina, quod si vellet tantum honoris causa, gladium de more, ante reginam ad templum ferre, et illi ad finem usque conciliabuli et vesparum adesse, liber dimitteretur. Verum ille fraudem veritus, aut detrectabit penitus, aut certe nihil faciet, quod, consultis doctioribus, non cogno verit licere. Neque enim in animo habet, vel latum quidem unguem ab officio catholici discedere.

Contigit hisce diebus sacerdotem quendam, qui, ut suspicionem effugeret, nautico sese habitu induerat, in portu comprehendi. Is ad curiam ductus, et hinc inde per ludibrium circumactus, tandem in reginae conspectum venit.

Quae ut sacerdotem esse rescivit, lepide percontata est, an illam vellet convertere. Cui sacerdos, Certe, inquit, modo et locus et attentio praebeatur, ego libentissime omnem movebo lapidem. Illa vero, has prius, ait, ancillas meas convertas oportet, quam ad me deveniatur. Post multa tandem scommata et irrisiones sacerdos carceribus committitur.

Mira quaedam, ut audio ab oculatis testibus, circa energumenos hic facta sunt. Quaeque et multos converterunt ad fidem, et alios vacillantes magnopere confirmarunt. Unde nonnullos sacerdotes, quorum et in his officiis pietas et sublimis plane potestas ita insigniter apparuit, haeretici magos et veneficos appellant. Ut quod factum negare non possunt, saltem non porestate sacerdotali, sed daemonis praestigiis calumnientur: immemores illius, quod Christus ait, Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur.

Ego concionibus, confessionibus, aliisque soeietatis muneribus vaco; quotidianis quidem circumseptus periculis; nec ullo unquam vel brevissimo tempore securus. Sed ipsis animor diffieultatibus, et succedentium sibi timorum multi-tudo, dum nullum sinet esse diuturnum, adimit fere omnem.

Id ego unum contendo, ne imparatum hostis adoriatur. Quod reliquum est, Dei negotium esto.

Tu vero, revereride pater, pro eo quo filios hujuscemodi casibus objectos amore complecteris, conatus nostros, et suavissimos certe labores tuis aliorumque patrum sacrifieiisque precibusque prosequere; ut qui ingressum praebuit, progressum secundet, et faelicem tandem tribuat dolorum exitum.

Mirum hic desiderium est, et magna necessitas eorum quae ultimo petivimus privilegiorum ac facultatum; quae certe si concedatur plurimum erunt e re catholica. U. P. precibus nos omnes huc usque Dei gratia incolumes, humillime commendamus. X Xplirz 25 Julii. 1586.

R. V. filius indignus et servus in Christo, Admodum rdo. pri. nro. Robertus.

NUMBER 13.

The justices of the peace in Suffolk to the lords of the privycouncil, concerning certain payments required of the popish recusants there.

Our humble duties to your lordships remembred.

IT may please you to be advertised, that according to the commandment exprest in your lordships letters, we have called before us all the recusants; whose names in a scedule we received enclosed in your lordships said letters: to whom we imparted the contents therof; advising them to consider of her majestys gracious favour extended towards them; and mesuring the benefit which hereby they are to receive, to make offer by writing severally under their hands, what reasonable portion they can be contented yearly, of their own disposition, to pay unto her receipt, to be eased of the common danger of law for their recusancy. Whose several offers under their own hands, which herewith we send unto your lordships, may particularly appear. Their several rates and valuations, by your lordships former letters upon the disarming of them, we before certified to your lordships. So very humbly we take our leaves, &c. From Ipswich, the 23. of April, 1586.

Signed, — ROB. WYNGFIELD. NIC. BACON.

PH. PARKER. WILL. SYNGER.

WILLIAM WALGRAVE. JOH. HEIGHAM .

Mr. Fr. Mannock, esq. mentioned in the scedule received from your lordships, hath of long time, and doth, ordinarily and dutifully repair to his parish church; and there doth continue the time of the reading of divine service, and preaching of the word of God. “I Ro. Rokewood, of Stanfield in the county of Suffolk, am content yearly during my recusancy, to contribute and pay to her majestys receipt of her highness exchequer, the sum of 20l . thereby to receive and enjoy the benefit of her majestys gracious favour, to be exempt from all forfeitures, vexations, perils, and penalties, that may hereafter happen unto me, my heirs or executors, by reason of any offence or forfeiture heretofore by me committed, or that hereafter by me shall be committed against the law established touching recusancy, for not resorting unto the church, or other place assigned by the said laws in that case made and provided.

March the 28. 1586. ROB. ROKEWOOD.” Will. Yaxley offered 40l . per ann. His estate, he asserted, was but 220l . per ann. He writ, he had been levied for his lands for recusancy, 280l .

Wal. Norton, 20l . per ann. John Bedingfield, 20l .

Henry Drury, 20l . Rob. Jetter, 6 13 4.

H. Everard, 10l . Joh. Daniel, 20l .

Ri. Martin, 6l . Mich. Hare, 50l .

Edward Sulliard, 40l . Edw. Rookwood of Euston, Tho. Sulliard, 20 nobles. 30l .

Ambr. Germin, 20 mark. Roger Martin, 40 mark.

Marg. Daniel, 20l .

NUMBER 14.

The examinatios of Martin Ara, alias Cotton, a seminary priest, and Mr. Getvase Perpoint, a popish recusant; taken before Mr. Young, a justice of peace in London, the 16th day of June, 1586.

The examination of Martin Ara, alias Cotton.

THE said examinate saith, that he hath been chiefly known by the name of Martin, without any other name. That he is a seminary priest: so made at Doway in Arthois by the bishop of Cambray, about eight years past: and was brought up twelve years in the university of Lovain; where he proceded master of arts. And after that he was made priest he went to Rome, and stayed there 18 months in the hospital; and came into England about six years past. During which time he hath made his most abode about the city of London: and hath sometimes layne in Southwark, sometimes at Lambeth, and at common inns, and other places, and not elsewhere.

He went to Hampshire, to a market town five miles on this side Winchester, and came back again to Guilford. The cause of his going there was to se if he could live quietly there; for that he lived with great danger and trouble in London. And as he journeyed, he enquired how the bishop behaved himself towards recusants; and hearing that he was very troublesome, he thought there was no staying for him, and therefore returned, as is aforesaid.

Four years before, he was in Hampshire; two years ago, in Sussex. He heard no bruits or reports in his journey, save that the poorer sort were ready to break down barnes to get corn. And denyeth, that he heard any thing of the firing of the beacons, or of any ships coming on the seas.

Saith that he hath known Mr. Gervais Perpoint this half year, and had been with him sundry times in the Old Change at his lodgings: and one night this examinate would have lain with him; but he said he durst not, the laws were so rigorous.

That at his coming to London he went to Mr. Perpoints lodgings; and that he invited this examinate to dine with him: wherunto he granted: and that he followed him aloof, because he would not be seen in his company, for fear of danger; and dined with him at a carpenters house neer S.

Bartholomews the less, where this examinate was apprehended by the pursevants.

He denyeth to declare in what place he lay on that day, the 7th of June, or at any time before. Neither will he signify where the apparel, linnin, and books are, [used at the celebration of the mass; at which it seems he had been discovered.] And denyeth to take his oath, to answer to any matters concerning the state of this realm: [which was, it is likely by agreement among themselves, to avoid discovering any thing of Babington’s plot, now hatching.] THE EXAMINATION OF GERVAIS PERPOINT, GENT. Imprimis, he denyeth to take his oath, to make answer to any matter concerning the state of this realm.

He saith, that he hath lain at Earsleys house in the Old Change ever since his coming out of the Tower, which was shortly after Christmas was twelvemonth; and useth not to ly out of his own lodging, unless it be with some gentleman or friend of his, coming to town.

That he was acquainted with no Hampshire gentlemen, but Mr. Gawen of Islington.

Denyeth that he knoweth Martin Ara, alias Cotton, or Marten, or one Heywood, alias Blithe. And saith, that toward the 9th of June he went to Mr. Edward Gage his lodging in Southampton house, where he found Gages wife, and Mrs. Banister his sister, and no body else. And denyeth that any man went with him thither and returned from thence in his company.

That on Sunday the 12 of June, he this examinate, Henry Earsley his host, James Taylor of Fleet-street, grocer, and Christopher Askwith of S.

Martins, jerkin-maker, went together to Sr. Tho. Fitz Herbert his house, about 8 of the clock in the morning, and returned about 4 of the clock in the evening: and denyeth that he heard any service there.

That on Monday last he dined at Mr. Walgraves lodgings, neer little S.

Bartholomews. And that one Mr. Charles Tilney [one of that name was concerned in Babington’s plot,] living in Westminster, went thither with him. And that during the time of dinner two pursevants came in, and would needs have this examinate and another from away with him: and as they went, the other ran away. And they both went after him. So that this examinate, being left alone, repaired to his own lodging. And so he denyeth, that he did know the other man.

NUMBER 15.

Anthony Tyrrel, a priest, his letter to the queen, giving his reasons for revoking what he had before cofessed, and denying what he had before declared, concerning Jesuits; and recanting his recantation.

IF ever your majestys pity inclined unto the complaint of a sorrowful and distressed subject, vouchsafe, O gracious queen, as to encline to mine, which craveth no more at your highness hands, than that you peruse these letters, which are longer than willing I would; but that they contain matter that concerneth your princely justice, by defending your innocent subjects, and protecting them from harm.

I am the same, altho’ now far different in condition, that presumed heretofore to write letters unto your majesty, and as it hath been told me, you vouchsafed to receive and read them: and if the report that hath been told me be true, you took great joy and comfort of them. Alas! my right dear lady and sovereign, I am right sorry, that the effect of your comfort, whatsoever it were, proceded from so ill a cause: the ground wherof, when once it shall be known, will yield you more discomfort than fully may be shewed. For as for the comfort your majesty received, it is onely that you were informed now, that I being a seminary priest had recanted my religion, and submitted my self to your majestys mercy, should shew my self more loyal in discovering of traitors, detecting their treasons, and doing many other actions unto your majestys good liking: all which if they had been truly and sincerely don, your comfort had not been in vain. But now, when your highness shall hear that I have revoked all that back again, I fear me it will amaze your majesty, and make you to think, at the first blush, that a catholic hath no faith, no fidelity, no fear of God, no religion, no duty, no subjection. And so indeed it may seem to appear, if abruptly you mesure the disposition of all others according unto one.

But when your majesty by your great wisdom shall justly ponder the weight of the cause with the truth of the thing, how grievously soever the news shall appear at the first view; yet if you will not let to shew your princely temperance, until you come to the full knowledge of the thing; which thing when you have vouchsafed, next unto Almighty God, I require no other judge to determine of my punishment. The which, if you think me by your justice worthy to sustain in rigor, I patiently do accept it; or if by mercy you shall vouchsafe any way to qualify it, I do humbly acknowledg the benefit, whatsoever shall be allotted unto me.

Let your innocent subjects be defended, truth preserved, falsehood contenmed. And care not I, tho’ I be made the one and only example of all offenders that ever so transgressed: onely craving this, that by his favour and pity, from God his eternal fury I may be exempted. I shall hope there is none so cruelly ericlined, that notwithstanding whatsoever offence I have committed, would wish my punishment, for to be tormented eternally.

To come to the effect of my purpose. I am now able, most gracious sovereign, to let you understand the weight of the cause and greatness of my faults: that rejecting of my religion, lately received, the returning unto my former faith again, unless I unfold truly unto your highness with what mind and intent, I being made priest in Rome, came first unto your majestys land; how I have conversed since the time of my being there; the cause that made me forsake my old religion, and the cause that hath now brought me back again: for without the knowledge of these particulars your highness cannot discern the offences that I have don. In the perusal wherof, altho’ it may seem somewhat tedious unto your majesty, yet doubt I not, but that it shall breed some contentment by that time you have don.

Wherby you may the better be warned of the nature of a true loyal subject, from him that playeth the counterfeit and hypocrite.

I. As touching therfore my first coming to your majestys realm, since the time of my priesthood, from Rome, even as if I were to dy this present hour, and as I shall answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, I never was of other mind than this, as if I protest unto my knowledge allother priest to be of the same, only to help in my vocation to save your subjects souls, and to keep them from damnation. My meaning was never to persuade any to disloyalty, but to fear God above all things; and so far forth as they did not hazzard the loss of their souls, to obey your majesty. This was the only mind I had, when I first came into your majestys realm, welpleasing unto God; and so directed by my superiors. But since in this point our profession is different from your highness mind; and that by the learned in your own realm you are persuaded that religion to be false which we profess most true; it is not my meaning, being so vile a vassal, to dispute the same with my liege and sovereign, but only to say this, that for the truth of our religion I was of this mind when first I came unto this kingdom, that if I had a thousand lives, I would have lost them all for the defence of the same. And so long as the fear of God was before mine eyes, I so continued. And so purpose I now again to continue, until the day I dy.

And thus much briefly, as touching the mind wherewith I came unto this realm.

II. Now as touching my conversion, this is most sure and certain, that if my life had been agreeable to my profession, this mind in me had never changed; neither fear of death, nor hope of preferment, would have made or altered my opinion; but rather than I would have been brought for to relent, or to have forsaken my faith, as I have don, I would have yielded my body most willingly unto death, as divers of my most vertuous brethren most gloriously have don, and every good priest hereafter will do, in despight of all the devils in hell, or torments of any men. But alas ! here, oh! most gracious sovereign, to my temporal shame and confusion, so as my soul may find mercy at the dreadful day, I must openly confess, that I fell into a great corruption of life, and dissolute maners; suffering my self to be drowned in all sensuality and pleasure, that the grace of the Holy Ghost could no longer abide in a temple so defiled and polluted with sin.

Insomuch that my own conscience crying out against my own impiety, I not amending yet my evil maners, the Devil seized, and so expunged my faith. Wherupon my religion began to be irksome unto me; not for that I knew my religion to be evil, but because I knew my self to be passing naught, as that God nor any goodness could not any longer abide in mee. I was therefore oftentimes, before that ever I did fall into the danger of your majestys laws, minded to have renounced my religion, and to have yielded my self unto your majestys council: and so either to have played the dissembling spy, or else to have counterfeited a recantation, for no other end, but to have served the world, and to live for the time in plesure; altho’ in the end I was sure thereby to purchase eternal damnation.

Yet Gods mercy expecting my repentance, preserved me still from that horrible crime. And altho’ all the branches of the tree of my soul were withered dry by sin, and ready to be cut off, and cast into the fire; yet so long as there was any life left in the root, that is, that my faith was not yet forsaken, there was some hope of my return to God again. And so being by Gods providence taken and brought into the danger of your majestys laws, whereby I thought I was to lose my life for the same; those thoughts then came into my mind, that to dy for Gods cause, or the catholic religion, I was not worthy, by reason I had so contaminated my life by sin. Yet such was the mercy of Almighty God, as he letted not to offer me the grace, if I most wickedly had not forsaken him for the Devil, having gotten so great an advantage of me through sin, envied now my happy state, for to be called unto my tryal for my profession: fearing, lest that hereby he should have lost me altogether, assailed me more fiercely in another kind.

Procuring me under the colour of plesure to save my life, by recanting my catholic religion. Altho’ therby I was sure. in the end I should leese that altogether.

III. And now I am come, most gracious sovereign, unto the true cause of my last conversion, or rather meer perversion, (as truly I may term it;) by the which means what lamentable stratagems have been committed may now easily be seen. For after that the Devil had prevailed with me,that I was content, for my temporal life and worldly preferment, to yield unto all maner of sin, oh ! sweet Lord, (for I tremble now to recount unto your majesty what a number of monsters I did presently let in,) think you, that I had either care or conscience of my doings; when I had abandoned all grace, all goodness, all truth and honesty, and cast my self wholly unto sin?

No verily; for from that time I became more malicious than ever was Judas, that betrayed Christ: for I converted my malice wholly against him. And for one chop I forsook my faith, which I knew for certain to be pure and good, and accused the pope, and slandered the Jesuits, belyed D. Allen and Lewis, and D. Gifford; reporting of them and divers others of our nation, unto my lord treasurer, such horrible matters, as against the Turk or the Devil I could not devise the like. What Ballard his practices were against your majesty, or any of the rest that suffered with him, I protest I know not, nor ever yet could learn. And if they were guilty of any crime, I do not nor will not here excuse them; but rather will rejoice at their deservings.

Only this, O gracious queen, I cannot but confess a truth, (what peril or danger of my life soever I sustain,) that I accused Ballard most falsely, in conspiring your majesty’s death, that he should have begun to break the matter with D. Lewis at Milain; continued the same with the rector of the English seminaries, and the general of the Jesuits at Rome: by whose helps his speeches should have been commended unto pope Gregory XIII. and by him the action of your majesty’s death should have been allowed and confirmed. The same he should have imparted unto D. Alen at Rheimes, who should like well enough of the thing; and after should have been practised by Ballard, or some of his complices here in England, when they should se their time.

Wherin I accused Cha. Tilney and Edward Windsor, the one dead, the other living, to have been two of the chiefest attempters of that fact: all which (as I hope to be saved at the latter day) was as false as God is true; for never in my life did I hear so much as a thought conceived awry of your royal person. When I had deeply waded into the ford of lying, I spared no maner of person upon whom I might colour any cause of mischief to be don: insomuch as I accused the French ambassador in many things most wrongfully: as also his secretary. I accused the earl of Arundel, and his countess, of many a hainous matter: divers other noblemen and women of your land, of matters most false and untrue. Among the rest I falsely accused the Scotish queen unto your majesty of matters I knew no more than the child new born. What otherwise she deserved I know not, nor mind not to defend her, if she have offended your majesty in any thing. But whatsoever I did inform your highness, it was only to bring your majesty into a greater hatred, where I suppose you did not greatly love: and that made me to enlarge lyes against all catholics: and namely, against my lord Windsor, the lord Storton and his wife, my lord Compton, sir John Arundel, and others. And I remember, that being settled in this malicious humour, that I did write unto your majesty, wherin i warned you of three things. The first, to extirpate and root out all seminary priests, as members most pernicious unto your realm: for that they went about, wheresoever they came, to bring your majesty in hatred and contempt with your subjects, persuading them, that to seek the destruction of your person was a very laudable thing. The second, that you should have great regard unto the Scottish queen, by whom your majestys life stood most in danger; who sought by all the means she could, not only by foreign power, but by domestical attempt at home, to shorten and end your days, that she her self might be advanced unto the crown. The third was, that your majesty now having censured the heads of the conspirators, and had all your enemies now at such an advantage, that it were not good that you should let to prosecute the same: and to enact such laws against all recusants, as whosoever should refuse to swear against the pope and all his procedings against your majesty and this realm, he should be accounted no better than a rank traitor unto your majesty.

All which invectives, most gracious prince, if you consider with what a mind I did write them, you have no maner of cause to believe them. For I uttered these matters as one replete with all malice, and intended not to say truth in any thing.

For as for pope Gregory, I protest, as I hope to be saved, I never heard him speak any thing unto your majestys prejudice or harm; but I have heard him with mine own ears, and seen with mine own eyes to shed tears for your majesty; wishing that all the bloud in his body were spilt to do you any good. And so far he hath been from persuading us to any treachery towards your person, as he hath by his own mouth commanded us to pray for you, and not to intermeddle in any thing but that directly concerned our profession: and this is the worst that ever I did know pope Gregory to wish you, whom I have most falsely accused in many things.

And as for seminary priests, I protest, as I hope to be saved, that never since I came into England, (which is now more than six years past,) I never heard of any one but wisht unto your majesty, as to his own soul, and would willingly bestow his own life unto the uttermost drop of his bloud, for the preservation and salty of your majesty, as well in soul as in body.

And that in all their sermons, exhortations, informations, as well private as public, they persuade your subjects to all obedience; to pray for your majesty, and to suffer the affliction of your penal laws withal patience, and not resist, or move sedition for any cause. And this is the worst that ever I did know by any priest, Ballard only excepted; from whom neither I heard ever any hurt intended (as I most falsely reported) against your anointed person.

And as for the queen of Scots, who being dead, and God knows now whether she hath don well or ill, I can neither accuse her, nor will defend her but from the wrong which I have don her, which hath been in objecting such matters against her, as in truth to me were never known.

And lastly, for all catholics, as I accused them unto your majesty for most notorious traitors, I would to God your highness did but see their inward minds and intentions: and then I doubt not but you would not then so much wonder at them, their treasons and conspiracies; or at least for a few wicked and evil disposed members to condemn all the rest. For since my coming into England, God be my witness, I never heard of one or other that sought or wished hurt or harm to the least hair of your majestys head.

And therfore that I should advise you to prosecute them now upon the advantage, as so to beat them down, it was spoken only of a devilish mind on my part, and for no trespas that they had committed of their own.

For who seeth not, during the time of your majestys reign, with what patience and obedience they have lived under the sovereignty of your majestys laws? which, when it shall please God, you may ease and mollify again. And if some few disordered persons have strayed aside, (as in no government or commonwealth of any continuance, but there have been always some,) yet how their doings have been hated and contemned of the rest, your majesty may judge, if you please, by your own experience that you have seen. Therefore there is none that can justly accuse them of disloyalty, or worthily procure them your majesty’s disfavour; but only such as either in respect of a contrary religion cannot abide them, or such as be desperate persons, and seek to curry for his own particular credit and advantage, that cares not which end goe forward, so they may stand upright; or pass not who be the loosers, so they may win. Men without all pity and compassion of others, that care not who lament and weep, so they may laugh. Of which kind I must confess my self unto your majesty to have been one, and therefore worthy of all punishment; not knowing what way to make satisfaction, but by penance, death, or true repentance.

Thus have I in part recounted unto your majesty the causes that induced me to forsake my religion, to write suchletters unto your highness, to give out such sore and grievous informations against many of your majesty’s most loyal and loving subjects. Now, and if it may please you to give me leave but to say a word or two of my turning back again; then will I make an end. And truly to speak, as I shall answer before God, and not ly, the Devil was the cause that made me so to counterfeit unto your majesty a conversion; and the grace of God, undeserved on my part, hath brought me back again. For I could never have been induced to have made so many notorious and monstrous slanders against so many worthy princes, against so many noble and worshipful, against my dearest friends and acquaintance, whom I know to be most clear of all the matters wherof I had charged them, had not sin only and the Devil procured me unto it.

Justice Young, with all his cunning, could never have catched such hold of it, nor never could have brought me to that offence, as to forsake my faith, to abuse your majesty and my lord treasurer with so many writings and false informations, had not sin and the Devil procured me to it.

Therefore think not, good madam, that I could write or speak unto your majesty with a pure and sincere heart, being so foully stained with filth and corruption. Think, that I imagined nothing but lyes; practised nothing but lyes; sought the effusion of innocent bloud, by betraying of priests, betraying of catholics, and by doing all the injuries I could against them which never imagined hurt or harm. I was not so forward unto these mishapps my self, as I was also persuaded unto them by justice Young. Of whom I cannot but say, altho’ I abide all the torments that he can procure me, if ever I come again under his hands, that he is a most cruel bloudsucker, a destroyer of your people, and a great abuser of your majesty; for his cruelty in shedding of bloud, it is too well known. For such as he cannot destroy both in body and soul (as he hath don me,) he will be sure to preferr unto the gallows: otherwise, under the colour of persuading them unto Gods truth and religion, he will not let to bring them strait headlong unto damnation. For so some as he hath made, either priests or catholics, to relent, all religion is set apart. For his first ground of his new faith must be to play the spy: and under the colour of godliness to practice all the knavery that he can, before we come to enjoy the perfection of our new faith.

We must learn the rudiments how to betray Christ and his anointed, and to impeach the innocent, be they never so good, never so vertuous, never so far from offending your highness or your laws: some means we must seek to find a hole in their coats, to no other end but to cut their throats. And when we have learned perfectly this lesson, then we must procede unto greater evils. For we must yield unto all kind of dissimulation; for that was the chiefest point of justice Young his persuasion, never talking with me of any matter of religion, albeit I craved it my self very often. I desired him that I might have books, that I might have conference; nay, that which is more, that I might come unto his house, if I might not in the church, and receive the communion: but no such matter could be obtained, so long as there was any means for me to persecute the catholics. In which mischief I must play the seminary priest, which, notwithstanding your majesty’s laws, which have made us traitors, and all such felons as shall receive us, yet must we now boldly practise our treasons, and make as many felons as we can. Laws were wont to be made to prohibit evil, and to save the innocent; but now, by the justices and ministers of the law, we must do contrary to the law, to make others traitors and felons, which otherwise perhaps would not.

Before I made any semblance of my counterfeit and reigned conversion, it was a damnable thing with justice Young to be a papist, much more to practise papistry; as to say mass, or to reconcile, or to do other such like actions. That there could be no means of salvation, but presently to return unto the Lord: and when I was desirous so for to do, the Lord was not then at leisure for to receive me. It is no matter, altho’ I continue a papist still. It is no sin to say mass; no treason to reconcile; no offence to commit idolatry by way of dissimulation, with intent to do mischief; to seek innocent bloud; to betray such silly souls as never thought hurt or harm; to destroy your majesty’s subjects, and to make you guilty of their bloud. Oh! heaven, Oh ! earth, what heart would not bleed for pity, to hear of these things? O! gracious queen, whom God hath made governess over us, to protect and defend us, to whom, next unto God, but unto your self, may we complain? How are your subjects betrayed! how are they spoiled! how are they brought like sheep unto the slaughter!

Is it your plesure that innocents should be thus cast away? that treasons should be thus practised? Was this the end of your laws, to bring men, whether they would or no, unto their deaths? If I wist it were so, whether I have no more to say, but Moriamur in simplicitate nostra: Let us dy in our simplicity. Better were it to dy, than so to live: like birds that be brought to the pitfal unawares, by the procurement of such as be ministers of your majestys justice. Is this the way to bring your subjects unto reformation? Is this the sum of their religion; dissimulation, spiry, [viz. to be spies, ] knavery, and all abominations? I cannot contain, most gracious prince, altho’ I should dy 10,000 deaths, as I look for no life, nor desire no life, if ever I be taken. Yet if I would still have continued in this damnable course, I might have lived, until God of his justice had cut me off; and should have been accounted no traitor, but a good subject, and have had I know not what preferment.

I have my lord treasurers letters for my safty. He persuades me to continue in dissimulation still: and so long he will continue his good will. But that I now leave to play the dissembler, I fear me I shall again be reputed for a traitor, Oh! dear sovereign, what a world is this, that flattery and all impiety breeds friendship, but truth and honesty gets hatred!

I have also Mr. Justice Youngs letters, wherin I am commanded by your majesty to continue my dissimulation, and against poor catholics to do all the mischief that I can. For my own part, I cannot be persuaded that ever your majesty would wish me, or any of your subjects, so to deal. For albeit you affect not our religion, you pity our misery, you acknowledg us your poor subjects. We love your scepter; we obey your laws; and so far forth as we incurr not damnation unto our souls: and more, I trust, you will not require at our hands. At the least, if we that be papists may not scape with our lyves, (altho’ wee do nothing but our duties,) yet grant us of your princely favour and pity, that we may go unto our deaths with salty of conscience. Let us not be molested as we are, to be allured to play the spyes, as many have don besides my self, and I fear may remain as yet in that perverse and wicked mind; which I know they cannot do without a continual [curse] unto their conscience.

And therefore I wish your majesty not to trust them; for they will never be true unto you that are false to God. Therefore whatsoever they do, whatsoever they promise, it is but for the saving of a temporal life, and the gaining of a little worldly preferment. And whensoever God shall touch them with remorse, they cannot do but as I have don.

Think not therefore, my right dear lady and sovereign, that because I am returned back again unto the catholic religion, that now I am become unto your majesty a traitor; God forbid: I wish rather presently that my fled were torn in pieces with hot irons, than I would become any ways treacherous unto your royal person. Think not that I love your majesty less now then I did then; but much more: for now I love you truly, where before I loved you dissemblingly. Now would I willingly loose my life to do you good, where before I would scarce loose a point to do you a plesure. Your majesty may well think some important cause hath moved me thus to alter my condition, or else of all men living in the world I were the most desperate and unwise.

For first, I have so grievously offended all catholics, as I shall be ashamed for ever, during my life, to look any of them in the face. And now had I gained the good will ofyour majesty, the favour of my lord treasurer and other noblemen, as I might have lived temporally in great credit and grace, for me now voluntarily without compulsion to return back again where I had deserved most to have been contemned, and to forsake the state or condition wherein at this present I was best to be friended, what is the cause? Verily, no hope of any reward: for all the days of my life I must look for no other than penury, poverty, penance, and affliction; and very likely a temporal, violent death for my sins that I have don. And yet all this I am most willing and desirous to embrace, rather than for ever I would be cast out of Gods favour, and dy the child of reprobation.

And think not, most gracious queen, that now I have received your majestys reward, that I have given you the slip. I never received of justice Young, but 30l . and that by piecemeals. I lost in my chamber, that the pursevant robbed me, when I was taken, better than 40l . that never yet, for all my favour, I could recover. Besides, by the searches I procured justice Young, he had gotten better than an 100l .: so that in truth I am nothing in his debt. My rewards have not been comparable to my losses, altho’ they have been greater than in truth I could deserve for any such service. And I would to God your majesty from henceforth would reward all dissembling spies as Parry was rewarded. Then should your realm in short time be purged; your majesty quieted from a number of devices wherewithal now daily you be terrified. That your life is more grievous unto you than the state of a private man. How many false reports and lyes doth justice Young bring your majesty in a year, partly by his own devising, and partly by such as I have been! How oft think you he hath been tampering with me, for to accuse some ladies of your privy chamber for poisoning of your majesty!

And of truth I know of none. Yet for the satisfying of the mans humour I accused the lady Drury, that she should say, when your majesty had given her a blow, that she would remember it. How fain would he have had me to appeach the earl of Cumberland, the lord Scroop, the lord Mountagu, and others. And I did what I could, especially against the earl of Arundel: of whom I made so many lyes, as, if they may be credited, were able to dispatch him. I am in conscience bound to certify your majesty of this, that you may understand how your subjects are bought and sold, and your highness tormented with continual fears. For as I hope to be saved, I say nothing now of any malice, but that which I know by mine own experience; and much more, if I should not be too tedious unto your highness to repeat it.

I have, for my own discharge, truly set down in a book the truth of every thing: if it may please God it may come to your majestys perusal, you shall find therin that it may pity your majesty for to know, and yet very necessary that you should understand.

To conclude, now that I have informed your majesty, as briefly as I could, what mind and affection I had when I came first priest into your realm, as sure as God lives, I never was nor never will be any traitor, to intend any kind of treason. If my continual conversation had been agreeable unto my profession, I had never so grievously transgressed the laws, abused your majesty, and don so much hurt unto my neighhours; I had never reigned a recantation, to discredit your majesty and my lords of your honorable council, nor played such pageants as I have don. And sure I know mine own doings to be naught, and to have proceded from a corrupt ground.

And grace I have been taught no other thing, since the time of my reigned recantation, but how to dissemble, and how to throw my self down headlong to the Devil; grant me this favour, most gracious queen, that I now dismist, blame me not for seeking true amendment, howsoever you blame or punish my offences committed. And let noe innocence be cast away upon my false complaints, as your majesty will answer it at the latter day. For now, altho’ too late, I tel you truly, I accused them all falsely, and betrayed them wrongfully. And for my self I crave no further favour or mercy than it shall please God to put into your majestys mind, enclining always unto pity. If I be taken, I think no death too grievous for me. Onely, not presuming in mine own strength, I have sought means to save my self.

If I escape untaken, I think no penance too sharp to suffer all the days of my life. If I hap to be taken here, I protest I have not presumed this act upon any contempt, but in all humility, fear, and trembling: knowing, that howsoever I might have abused the world, I could not have escaped the judgment of God. And theftore, whatsoever death I suffer, what torment soever I endure, God give me grace to embrace them, as wholsome medicines for my soul: praying notwithstanding unto the last moment of my life most humbly, that God may long preserve your majesty, and grant you a prosperous reign; and finally to reign with him in glory everlasting.

Thus craving on my knees your majestys pardon, I most humbly take my leave. From my chamber in London, the 20th of Febr. an. 1586.

Your highness most lamentable and repentant subject, ANTH. TYRELL, PRIEST, most unworthy of that vocation.

NUMBER 16.

Dr. Copcotts, vice-chancellor of Cambridge, to the lord Burghley, high chancellor of that university; concerning matters out of order in Christs college: and his visitation of it.

My duty unto your lordship in the humblest maner remembred, &c.

YOUR lordship, as chancellor of this university, or your vicechancellor, is yearly visitor of Christs college. A thing omitted of long time heretofore; yet of such necessity at this present, that I was bold, at the time appointed by the statutes of their foundress, to put it in practice. And therby do find almost every statute given unto them transgressed. And this abuse following, not provided for by any statute or order among them. Dr. Hawford left at his death in the treasure almost 700l . Wherof they have laid out 400l . for a purchase. Which maketh the commons of the fellows 3sh. a week, that by statute is but 12 pence. They use no means to restore in time this mony to the common treasury, or to encrease that which there is left; but take all commodities of fines for leases and woodsales to themselves; and have a dividend at the bakers hand, who alloweth 15 to the dozen. The commodity wherof goes to the fellows. The size in that respect is the less, and the scholars and others of the house therby are pinched.

If I give any injunctions unto them in these matters, the master, within a month, is to se them executed. Else he is to be admonished the second time. And if then he se not those things performed which I require, it is loss of his place. So that for the time I continue in office here, that which I give in charge shall be accomplished. But if it might please your lordship to amend and ratify the injunctions here enclosed, (in that there is not one clause but meets with some breach of statute, or some disorder complained of among theme) they would be observed to the great benefit of that society during your lordships life. Which I beseech the Almighty long to preserve. From Trinity college Cambridge, the 12 of Decemb. 1586.

Your lordships most bounden, JOHN COPCOT.

NUMBER 17.

Injunctions for Christ’s college, Cambridge. Given by the vicechancellor, their visitor, Decemb. 1586. 1. MAGISTER, socii, scholares, Pensionarii, omnes denique in collegio vestro literarum studiosi, intererunt publicis supplicationibus in choro, temporibus et habitu a statutis academiae et collegii vestri designaris. 2. Sacrosancta communio celebrabitur temporibus et modo a legibus hujusce regni et statutis istius academiae requisitis. 3. Communes loci ita tractabuntur, ut nullus cujuscunque tandem loci aut conditionis homo notetur, aut perstringatur in iis, et statim post auditam horam sextam finientur, ira ut habendis in aula praelectionibus posthac amplius non sint impedimento. 4. Magister curabit sedulo, ut in eos qui in re divina celebranda, aut scholasticis muneribus obeundis negligentes sese praebuerint, animadvertatur, ut quicunque in collegio literis operam dant Latino tantum sermone, in area et aula utantur, ut nemo extra aulam, nisi magna aliqua de causa per magistrum aut locum ejus tenentem approbanda pran-deat, vel coenet: ut ibi singull juxta gradum et conditionem suam pileis scholasticis utantur ut in oppidum nemo nisi in eo habitu quem permittunt leges academiae, sese conferat: et hisce in rebus ipse aliis exemplo erit: ut quisquis in qua-cunque tandem facultate obibit disputationes, vel ad clerum concionabitur, eum illi qui ejusdem sunt collegii concomi-tentur ad scholas publicas et ad templum Mariae pro anti-quo more academiae. 5. Magister cubicula distribuet scholaribus secundum tempora admissionis, eum ad locum, quem in collegio ob. tinent, nec pensionarium quempiam aut sisatorem, cujuscunque tandem loci sit, iis praeferet, nec senioritatem in collegio, ex ea, quam in oppido habent bacchalaurei atrium facti, metietur. 6. Cubicula ad magdstri domicilium sive cameram pertinentia generosis elocabuntur in commodum collegii, nec patietur aliquid pecuniae erogari pro cubiculo aut musaeo ali quo, quo quispiam ex eo, quem in collegio possidet, loco fruitur gratis. 7. Magister rationem sive computum redder secundum statuta praesente majori parte sociorum, in quorum conspectu et praesentia pecuniam omnem numerari curabit, ac vasa aurea et argentea, seu jocalia ut vocant, ostendi, petetque ut ratio a se reddita a majori parte sociorum comprobetur, quam nisi approbaverint pro nulla habebitur. 8. Magistcr nullos sumptus de collegii pecuniis faciet, pro conducendis equis, nisi cum negotia collegii per majorem partem sociorum approbata procuraverit, nec cum peregrinos invitaverit in nundinis Sturbrigiensibus. 9. Magister initio anni dies absentiae nemini sociorum concedet nec alio quovis tempore sub praetextu negotiorum collegii procurandorum, nisi majori parti sociorum idem innotescat, et ab iis approbetur, nec sine consensu eorum ullis discipulis permittet absentiae dies, praeter numerum illum dierum a statuto constitutum, nec statuet quenquam promum, vel custodem sacelli sine approbatione eorundem. 10. Non sinet quenquam in collegio manere, qui ibidem, quamdiu in academia versetur non pernoctaverit, nec iis omnibus per se fungatur exercitiis quibus et per statutum et per ordinem astringitur, nullosque in collegio pueros nisi togatos feret. 11. Non patietur mulierem quampiam lectos sternere in collegio, nisi quis graviter aegrotaverit: nec quenquam ibidem commorari qui aliquando fuerit expulsus, nec puerum quempiam a debita castigatione detineri, nec quenquam sese insolenter gerere in superiores dicto aut facto, praelectionum tempore aut alibi. 12. Curabit ut decani officia sua sedulo praestent secundum statuta collegii, et ad eos delatas schedulas legant publice in aula unoquoclue die Veneris, non autem in promptuario aut cubiculis correctiones, quas vocant, habeant, et ut nullus officiariorum his mulctet aliquem pro uno exercitio negligendo, tametsi in absentium nomina saepius inquirat. 13. Curabit ut senescallus menstruus sit sociorum aliquis, alius autem communis cistae custos annuus quisque suo ordine: et ut id quod statuta exigunt, debite exequantur, et ut commeatus computetur unaquaque hebdomada, itemquc ut termini tempore tantum undecima hora, exceptis feriis, die Dominica, et Sabbatis, nisi dies sint jejunio destinati, prandeant. 14. Curabit ut lector ipse philosophiae partem aliquam singulis hebdomadis quater praelegat, et ut ex consensu magistri et majoris partis sociorum alios magistros atrium vel bacchalaureos socios praeficiat aliis lectionibus per statuta requisitis, eam laboris compensationem illis tribuens quam magister et major pars sociorum aequum judicabit: praelectio humaniorum artium sedulo fiet in magna vacatione, nec discipulorum quispiam disputationibus moderabitur. 15. Vasa argentea quorum non sit quotidianus in aula usus, in thesaurario reponentur, nec inde expromentur nisi illis admodum opus esse liquido apparebit. Quod si quando accidat, quamprimum rursus recondantur.

Pecunia collegii ne sit in custodia magistri, sed in thesaurario, prout statuta requirunt, indeque duntaxat desumatur cum prsesens neees-sitas postulaverit. 16. Tam socii quam pensionarii gradus in se suscipere cogentur quamprimum illis per statuta academiae licuerit, et omnes ejusdem societatis intererunt problemati theologico, diebus Veneris, quando non licebit respondenti statam coenam aliquam de industria contra legem et laudabilem consuetudinem apparare. Nec patietur praefectus quenquam disputandi munus subterfugere ullo modo, nisi gravissima de causa per magistrum et majorem partem sociorum approbanda. 17. Socii intra sex dierum spatium post singulos menses expletos quod debitum fuerit solvent collegii officiario ad id munus constituto, et officiarius eodem tempore debitam pistoribus, potificibus, vel cuipiam alteri pecuniam solvet, nec quisquam in collegio commorabitur, qui socium non habeat qui pro illius debito collegio satisfaciat. 18. Conciones in fundatricis vestrae et benefactorurn memoriam unaquaque anni quarta debite celebrabuntur secun-dum statutum academiae. 19. Pensionarii in collegium vestrum non admittentur nisi secundum formam in statutis vestais descriptam, nec quispiam tenebitur Graecae lectioni audiendae nisi constet eum aliquid inde emolumenti capere posse. 20. Commoditas venditarum sylvarum et praediorum ad firmam dimissorum et quicquid commodi percipi possit a pistoribus et potificibus non amplius dividetur inter magistrum et socios, sed in collegii usum cedet, quoad honorarissimi hujus academiae cancellarii authoritate secus constitutum fuerit. 21 . Magister curabit ut omnes hae injunctiones fideliter observentur sub poena expressa in statuto fundatricis de modo visitandi.

NUMBER 18.

The archbishop of Canterbury to the vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge: to stay the printing of a book, called, The Harmony of Confessions, &c. An original.

To my very loving friend the vicechancellor, &c. SALUTEM in Christo. I understand that there is now in printing by the printer of that university, a certain book, called Harmonia Confessionum Fidel, in English, translated out of Latin; which book, for some special causes, was here rejected, and not allowed to be printed. These are therefore to require you, that presently upon receipt hereof you cause the said book to be stayed from printing any further; and that nothing be don more therein, until you shall receive further direction from me. And wheras there is order taken of late by the lords of the council, that from henceforth no book shall be imprinted, either in London or in either of the universities, unless the same shall be allowed and authorized by the bishop of London or my self, I do likewise require you to take special care, that hereafter nothing be imprinted in that university of Cambridge but what shall be authorised accordingly.

And so not doubting of your diligent circumspection herein, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God. From my house at Croyden, the 8th of August, 1586.

Your loving friend in Christ, JO. CANTUAR.

NUMBER 19.

The archbishop of Canterbury to the vice-chancellor and heads: to require subscription to the three articles, of such as should be admitted university preachers. An origincal SALUTEM in Christo. Forasmuch as a general order hath been taken, that whosoever should be admittcd to preach should first subscribe to the three articles lately agreed upon and confirmed by her majestys authority, these are to require you to take care, that you do not here after admit, either to be your universities preacher, or any other preacher whatsoever in that university, unless he shall first subscribe unto the said articles. Otherwise you shall give me occasion, not only to make further complaint, but also to call in question your authority to admit so many preachers: which how slender it is I do well know. And so requiring you to have such a special regard hereof as appertaineth, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God. From my house in Lambehith, the second of May, 1586. Your assured loving friend, JO. CANTUAR.

NUMBER 20.

Petitions of the university of Cambridge; for quietness to be had with the townsmen. Delivered by Dr. Perne to the lord Burghley, their high chancellor. Feb. 25, 1586. FOR that the major of Cambridge, with other of the freemen of that corporation, have made certain order, that no scholar nor scholars servant shall have any booths in Sturbridge fair, nor receive any commodity springing to the town: and also hath shewed otherwise lately great ingratitude to the university; bending themselves more contemptuously, and, as it appeareth, contentiously against the same, than they have don heretofore:

May it please your lordship to address your letters to Mr. Vicechancellor and to the heads, to give your lordships advice and consent, that they do take order, that no college, scholar, or scholars servant, shall sell or let any lands or tenements to any freeman of the town of Cambridge, but onely to scholars, scholars servants, or foreigners, without your honours express consent, and with the whole consent of the body of the university, regents and non-regents; nor shall buy any cloth, apparel, victuals, or any other such usual and necessary things, of any freeman, without the like consent: as your honour hath written heretofore. 2. Item, That if any scholar, or scholars servant or servants, or foreigner, taking to farm any such house, land, or tenement, do at any time afterward become a freeman of the same town; or shall bargain, let, or set over the same, or any part or parcel therof, to any freeman of the town; that then the same lease to cease, and be utterly void, and frustrate: any covenant, clause, article, or agreement in any such lease or grant to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. Wheras there is a privilege to the university of long time, for the provision of corn and victuals within the compass of five miles, which hath been little profitable unto the university, but unto the inhabitants within five miles, for that the university hath no justices of the peace within the said five miles out of the university; besides divers other incommodities that the said university doth receive, by reason that for the most part all the justices within the said compass of five miles be sworn to the town of Cambridg and freemen of the same: may it therefore please your lordship to move my lord chancellor, that the vicechancellor for the time being, with certain others of the heads of the colleges, which have any livings within the said compass of five miles, as Dr. Perne, Dr. Bell, Dr. Bynge, and Mr. Ellis, may be in commission of the peace for the shire and county of Cambridge. 4. Whereas the town of Cambridge hath drawn their book for Sturbridge fair, not only to the prejudice of the university and other corporations, for their own private gains, but also to the great abusing of her majestys great goodness shewed to them in this said grant of Sturbridge fair; the forfeiture wherof they do not acknowledge, nor the great benefit therof, to procede from her majesty, butby right of certain surmised free grants; the which they neither do nor can shew the same, as Mr. Solicitor did plainly declare unto them: it may please your honour, thcrefore, that the said book of the said town of Cambridge for Sturbridge fair may not pass without the allowance of the queens solicitor; for that Mr. Atturney is of the fee and counsil of the said town of Cambridge, as he saith himself. 5. The university humbly desireth your honour to be a means to her majesty, that there be a proviso put into their said book, that it shall not be lawful for them nor their heirs, by vertue of her majestys said grant of Sturbridge fair, to make any law, constitution, or ordinance concerning the booths in Sturbridge fair, contrary to the common laws of this realm; but that any scholar or scholars servant may lawfully buy for their mony, or receive by gift, or other lawful means, any of the said booths, as any other of her maiestys subjects may do, according to the said laws.

NUMBER 21.

An inventory of the money and jewels of Anne duchess of Somerset: taken after her death, by the queen’s order, by John Wolley, one of the privy-council, and John Forrescue, master of her majesty’s great wardrobe. 1. AGREAT chain of pearle and gold enamelled, with knotts. 2. A carkenet of gold and pearles with knotts, with a pendent sapphire, with a fair pearle annexed. 3. A ear-kenet of pearl, and padlocks of gold. 4. A chain of fair pearls, furnished with pipes of gold, enamelled with black. 5. A plain chain of gold with small links. 6. A pomander chain with small beads of pomander, and true-loves of pearl, and many small pearl to furnish the same, with pendants of mother of pearl, and a little acorn appendant. 7. A salt of gold like a bell. 8. A faucon of mother of pearl, furnished with diamonds and rubies, standing upon a ragged staff of fair diamonds and rubies. 9. A great jacinet, garnished with flowers of gold and pearl, with a less jacinet on the backside, with a rough pearl appendant. 10. A tablet of gold of a story, furnished with diamonds and rubies, with a pearl appendant. 11. A tablet of gold made like an artichoke, black and blew enamelled. 12. An agate, set in gold, garnished with small pearls, with a pearl appendant. 13. A book of gold with artichokes of day-work upon black velvet. 14. A pair of flaggon braslets of gold plain: in each braslet a jacinct. 15. A pair of braslets of gold, wrought with escalop shells with hollow work. 16. A double rope of pearl, of one ell long. 17. A fair pendent of mother of pearl, flourished with gold like an S. 18. Twenty eight small rubies, unset. 19. Three pearls, wherof two pendent. 20. A double rope of pearl, of one yard 3 quarters long. 21. A chain of pearl of a bigger sort of four double. 22. A lilly pot of gold, with a sea-water stone in the midst, with two pearls pendant. 23. Four fair emeralds set in collets of lead. 24. A little tablet of gold enamelled with gold, with a pearl appendant. 25. A pillar of gold, garnished with eight diamonds. 25. amethists, wherof one great one. 26. A fair jewel of gold, set with diamonds on both sides, bordered with small pearl. 27. A great tablet of gold, enamelled black and white, garnished the one side with an agate and six rubies, and on the other side with twelve diamonds. 28. A tablet of gold curiously wrought, set with six fair diamonds and three fair pearls; whereof one pendent. 29. A tablet of gold, garnished round with small pearl, with a great ballast in the midst, and a pearl pendant. 30. A fair square tablet of gold like an H, with four diamonds, and a rock ruby or ballast in the midst, garnished with pearl, and a pearl pendant. 31. A sopertakle case of gold. 32. A chain of gold enamelled black. 33. A book of gold, enamelled black. 34. A spoon of gold, enamelled black. 35. A bodkin of gold with a clawes in the end, enamelled black. 36. Two pieces of an unicornes horn, in a red taffata purse. 37. A folding spoon of gold.38. A little signet of gold with her graces own crest.

Besides this in gold, in several single purses, either of leather, or sattin, or silk, in one coffer, 2200l , in gold, in single baggs; in another, 1500l . in gold; and in another, 1500l. in gold: in all, 5200l .

JEWELLS MORE. 1. A confect box of gold, like scallop shells. 2. A pair of bracelets, laced with beugle. 3. The pearls, in number four score and eight. 4. A pair of bracelets of coral, cut like acorns, laced with small pearl. 5. In a little black box, six rings set with diamonds, some less and some bigger. 6. In another little black box, two rings of gold; one set with a fair emerald, and the other with a ruby. 7. In another box, two rings; the one a topis, the other a small ruby. 8. In another little box, one little ring with a diamond. 9. In a little white box, divers sorts of coarse pearl.

NUMBER 22.

Howland the bishop of Peterburgh’s letter to the lord treasurer: requiring some account of the justices of peace in his diocese; with his certificate concerning some of them. YOUR letter, right honorable, of the 4th of September, I received the 8th of the same month. For your great care wherin, for the due administration of justice, as I thank God, desiring him to bless your good purpose, with all other your honorable studies for the peace of his church and this realm; so I am heartily sorry that I am not able to perform that duty herein which you have so lovingly laid upon me, and I would most willingly discharge: but by reason of shortness of time, and want of the knowledge, as yet, of my country, with the great diversity in reports of men (even by good men whom I have herein used) in nourishing their own humours and partial conceits; by means whereof I know not what to write. For as I would be loth, in this matter of so great import, to commend any man that shall not be found fit for the place, so to disable any whom I do not know, upon any roans report, it were a great rashness in me, and a greater injury unto them.

For Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur hospes.

So that I would be an humble suitor unto your lordship, not for my self alone, but for the rest of my brethren, (unto whom you have committed the like charge,) that some more time might be granted; whereby we may with better assurance (than by the information of one or two) deliver that which may be for our credit, and discharge of our duties herein. Lest that we be deceived, as some of the justices of assize are said to have been. So shall the thing being well don, be but once don. The want wherof hitherto, (pardon, my good lord, if in the dutiful love unto your lordship I lay open my own folly, in telling you what I think and hear,) and the often putting in and out of the commission, gives occasion of more speeches than are convenient; the more earnest I am herein, and humbly desire, for that I understand your lordship hath taken the cause in hand, that as in all other things you have don, so in this also, upon sound information, you may lay a firm and honorable foundation. Wherin also I beseech your lordship to go forward; assuring your lordship, that altho’ you have don many things of very great import to the benefit of the realm, which all men do acknowledg, yet, for the sound settling of the whole realm in firm obedience to their sovereign, and for the preservation of love between every member, you could never take (I speak like a fool, but yet as I think) a more honourable cause in hand, and more acceptable to the people; who think it their greatest good or hurt, to be under good or evil justices. But the putting in execution of this, I take to be the greatest labour, and to require a longer time, both for the choice of the persons to be, as Jethro counsilled, men of courage, fearing God; men dealing truly, hating covetousnes. And therefore not to sail in a needy vessel. As also for their seat and abode, wherby every part of the shire may have their needful use of them, to their best convenience and least charges. Wheras being a great number in some part of the shire on a plumpe, and in some other needful place few or none, it is ratheraccounted (and so used) as a countenance to the parties than a benefit to the country. Which if your lordship can redress, in placing a good physician neer that patient, you shall do a comfortable act, and bring the commission to its right use.

But lest I should be thought to have used these speeches to cover my negligence, and for that I could not do all that I would to have don, therfore nothing, I have sent herewith unto your lordship the names of such as are in the commission in Northamptonshire, (for Rutland and the Soke stand as they did,) and of such as are lately left out, as I received from the clark of the peace; with a short note, what opinion some in the country have of them: wherby your lordship will find, as no great cause to restore them which are out, so as small to retain those that are still in commission.

For my own self, this only I have to say, referring, my cause to your honorable and favourable consideration; that tho’ I acknowledg my self unworthy of that place, yet seeing it hath pleased God and her majesty, by your onely means, to place me in this bishopric, it was thought strange unto many, that I should be left onely, of all other bishops, out of the commission in my dioces. What the cause is, I know not, that, twice or thrice before, I was wrong named Edmund, and now altogether left out.

Wherof as I would gladly know the cause, if there be any, so I humbly beseech your lordship to vouchsafe me that countenance, to the better strengthning of my necessary duties, which now I am often, through want therof, compelled to let pass, to my grief and discredit: for that my ordinary jurisdiction is overshort, and not able to reach to the execution of them. And recommending your lordship to the protection of the Almighty, I rest Your lordships at commandment, RICH. PETRIBURG.

Castor, the 17. Octob. 1587. The names of the justices of the peace in Northamptonshire: with the bishop’s notes at each of them.

Edward Griffin, armig. A man of no great capacity or religion. And whose wife is a great recusant.

Edward Watson, armig. A man suspected in religion.

Edward Cope, armig. An honest gentleman: but that he doth over-greatly countenance such preachers as do im-pugne all orders established. Which some others also in this commission do.

George Lynne, armig. An ancient justice, but yet thought through age to be easily overruled.

Tobias Chauncy, armig. A man of small hability in learning; but yet, as t hear, favoured greatly by the earl of Warwick. By whose means he is thought to be put in again: wheras he was with others put out of commission.

THE JUSTICES OF PEACE OUT OF COMMISSION.

Robert Lane, miles. A man not hable, through infirmity of his body.

Elmer, armig. A man likewise not hable by reason of infirmities.

Val. Knightly, armig. His father in commission.

Tho. Harbie, armig. These two I cannot know, but Tho. Paget, armig. that men say, they are not greatly needfull.

Jacobus Ellis, LL.D. chancellor to the late bishop. But now he hath no abode in the shire.

Clark de Crowtor, armig. This man is well reported for his sufficiency: but that his wife is a recusant.

IN COMIT. RUTLAND.

Kenelmus Digbie. A man, whose house, as your lordship knoweth, hath been notably touched; and is thought to be not sound himself in religion.

Henry Herenden, armig. A man suspected in religion, and thought to be a nourisher of suits, by reason of his profession, being a lawyer.

NUMBER Herbert, bishop of Hereford, to the lord treasurer, certifying him of the justices of peace in his diocese.

Right honorable and my very good lord, ALL those points set down in your lordships letter, concerning justices of the peace within this dioces, either lately left out of the commission, or meet to be left out hereafter, or to be put into the same again, I have, according to my duty, enquired after, with such circumspection and diligence, as my small acquaintance yet in the country, the little knowledge of mens discretions and secresie, some urgent and necessary occasions, and the shortness of time, would suffer me: for your lordships letter, dated the 2. of Septem. came not until the 17th of the same month. Since which time I have had two commissions sit upon; the one between me and Silvan Score, [son or relation to bishop Scory, this bishop’s immediate predecessor,] the other between me and Richard Abington; both of good weight.

But if by reason of these hindrances, any want of this service shall be found, I will by Gods leave, as I shall come by more knowledge, supply the same with all convenient speed. For I certainly persuade myself, that this your lordship’s care and course (if it shall be answerable accordingly) will in a short space work a very sensible and great effect, beneficial both to the state and true religion. Which I must, with the rest of my brethren, acknowledg my self most bound to seek for, and to the uttermost of my power to promote.

I. In the mean time therefore it may please your lordship to be certified of those that were left out of commission in the county of Hereford, I am informed, that, 1. Rich. Tomkins, esq. were meet to be again put into the same: being a man very well affected in religion; a good justitiar, of sufficient livelihood, and convenient place for service. 2. Robert Vaughan, esq. also for like respects.

II. Of those that are remaining in commission; and for the causes, mentioned in your lordships letter, meet to be left out thereof; I am informed, that these might be spared. 1. Roger Bodenham, esq. For his wife is said to be a recusant. 2. Rich. Minors. Thought to favour recusants. 3. Walter Baskervile. For his wife is a recusant. And he is now departed this life. 4. Humfrey Baskervile. For he is not thought well affected in religion, and greatly noted, and touched for incon-tinency: being also aged, and not meet to travail.

III. Of fathers, which have their sons in commission; I hear not of any: saving, that Mr. Comptroller hath his son, Mr. Everard Crofte, and his son in law, Mr. Wigmore, in commission. And Mr. Edward Crofte his sons in law, Mr. Scudamore and Mr. Rudhal.

IV. Of such as answer not her majesty after the rate of 20l land, or like value in goods, there are none, as far as I can learn, but onely Dr. Bevans, my chancellor, whom I think, in respect of the better executing of his office, meet to be continued.

Touching the justices of any other county within this dioces I have not to certify your lordship any thing, because I understand not any of them to be other than according to the meaning of the articles set down by your lordship. Only I wish that William Hopton, esq. (meet in all respects, before noted in others to be put into commission for the county of Salop) might be named in the same, as one that the place and circuit where he dwelleth hath need of. And might it please your lordship also to name Mr. John Watkins, dean of Hereford, among the justices of the county of Hereford. I doubt not but as I take him to be every way fit for the room, so the naming of him would be found both an ease and benefit; especially to such of the county as be inhabiting neet to the city, where in mine opinion some want is of such an one.

And thus have I simply and faithfully (as the matter requireth in answer to your lordships letter) uttered mine opinion in all the points mentioned in the same, according to such credible report as hath been made unto me: not doubting but your lordship will so use the same, as it maybest further that good which your lordship sheweth your self only to respect; and by occasion of any effect, as espe cially in this country, where I am yet a stranger, and must live, I have need to beware of. And so I humbly commend your good lordship to Almighty God. From Whitburn, this viith of Octob. 1587.

Your honour to command, HARB. HEREFORD.

NUMBER 24.

Freake, bishop of Wigorn, to the lord treasurer: in answer to his, to inquire of the justices of peace in his dioces. With the bishops certificate concerning them.

My duty unto your good lordship humbly remembred, WHERE upon an intended reformation of the late renewed commission for the peace within this realm, upon more deliberate advertisements given in that behalf, it hath pleased your lordship to inform your self privately by my reports of the conditions and livings of the justices of peace within my dioces, as well such as be continued in commission of the peace, as those which be left out of the same, I have with all diligence and secresie made inquisition accordingly, to give your lordship the best light I can therin.

First, Therefore in generality to signify mine opinion and knowledg of the justices of peace in this county of Wigorn, continued in commission, I do observe some weakness in that number; divers of them being but superficial, either for advice or for execution of any weighty affaires of the country. And for matter of religion, albeit they are conformable enough, and forward in outward obedience and services; yet do I not perceive any such fervent zele indeed in some of them as I could wish, or that may give me cause to assure my self of their constant affection upon all events and mutations. And truly, my lord, they do cary them selves modestly in the administration of justice, and are the principallest gentlemen for living and countenance that be in the shire; being at hand for all services, by reason of their residence in the same. Against whom I have not heard nor do know any material objection, either for hin-dring the state of religion, or nourishing any suits by colour of law.

Secondly, For some of those that be left out of the commission, I am not able to accuse them of recusancy, albeit some of their wives be recusants.

Which exception set apart, they are otherwise, for wisdom, livelihood, reputation and discrete government, of the best and meetest men that were in that association. And as this country never laboured, sithence my time, of any superfluous company in commission, so cannot the number now remaining thetin be conveniently diminished in my opinion, the same being so decreased by the persons excluded. And if there were any need of new supply, this country, to my judgment, yieldeth small choise of sufficient men in all points to bear rule and authority.

But for the like particular instructions touching the justices in Warwickshire, (wherof some part is within my jurisdiction,) I cannot so precisely satisfy your lordship, because I have not conversed with them in services of the country as I have with the justices in this shire. Howbeit I have sent thither to be informed of the particularities of your lordships letter. And so soon as I shall hear from thence, I will certify the same.

And for your lordships more particular information of the conditions of both sorts in this shire, and their several names in the subsidy books, I have made a calendar therof enclosed herein. Which I desire may be conceled with my letter, by reason of the dependancy or displesure on this service; and in that also I have been the more liberal in reporting things, presuming npon your lordships promised secresy. Wherein reposing my self, I humbly recommend your good lordship to Gods tuition.From Hartlebury castle, the vith of October, 1587.

Your lordships humbly at commandment, EDMUND WIGORN.

A calendar containing the names of the justices of peace within the dioces of Wigorn, as well such as be now in commission, as of those that are lately left out of the same. Together with the several valuations of every of them in the subsidy book, conditions, and affections in religion in Worcestershire.

NUMBER 25.

The bishop of Norwick to the lord treasurer, concerning. the justices in his dioces, and their qualifications.

Right honorable, YOUR lordships letters concerning the justices of peace, wherof your honour requireth to be advertised, came very late unto my hand, with some suspicion of the opening of them, being usual almost in this place, either to intercept such letters, or else to make a stay of the delivery. By which means I have had but a little tune to enquire their hability to maintain that calling, and less conference in respect of the weightiness of this cause, to set down perfectly sure grounds of their forwardness in religion: for the parties themselves are close and prudent, pretending outwardly many signes to further religion, howsoever inwardly they stand affected.

Nevertheless I have penned truely unto your honour my opinion and understanding in this your lordships request, so far as I can be at this time informed, or if the voice of the country may afford any certainty.

Wherupon I have briefly collected and sent your honour here enclosed the names, places, and conditions of them. Which if it be not so perfect as- your honour doth expect, I desire to be excused; for that the commission of peace is so often altered and daily renewed.

Furthermore, I pray your good lordship, use this my re port for your honours own advertisement; because the knowledg of such information is offensive, and truth hath many enemies, as knoweth the Almighty. To whose protection I commit your lordship; praying unto him daily to multiply your lordships days with health and encrease of honour. Ludham, the xi. of Octob. 1587.

Your lordships most assured at command in the Lord, EDMUND NORWICH.

The certificate of the justices of peace sent in by the bishop is contained in a large sheet of paper, entitled, A brief report of the justices of peace in the county of Norfolk.

Then follow in three columns, their names, their places of abode, and their conditions.

The first names are the earl of Sussex, and the bishop of Norwich, Harry lord Crumwel, his place North Elman, and Edward Coke, recorder; of whom it is thus certified, These are well known to your lordship.

The two next names are sir Roger Woodhouse and sir William Paston. Of these the character set down is, observers of laws.

Then follow sir Arthur Heviningham, sir Drue Drury, sir Nicolas Bacon, sir John Payton, sir Harry Woodhouse, sir Edward Clere, dealers in councilship; sir Will. Heydon, Nathaniel Bacon, Basingborn Gaudie, William Benerhasset, now rated only to the value of 20l . vere Harry Gaudre, the son of sir Tho. Gawdie. The conditions of all these set down,favourers of religion.

Then follow the names of Tho. Lovel, Herry Doylie, Tho. Towsend, Will.

Rugg, Nicolas Hare, Clement Paston, and four more. Their characters, suspected, and reckoned to be backward in religion.

Sir Robert Southwel, kt. a young man, not experienced; whose associates for the most part are popish.

Two more young justices, whose fathers are in the commission of peace.

Three more, whereof one is Harrie Yelverton, popish. Out of the commission. And yet there is no want of them.

Will. Gresham and John Reppes, late justices. Humfrey Gibbon, rich, but of no religion.

Miles Hubbard, sound in religion, and very sufficient. Robert Kemp, aged, yet religious. Thomas Fearmer, observer of law, and sufficient. These three were put out; and two yet so remain. Memorandum. For their wealths and habilities, either all or the most part of them are sufficient to maintain that charge and calling; but they differ in religion, and are not so sound and forward.

NUMBER The bishop of Winchester to the lord treasurer: his letter and report, concerning the justices of peace in his diocese; and chiefly in Hampshire.

IT may please your lordship to understand, that Hampshire is parted into seven divisions. Which indeed causeth division oftentimes in the government therof: for that the justices in each division govern in the same without intermeddling the one with the other. And seldome times meet together with the residue for a conference touching the common state; no not at the quarter sessions. Wherby divers times there is some slackness in service.

For your lordships better understanding of the things which your letters principally mention, I have enclosed herein a scedule, noting the names of those justices that remain in commission in each division, and also of the residue that were left out in the last commission, which be to the number of seven or eight. Which in my opinion, under correction of better information, may be well spared, in respect of divers of those notes which your lordship layeth down in your letters.

Onely Mr. Jephson, who dwelleth within the division of Alton, I understand to be a very sufficient man in all respects, saving that I know not for what causes he hath withdrawn himself from all service, either public or particular in that office. And therefore I think he was by some information left out of the last commission. And yet therefore he, or some other, would of necessity be added in that part. For that division, being one of the greatest, hath only sir Richard Norton remaining in it. Who in this last assessing of the subsidy hath none to joyn with him; but was fain to entreat some other, dwelling out of that division. If Mr. Jephson be added again, he would be by some letters provoked to attend that service more than beforetime he hath don.

Besides those justices contained in the scedule, here be sundry others in commission, and not dwelling in the shire, neither coming hither to any service, of which number some be in respect of their state of honour, some in respect of their service about the prince. As for example of the latter sort, Dr. Dale, master of the requests; Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Fines.

Mr. Kirby, who remaineth in commission, and dwelleth in the division of Christs Church: how he came into the commission, I know not. Neither is he a man of any value in substance, either dexterity in government; nether doth he come commonly to any meeting, &c. I cannot note any of them to be backward in religion, but one whose wife and daughters be recusants.

Himself never communicated since the queens time, that is, Richard White, esq Dated the 2. of October, 1587.

NUMBER 27.

Godwin, bishop of Bath and Wells, to the lord treasurer. His letter and certificate concerning the justices in his diocese. AFTER my due commendations unto your lordship, to your letters of the 2. of September, this mine answer. Upon conference with the trusty, I shew your lordship, that of such as be removed out of the commission, Mr. Sam.

Norton, Mr. Anthony Scutt, and Mr. Watkins, being sound in the faith, and meet for their abilities in the places of their abode, being very convenient, especially since the death of sir John Horner, are surely very fit men to be replaced.

Of such as be left in commission, I think sir Jhon Syd-ham and John Lancaster to be unworthy of the place, on these considerations: sir Jhon Sydnams lady is a recusant; his eldest sons wife a recusant; and suspected to be maried at a mass. Jhon Lancaster, of all honest men taken to be an enemy to the truth. And for the same once expelled Grays Inn. His father and mother lady-matin folks. One of his beloved brothers a seminary at Rhemes: his wiles father no recusant, but backward in religion. And so is all his alliance; and more countenanced by his place. His hability too smal; that at this last rating in the subsidy refused to be cessed at 10l . lands.

Thus heartily thanking your lordship for the good opinion yee have conceived of me, that yee would trust me in so weighty a cause; wherin I have, and ever will, deal without affection, I humbly take leave, wishing to your lordship all health of body and mind long to endure.

From Bunwoll, Octob. 2. 1587. By, Your honours assured in the Lord, THOMAS B. AND WELLS.

NUMBER Sandys, archbishop of York, to the lord treasurer. His judgment of the justices of peace in Yorkshire, &c.

My honourable good lord, IHAVE considered of your letters, and will answer your request therin with all faithfulness. I have made one gentleman onely acquainted with the matter; a man of great integrity and good skil, in all his actions governed with an upright conscience; and a man, qui potest tacere, Sc. F. P.

I have noted in a paper, herein enclosed, such as in mine opinion may be well put out of commission, and given some reasons why. As also such as are fit to be put in the commission again, of late put out. Herein I am not overruled with partial affection, but directed by a good conscience for the good of the commonwealth; referring the whole to your wise and honorable consideration.

In mine opinion, such as are put out are well put out, and worthily, saving onely three, which I have noted in my paper. I deal with no knights, lest I should be noted to follow affection; but I assure you some of them be of the baddest sort; unworthy to govern, being so far out of order themselves.

One man hath brought in the most part, who will be offended, if any be brought in without him. And to speak the truth, altho’ there be many gentlemen in Yorkshire, yet very hard choise of fit men far that purpose. Nam omnes quaerunt quae sua sunt, non quae spectant ad bonum reip.

And if none should be in commission but such as are xxl . in subsidy, you should put out half of those that be in, as I suppose. And thus I commend your good lordship to the direction of Gods Holy Spirit. Bishopthorpe, the 27. of Septem. 1587.

Your lordships bounden, E. EBOR.

POSTSCRIPT.

Straker, the promoter, tryed at these assizes at York; and there adjudged to the pillory for composition contrary to the statute; affirmed there in open court, that he had brought in one sitting to the council at York 80l . odd mony. If thus much by one promoter, how much by all the rest? And if thus much at one sitting, how much at all the sittings? Certificate touching the justices of peace in the counties of Yorkshire and Nottinghamshire.

Yorkshire justices at this present in commission.

WEST-RIDING. R. L. i.e. Rob. Lee. He is a notable open adulterer. One that giveth great offence, and will not be reformed. He useth his authority as well to work private displesure as to serve other mens tournes. A very bad man, and one that doth no good. Better put out than kept in. P. S. i.e. Peter Stanley. A man noted to be a great for-nicator. Of small wisdome, and less skill. One that is little in subsidy. Brought in onely to serve tournes. He hangeth on the brow at all times and in all things. Ever at commandment without further respect. A man of none account. T. W. i.e. Tho. Wentworth. A very senseless blockhead; ever wronging, and wronging his poor neighbouts: being a great graine-man of himself. He bought in the beginning of last year, in every market, so much as he could, and heaped it up in his houses to sel against the dearest. He dependeth wholly upon him that brought him in; and will serve all tournes. If you look into the subsidy book, youshall find him little there. J. R. i.e. Jam. Rither. This man is noted to be a soure, subtil papist, and brought into commission in respect thereof. Ready to hinder any matter that shall touch any papist. He dependeth upon sir Tho. Farefax to make good his evil causes. A man unprofitable for the common wealth, and full of contention. G. W. i.e. George Woodrof. His wife is an obstinate recusant; and of long time hath been. One that doth very much hurt. An argument that he is not well affected himself. Such men as have such wives are thought very unfit to serve in these our times. B. S. i.e. Brian Stapleton. The man is noted to be a great papist. And so is his eldest son. He maketh small abode in this country. He liveth at London, and keepeth company with sir Robert Stapleton. He keepeth no house, having no wife.

EAST-RIDING. H. C. i.e. Henry Constable, kt. He is sheriff of his shire this year; but was in commission before, and looketh for to be in again. His wife is a most obstinate recusant, and will not be reformed by any persuasion, or yet by coertion. Her example is very hurtful. F.A. i.e. Francis Alford. This man liveth much at London. He hath no wife.

A man of small living; less skil; of no countenance. One that may be very well spared.

NOTTINGHAMSHIRE. B. L. i. e. Brian Lascells. He is a man full of quarells and contentions. One that maketh divisions, maintaining evil causes; bolstering out evil matters; ever in law, and one that onely liveth by other mens losses. Such as befit men to be called in commission again.

G. N. I. L. W. I. i. e. Gervace Nevyl, John Lewis, Walter Jobson. All these are wise, upright, skilful, and painful in that office. And no just cause why they should be removed out of the commission of peace, so far as can be here known. W. S. i.e. Wil. Sutton of Aram in Nottinghamsh. As he is a man of good living, and of an antient house, so he is a very honest, upright gentleman, and very fit to be put into the commission of peace.

NUMBER 29.

Toby Matthew, D. D. Dean of Durham, to Mr. Francis Mills, attendant on sir Francis Walslngham, secretary of state; upon his being nominated to succeed in the see of Durham, now void. Dated from Durham, Novemb. 23, 1587.

S. P. in Dno. Jesu.

SIR; Whereas Mr. Secretary Walsingham, of his own honorable disposition towards my preferment, hath of late once again vouchsafed to advertise me of his purpose to have me placed in the late lord bishops room here, a benefice that I must ingenuously confess I think my self nothing so fit for as I could desire, I have adventured to acquaint you above all others with that his honours plesure and determination; to the end, that albeit you would never yet like to be beholden to me in any respect, notwithstanding the furtherance you gave me in my coming hither; yet I may still be more and more beholden to you, as well for that is to come as for that is past; in case you can think of me, as a man not unmeet to be so far done for, nor unmindful of the state you may stand me therein: which meaning of mine I would in more hast have imparted unto you, having had experience of your friendship tofore, and knowing how inward you are with your master; but that I was unresolved my self to procede therin for some good considerations that did much discourage me: for beside mine own insufficiency for such a charge, best known to my self, and my very hard passage, as it were, through the pricks, for every suit that ever I obtained in court; I see the bishopric greatly impaired. The best things demised at length, and many of the less intangled. No provision at all of corn by rent or otherwise. The rate very high in the queens books, and 1700l . by year, communibus annis, going out; yea, after the firstfruits are discharged. In the dioces, namely, in Northumberland, and especially about the borders, most wretched and miserable, able to burst the heart of an honest, well meaning pastor; so small assistance for the public services of religion, and the state both ecclesiastical and civil, as no where else, I think, in all this realm or the next. The place exceeding chargeable in peace and war dangerous; which is more than likely in this broken world, between us and our neibours; together with the night crow, that ever croketh in mine ears, “For Gods sake get us gone hence. Why came we hither? Who but we, would any longer tarry here?” Which voice, you wot well, hath half the force of an inchantment sometimes. [The repeated voice, it is likely, of the dean’s wife, after his remove to those northern parts.] These and the like did greatly dissuade me, until of late, I assure you, that divers of my friends, both here and else where, have put some heart into me, by answering and replying to some of these objections. So as now I have submitted my cares and fears to Gods good providence, my service to her majesty’s disposition, if it shah be such, my directions to Mr. Secretary by you from time to time.

Wherefore my special request is, that hereto I may have both your advice and assistance, if it shall please you to renew the matter to Mr. Secretaryes remembrance, with my most humble and most bounden thanks for his great favour and goodness towards me, as well thefin as otherwise. To certify me by the next what termes the rest that be suitors do stand in your opinion: what course you think fit, for me to follow; and in what sort the cause to be solicited. My disadvantages, in comparison of some other men, I know, are great. They are many, and I but one. They are neer hand, I very far off. They that are worthy may be importune. I cannot so be with any modesty. They will have many agents and instruments I neither can or will use any means, but your master, to her majesty. Nor any but you in effect to his honour. If so God will send it, it shall be welcome: if otherwise, I am where I was; and in better place than happly I deserve: less able, I confess, to do for such as have don or shall do for me; but no less will or readiness to do his honour any service, or you any friendship, so long as I shall live. Thus desiring your courteous acceptation of this my motion, together with your speedy answer, I commit you to Gods good keeping.

From Duresme, this 23. of Novemb. 1587.

Your assured friend, TOBY MATTHEW.

If Mr. Secretary shall find that the bishopric will be for me, I would wish you will not neglect in time to consider of any honest sufficient man to succede me here, [in the deanery.] For I can assure you, there is not a place in this land, all things considered, more worthy to be well bestowed of this calling. For which there will also be many suitors. Sed non sumus ibi adhuc, will you say.

NUMBER Ten long leases of the bishopric of Durham, to the queen granted, most of them, by Barnes the bishop of that diocese: with a note of the particulars demised. The date of the leases, number of years, and yearly rent.

All the manour of Welehal; the demean lands there. The fishings in the waters of Owse.

The demain lands at Walkington, &c. All the wood and underwood at Walkington.

The passages, shores, fishings, and firy [ferry] boats at Hoveden Dike, &c.

NUMBER 31.

Toby Matthew, D. D. dean of Durham; to air Fra. Wal-singham, secretary of state. Concerning his preferment to that bishopric.

Rt. honorable, THIS whole society of her majestys foundation, not the dean and chapter alone, but all and every the members of this troubled body, do acknowledge our selves so greatly bounden unto your honour for the furtherance we have obtained by your several earnest and effectual letters to my lord chancellor, and especially to my lords grace of Canterbury, as we desire an occasion to be ministred, wherin at one time or other we may declare in how dutiful and thankful part we do receive so singular and extraordinary benefits; my self being in more particular and special maner tyed to honour and serve such a patron while I shall have breath; finding you amidst the perils, yea, of your own life, to carry such regard, care, and study of my preferment, as would make me mervail, were I not so long and so well acquainted with your exceeding great favour towards me; a man no way worthy, saving in your own eyes, of so good hap. But the less my desert is, the deeper is my debt, and my bond the strongest, which, unless God’s grace shall fail me utterly, (a case, I trust, impossible,)I will never break.

To my lord of Essex, [Walsingham’s son-in-law,] as to whom I think I am unknown, but only recommended by your honour to his lordship, I have not yet written so much as thanks. For that I learn not as yet how far it pleaseth your honour that I take knowledg of the good his lordshiphath or may do me for your sake. Wherein if by slackness I have made any fault, upon advertisement, I shall readily amend that is amisse.

In case it mought like your honour to communicate your purpose with my lord Steward, [the earl of Leicester,] my singular good lord and old master, I should right gladly take notice of his lordships disposition. Whose inclination towards any other whatsoever, I would neither seem nor seek to impeach, for all the promotions in this realm.

Of my years, wherof it appeareth some question hath been made, to wit 44, within two months, if the Lord grant me so long to live, I have more largely written to Mr. Milles, [Walsingham’s chief attendant.] To whose custody, if your honour will vouchsafe at my request to commit these, &c.

From Duresme, the 23. of Decemb. 1587.

Your honours humble at commandment, TOBY MATTHEW.

NUMBER 32.

A discovery of the present estate of the bishopric of St. Asaph. Sent to the lord treasurer Burghley, Febr. 24, 1587.

The estate of the bishopric of S. Asaph now standeth thus.

MOST of the great livings within the dioces, some with cure of souls, and some without cure, are either holden by the lord bishop himself in commendam, or else they are in the possession of such men as do dwell out of the country.

These are holden by the lord bishop in commendam. 1. The archdeaconry, being well worth 400l . yearly. To the which these benefices with cure do belong; Llangwste-nin, Disetth, and Rhylyfnwyde. And these without cure; viz. 4. Abergelo, R. Llundrillo in Rosse parc. [i.e. parcel,] Llanrwst, parc. 2. Cwin, R. sine cura; yearly worth L.l. 3. Llandrillo in Deiznyon, R. sine cura; worth Lxxxl . 4. Llangwn, R. sine cura; yearly worth LXl . 5.

Llandrinia R. with three cures; viz. Llandrinia, Llandissilia, Melnerly; worth yearly CLXl . 6. Llysvayn, R. cum cura; yearly worth Ll . or better. 7.

Castel, R. cum cura; yearly worth Ll . 8. Malloyd, R. cum cura; yearly worth LXXl . IX cures, and VII without cure.

The said lord bishop hath had in his commendam six other benefices with cure; the which he resigned upon having of the better. 1. Abergele, V. [vicarage.] 2. Battws, V. 3. Grefford, V. 4. Myvot, V. 5. Arbistock, R. 6.

Lla-nyckil, R.

These following are in the possession of them that live out of the country.

Wherof some were collated by the lord bishop that now is. 1. Vaynol, prebend; yearly worth 200 mark; in the possession of Dr. Yale, of the Arches. 2. Llanvfyth, prebend; worth 100l . yearly; in the possession of Dr. Lewyn, of the Arches. 3. Kilken, R. worth Ll . yearly, sine cure; in the possession of Mr. Tomson, dwelling about London. 4. Skenviog, R. in the possession of Mr. Henry Mostyn, chancellor of Bangor. 5. Whittinton, R. cum cura; of the patronage of Mr. Albany: in the possession of Mr. Bagshaw, of Litchfield. 6. Oswestrie, V. of the patronage of the earl of Arundel; in the possession of 7. Mackynllaeth, R. in the possession of Mr. Hughes, of Merionythshire.

And of antlent collation these; the possessors also living out of the dioces; to the number of seven more: 1. Meleden, prebend; worth yearly L1. in the possession of Dr. Ireland, of Chester. 2. Llancrwst, R. in the possession of Dr. Jones, of the Arches. 3. Llansanan. R. parc. [parti- cula ;] in the possession of the same. 4. Llonarmon, R. in the possession of the dean of Canterbury, [Mr. Rogers.] 5. Estyn, R. in the possession of the said man. 6. Covwen, R. in the possession of D. Meurick, of Litchfield. 7. Llandissy], R. in the possession of Dr Lewis, the queens chaplain.

There is never a preacher within the said dioces (the lord bishop only excepted) that keepeth ordinary residence and hospitality upon his living, but Dr. Powel, and Dr. Morgan, and the parson of Llanvechem, an aged man about 80 years old.

By reason of the commendams, and absence aforesaid, hospitality is now of late greatly decayed in that dioces.

These are clean gon, which of late were great housekeepers. 1. The dean; [one Banks, not 28 years old.] He that now hath the name to be dean never kept house in all his life; and is an unfit man for that place and calling, in all respects, being not past xxIv years old. 2. The archdeacon hath been the best housekeeper in the country: but now the living is in the lord bishops commendam. 3. The parson of Llysvaen: now the lord bishops commendam. 4. The parson of Skeiviog: now absent. 5. The vicar of Cwin: the now incumbent, being also parson of Northop and of Whitford, (two of the greatest livings in all the dioces,) boardeth in the alehouse. Five livings more follow wherin hospitality ceased; viz. 6. The parson of Whittinton; now absent. 7. The parson of Llandernio: now the lord bishops commendam. 8. The parson of Castel; a great housekeeper: now the lord bishops commendam. 9. The parson of Llandrillo: now the lord bishops commendam. 10. The parson of Mallayd: now the lord bishops commendam. The livings being subducted, the relief of the poor must needs decay.

PARCELS OF THE BISHOPRIC LEASED AND CONFIRMED BY THE LORD BISHOP THAT NOW IS, TO THE HINDERANCE OF HIS SUCCESSORS. 1. The lordship of Meleden; the moyety wherof being in lease before, he bought of Mr. Symon Theloal, esq. (to whom he gave for the same the vicarage of Moulde for his son ;) he hath confirmed for lives, to the use of his own children. 2. The rectory of Llanhasaph he hath for the sum of cccl . confirmed for lives to Mr. Piers Mostyn, esq. 3. The manour of Llandegla to his cousin [Hue Kendryck] of London. 4. The bishops lands in S.

Martins he granted to the old tenants, if they will pay him 170l . otherwise the same are granted to the use of his own children. 7. A pottion of tiths in the parish of Blodwal, of the yearly rent of xvl . he hath confirmed in lease to Mard. [Mamaduke] Jones, gentleman, for 40 shil. rent, in part of payment of a purchase of certain freehold lands, which he purchased of the same Jones, to him and to his heirs for ever. For the which, beside the said lease, he gave 100l. in mony; the lands being worth 20l . yearly. 8.

Llanwstonm, a parcel of the archdeaconry, he hath confirmed in lease to William ap Richard of Conwey.

OTHER LEASES WHICH THE SAID LORD BISHOP, FOR MONEY OR OTHER PLEASURES, HATH CONFIRMED: TO THE NUMBER OF SIX GOOD RECTORIES. 1. The rectory of Llanrhaiac, being yearly worth cLxl . he hath confirmed in lease to the widow of Mr. John Dudley, a smal rent reserved to the incumbent. 2. The rectory of Whytfor he hath in like maner, for a piece of mony, confirmed to Mr. Roger Manering of Nantwych. 3. The rectory of Northope, being the best in all the dioces, he hath in like maner confirmed in lease. 4. The rectory of Estyn he hath likewise confirmed in lease. 5. The rectory of Llanselyn, being the dividend of the chapter, he con-firreed to the use of his own wife and children: promising great preferment to some of the prebends, to grant to him their portions of the same: and when he had obtained his request, he now refuseth to perform his promise with them. 6. He hath also confirmed a parcel of tith, belonging to the vicarage of HenLlay, and the two coportionarie prebends of Llanvair, to his own sister.

And to the end he may confirm what he will himself, he hath gotten all the keyes of the chapter seal to the keeping of his own chaplains, whom he may command. Wherby it will appear what he meaneth to do hereafter. 1. The said bishop, in all his ordinary visitations, caused the clergy of his dioces to pay for his lordships diet, and the diet of his train, over and above the accustomed procurations, appointed by the laws for that purpose, and contrary to the same laws. 2. He commonly giveth no benefice before he hath gotten the harvest for himself, if the same do fall, that he maySo do. 3. And now (the more is the pity) he is altogether given to the purchasing of lands to him and his heirs. And hath given great sums of mony upon mortgages of lands. As upon the lands of Mr. Edwards of Chirk, as it is reported, the sum of 700l . Mr. Conwey, the sum of Which thing is a scandal to his profession, and an ill example of usury to the laity. 4. The officers of his consistory court do receive great sums of mony of offenders, in redemption of their corporal penance. And never send the same, nor any part therof, to the parish where the offences are committed.

But either take the same to their own uses, or give it to his lordship, without any notice or satisfaction to the congregation offended. 5. There is no table of fees set up in the consistory according to the late canons. 6. There are no overseers appointed for divine service within that dioces, according to the Injunctions. Which thing hath been a great cause of so many recusants in that country. All the premisses are to be found of record, or notoriously known, so that they cannot be denyed.

NUMBER 33.

The dean and prebendaries of Ely to the lord treasurer, upon occasion of the queen’s letter to them, to grant a lease to one Ashby, her servant, of certain manors of that bishopric, now void. OUR duty in most humble wise remembred, with most humble thanks for your lordships good favour in procuring from her majesty the grant and confirmation of divers things of late belonging to the church of Ely. These shall be to certify your honour at this time, that we have received, the 7th day of this month of June, certain letters from her majesty in favour of Mr. Will. Ashby, esq. one of her majestys well beloved servants, requiring and authorizing us therby to make him a certain lease, under our chapterseal, of the manours of Dunnington and Thriplow, and of the parsonage of Hinkston, belonging to the bishopric of Ely. And likewise we have received another letter from Mr. Secretary Walsingham, expressing her majestys gracious favour. (The copy whereof they sent enclosed.) And altho’ we are most willing to do in all duty that her majesty shall command, and ready of good will to plesure the said honest gentleman, yet, for that we are credibly informed, that your honour hath bestowed divers things, belonging to the said bishopric already, and particularly the manour of Dunning-ton, upon Mr. Richard Cox, during the time of vacancy of the see of Ely, we are persuaded, that all the rest doth belong to your honour for that time of vacancy.

And therefore we have forborn to seal the said lease, as we are authorized by her majesty for to do, until we shall understand your lordships plesure herein; being our singular good lord, and high steward of our church. Unto whose counsil we do refer our selves herein to be directed.

And wheras the church of Ely, among other of their grants made to the prior and covent, and their successors, hath had a special privilege of keeping and receiving all the temporalities belonging to the said bishopric, during the vacancy, as may appear unto your honours by divers of her majestys noble progenitors under their seals, (which we do send unto your honour to peruse,) like as her majesty hath willed and licenced us to do at this time in these particulars: the which if we, the dean and chapter of Ely, for us and our successors, may likewise obtain of her majesty, and enjoy by your honours good means, the like grant of keeping the temporalities, sede vacante, accordingly, then might we not onely safly yield to these her majestys letters, without prejudice to this see of Ely, or any other bishopric hereafter; but also do promise by these our letters, that we will not pass any thing belonging to the said bishopric during the vacancy, but such as your honour shall first be made privy of, and given your assent thereunto.

And so with our daily prayers for the long continuance of your honours happy prosperity, we humbly take our leave. From Ely, the 11. of June, 1587.

Your honours most bounden and daily orators, Robert Norgate, — Andrew Pern, — Jhon Bell, — Jhon Parkers, — Edmund Barwel.

NUMBER 34.

Orders made at a synod of puritans, Sept. 8, 1587. 1. DE scribendis et subscribendis literis; nimirum, ut familiari modo fiant. 2. Literae fiduciariae certa forma scribendae. Cujus exemplum hoc sit, Salutem in Christo, Amen. Reverende frater, charissimus frater noster dns.

N. rogatus est, ut te conveniret. Rogatus est etiam, ut quibusdam rebus, quae ad me, et alios quosdam fratres in his locis attinent, tecum communicet; et siqui praeterea istic sunt, quibuscum utiliter communicare possunt; quos propterea his literis non complexus sum, quia is te conventurus est, cujus fides satis nota est. Cui rogo fidem adhibeas in eis quae tecum nostro nomine communicaturus est. Vale, frater charissime.

Deus omnibus tuis sanctis laboribus et conatibus eos successus concedat, qui maxime Dei honori, et ecclesiae et tibi ipsi, fructui atque solatio esse possint. Tui studiosus. 3. Colloquia fratrum nituntur. 1. Generalibus cohortationibus et mandads, de nobis mutuo juvandis. 2. Communione sanctorum; illustrata similitudine humani corporis. Quae rationes magis urgent ministros, qui sunt praeci-pua membra ecclesiae. 3. Specialibus mandatis, et cohor-tationibus ad ministros, de curanda ecclesia, quae aliter pro-curari non potest. 4.

Exemplis, quae sunt Act. 8. 14. et 25. 2. (Schismaris calumnia refellitur, in communicatione fratrum cum ecclesia in verbo et sacramentis, et caeteris omnibus, exceptis corruptelis. 2do. quia nullam authoritatem assumant alios ad sua decreta obstringendi.) 5. Haec est maxime opportuna ratio occurrendi schismaris. 6. Et continendi fratres in sani judicii unitate. 7. Et vitandi securitatem. 8. Et temeritatem. 9. Et augendi scientiam, omniaque dona ministerio necessaria. 10. Magistratus potestas non minuitur, cum sit plane ecclesiastica; nec adhuc diserte prohibetur. 4. Ratio habendi colloquia et conventus sumenda ex sy-nodica disciplina.

In quibus commodum erit, ut fratres prophetia, vel alia ratione ad augendam scientiam commoda, se exerceant. 5. Acta conventuum referenda eadem ratione, qua fe-renda sunt ipsa mandata; hoc est, breviter ad fratris feren-tis memoriam juvandam. 6. Quaerendum de mulierum baptismo, privata sacramentorum administratione, Apocryphorum lectione, apertis depravationibus scripturae, signo crucis typico; an simpliciter impia. 7. Ad quaestiones de sacra disciplina, et synodica, (1. An conveniat cum verbo Dei. 2. Quousque cum pace ecclesiae, uti liceat,) nondum responsum est a plerisque. Quod curandum in proximum conventum. 8. De necessitate idonei ministri, de non communicando cum inidoneis ministris, et non agnoscenda aucthoritate hie-rarchiae; et omnino de illegitima disciplina repudianda, at-que legitima instauranda praxi nostra; deliberandum est a fratribus inter se, et cum exteris ecclesiis reformatis. 9. Responsio ad dubitationes certorum conventuum de disciplina, dilata est, donec reliqui conventus suam de tota disciplina sententiam significarint. 10. Superioris conventus acta mittenda sunt ad proxime sequentem. 11. Nomen locl et temporis habendi conventus celandum ab ipso, cui significatum fuerit ab aliis; et cum delectu tantum communicandum: idque postquam delectus fuerit. 12. Scribendum Surfoleic, \ D. Knewstub Cantiae, \ Nichols. Estwel. 13. Curandum de libris disciplinae imprimendis, et per conventus dispergendis. 14. De ministerio academico deliberandum a fratribus in proximum conventum, si intersint academici. 15. De libds de Cartwright de diseiplina, rogandus ipse primum, ut vertantur. D. Chatterton, et D. Gellibrand proeurent. 16. De libro responsorio ad Rhemensis Testamenti trans-lationem, scribendum a D. Fen ad cornitem Leicestrensem, et ad D. Fennerum. 17. Juramenta in visitationibus accipienda, nonnisi protestatione, quatenus liceat, salva conscientia. 18. De proximo conventu convocando demandetur classi Warwicensi, ex sententia classium ejusdem comitatus, modo intra tempus semestre, et non ante trimestre. Ex MSto. magistri Lauton, coll. Trin.

Cant. sacellan.

NUMBER 35.

Durden, a minister, that called himself Elias ; his prophecies concerning the times approaching, and the return of the Jews, by his conduct. In a letter to one of his party, named Williamson, a tailor in Cambridge. With his interpretation of the prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse.

Grace and peace be with you from God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ.

Brother W. ‘TIS commanded, that as every one hath received a gift, so he should distribute, the same to others, as faithful disposers of the manifold gifts of God. For this cause I durst not concele from you, brother William, as to whom I am especially bound by manifold links of charity, kindred, and calling to be beneficial, I dare not, I say, hide from you that knowledge which I have by an extraordinary means received from God, to impart to all in universal. The matter is this in brief sum.

That we have hitherto, like Saul, kicked against the pricks, yet now, as Paul, we shall become chosen vessels to bear his name not before England only, (for which cause I am in prison,) but even before all nations that are in the world: to fulfil these scriptures, written long since of my calling and works. Esay 49. 1. &c. and 59. v. 20. and Mark 9. 12. and Rom. 10. 26.

Dan. 7. 25. 26. Ezek. 38. and 39. Apo. 5. 11.12. 14. 15. 16. 17. 19. By these places I gather these four points.

I. That the Jews are to be brought from among the Gentils, even unto the land of Judea.

II. That I am appointed and ordained of God to be their deliverer. And that we are the same Israelites, whom this land doth persecute. [Puritans.] III. That we shall be sent unto the land promised us, Ezek. 36. and Jer. 31. and Apo. 12. 23. and that in this queens days, that now reigneth.

IV. That shortly after that, all the kings of the whole world shall be gathered together, to fight against us in Judea; where we shall have the victory: and all the kings of the world shall be obedient unto us, and pay us tribute: yea, and for a whole thousand years shall be obedient to the gospel.

All these four propositions I do thus approve out of those scriptures.

First proposition, That the very Jews by nature must be gathered into their own land from the Gentils, these testimonies, needing no exposition, do convince: namely, Ezek. 36. and 39. Esa. 14. 1. and that of Jer. 7. and fully accomplished at the death of the infants, Matth. 2. For the prophet doth add the cause of Rachels comfort: namely, because there is yet hope, that they shall return into their own border. Jer. 81. 17. Wherefore now rather is this proraise to be accomplished, sith they are yet to be broughtinto their own borders. Neither was the prophesy of Mycheas, cap. 5. 2. yet fulfilled in the person of Christ, Mat. 21. For it is all one with APO. 12.

Secondly, That I am the person ordained to be their deliverer; and again, that this land cloth persecute us; I gather by these testimonies following.

But for the first, that I am ordained to these works, I know by these reasons. 1. By mine extraordinary calling I was moved to search these things. And so by searching I understood these things, and perceived that no other interpreter understood them. 2. For this cause I knew that I was ordained onely to se and work them.

For it is testified, that no man in heaven or earth, or underneath the earth, was able to open the book, or to loose the seven seals therof, Apoc. 5. but the lion of the tribe of Judah; the root of David, &c. Wherefore, considering mine extraordinary vision, which was most like the vision of those seven seals; and considering that God did inwardly inform me with the understanding of the Apocalyps; I did not doubt to believe that I was the person figured by that lion, and that lamb, as it were slain.

Furthermore, I was yet more fully certified of this by another property of that person in the 19 of that Apo. ver. 16. For upon my thigh is a mark and print of a round circle: which I interpret to signify the geometrical proportion of that possession which I am promised. And therefore it is said, that this name written is, King of kings, and Lord of lords.

Neither doth that place of Paul to Timothy, Epistle 1. cap. gainsay this interpretation, altho’ he applieth it as peculiar to Christ. For it is proper to him, as the only head of the church, and even of all the world in all ages, as Micheas testifyeth, 5.2. But to his servants it may be also applied, for the power and authority that he doth give unto them sometimes upon earth; as it appeareth in the 2. of Dan. 37. For Daniel saith of Nebuchadnezzer, Thou art a king’of kings. Yea, and in that chapter he promiseth the like aucthority and power to another person, at the end of those four kingdoms.

Which doth agree altogether with this, which John also prophesieth Apo. 19. 15 and 16. I conclude therefore by this interpretation that I am the person, having the mark or name of potentate upon my thigh. 4. Lastly, that I am the Person, the time of my calling doth verify, together with the testimony of Daniel and John of the said time of my calling. For Daniel (Dan. 12.) by vision saw two others standing, wherof one, he saith, asked, when the end of those things spoken of in his prophesy should be.

Now these two were not angels, but men: as of him which asked of the time in the 8th chapter it is plainly witnessed. Of these two men, the one was John. But he did not ask after the time: but, without asking, the angel did shew him both of the time and of my calling also. For by the reed to mesure the temple and altar, and them which worship therin, he did signify my raising to shew these things. For how could he mete worshipers with a material reed? Therefore John by the reed doth signify no other thing than him whom Daniel saw, asking after the end of the visions. And this is apparent, for they both heard that the time should last but three years and an half, after my calling, for a time, two times, and half: and 42 months are all one with three years and an half. And the meaning of the word must be shut up, until the end of the days, Dan. 12.

Therefore the time must not be literally understood as they are written: onely it resteth upon the raising up of that reed to mete; when we must begin to number.

And now to prove that I am this reed and instrument, I alledge experience of time: namely, that now is the time come, and the days and months must begin to be accounted at the day of my calling: which was the 24th of August, 1585. So that the holy city must be trodden under feet, until the 24th of February, 1589. The proof wherof is this: that the end of these months so accounted shall end just with the time appointed to the two beasts, spokenof in the 13th chap. of the Apocalyps, ver. ultimo. For it is said, that the Jews, which is signified by the holy city, must get the victory of the beast, and of his name, and image, and number of his name. Apoc. 15. 2. And the number of his name, that is, his possession and reign, is 666.

Which being called months, (as no doubt they must,) shall end the same time, namely, anno Dom. 1589, the 24. of February. For this beast is the kingdom of England. And the image of the first beast hath been maintained in it since the 25. of Aug. 1534. and must last 666 months, that is, 55 years and an half. Which shall end the 24 of Febr. 1589. So it will fall out just with the end of the 42 months after my calling. I conclude therefore my experience, that no other person can be allotted to work these things.

It remaineth that I prove, that this is the land and place from which the Jews must be delivered. First, I alledge the prophesies of Daniel, chap. the 2d, and Apoc. 17. Both which prophesies do agree that the Jews must win victory against the beast with ten hornes; which is without all doubt the government of Rome. But that little horn which Daniel speaks of, cap. 7. 25. and cap. 8. must needs betoken this kingdom, England: which I prove by these infallible reasons following. Wherby it shall appear to all men that this is the land wherin the Jews are persecuted, and out of which they shall be gathered. For, 1. This kingdome departed from the beast, the pope, as Daniel said it should, cap. 7. 24. and 8. 2. It is unlike to the former hornes, or kingdomes under the pope; for they both serve him and believe the popes doctrine.

But this land doth not serve him, but yet doth believe some of his doctrines. Of this Daniel spake, ver. 24, 25. and John, Apoc. 13. 11. and 12. 3. This horn hath subdued three of the other, as Daniel, cap. 7. 2. 4.

What way it is enlarged, it is witnessed, Dan. cap. 8. and 9. 5. What opinions it holdeth against the truth, it is witnessed, cap. 7. 25. Lastly, how many months it should last; how many changes it should have in this time; yea, how many heads in all this time, as well kings as queens, John doth set forth unto us. So that nothing is wanting in the full description of a kingdom, the very name of place and person onely excepted. For he sets down the time of the whole government; namely, 666 months: the number of heads, kings with queens, are seven. As Apoc. 17. 9. Of which five are now fallen. For he spake then as if he had lived now. For he speak-eth of the person of that elder. And by him he meant me. And therefore he noteth this his meaning by that saying, Here is the mind that hath wisdome, ver. 9.

The like he useth in the 13th chap. ver. 18. that the church might know, that whoso could understand these two places, he should know all. And that it might be allotted to one person onely. For he saith, Here is the mind that hath wis dom: not minds, &c. But of all things generall he saith generally, cap. 15. Here are they that keep the commandments of God, and the testimonies of Jesus.

Now to come to the seventh head again. He saith, as he were living, (for so he is, even that elder, which in vision shewed John these things, five are fallen; as namely, Henry the king of late, of famous memory; and his wife, the queen Anne. 3. Edward the Sixth. 4. and 5. Philip and Mary. One is; the seventh is not yet come: and must tarry but a short time; even five months. For it is that Abaddon spoken of, Apoc. 9. This is manifest by the saying in the 4th verse of the same 9th chapter. For thereby it is manifest that Abaddon is the seventh head; and this queen the sixth. Because the Jews which have the seal of God in their foreheads must not be hurt by Abaddon: but before his time, under the queen, they must be delivered. For this queen her reign is figured by the blowing of the fourth trumpet. And that the Jews must at this time be delivered, it is testified by both Daniel, cap. 8. and by John, Apoc. cap. 12. For by the host of heaven, and the prince of the host, and by the woman and her manchild, which should rule all nations with a rod of iron, the Jews and their prince are signified: as Daniel doth plainly, cap. 8. and John in his 8th chap. do mean one thing by the host of heaven, sun, moon, and starrs, itis manifest, because John and Daniel do note the same time, in that they both say, This shall be don in the last wrath: Dan. 8. and Apo. 15. For John meaneth by them that have gotten victory Over the beast, and his name, and the number of his name, chap. 15. 2. none but the Jews. For they are said to have the harps of God, both in the 15 and 14 chapters. So then they also are the same, which must be the destroyers of the papists: as is signified by the viols which they pour upon the world: cap. 15. and 16. For the seven angels signify seven shepherds and principal men of the Jews. As Micheas, speaking of that time, witnesseth, &c. And after some pages. So that by the ascending of the beast out of the bottomless pit is meant, that he shall again have his full authority in England, at the coming of the 7th head. Which is the next governour of this realm. That he saith, that the beast was, and is not, and yet is, he meaneth, that it was when he had full authority in England, but is not now, under the queen Elizabeth, which is the sixth head: and yet is of some authority: not in his own person, but in his doctrin. For some of his ceremonies are maintained. And therefore they worship God in vain, which teach for doctrines the precepts of men. Matth. 15. If Christ said it for washing of hands, and for leaving unpunished a loose and careless provision for parents, how much more would he say it for the malicious slandering of his people, that they are called rebells and traitors, because they obey not customs less necessary. For the washing of hands is more necessary than the wearing of a surplice, and crossing the child, and marrying with the ring, &c. And after a great deal more to this purpose, he went on thus:

When I was called to this matter by vision, I was bold to search. And in searching I perceived, that the seventh seal, spoken of by John, Apoc. 6. was very like to the vision I had: and that made me more bold. And when I had well viewed the whole book, and marked the errors of other interpreters, I was bolder than before. And especially at the length, when I understood, that the time was come indeed, that the thing must not onely (and not before) be opened, but now to open by the word, when this deliverance promised unto the 144,000 Israelites, must I say, that it shall be before the 24th day of February, in the year of our Lord 1589. Which I prove thus. It is witnessed by the xI. of the Apocalypse, ver. 2. that the holy city must be trodden under foot 42 months. Which doth interpret the meaning of the time, two times, and half a time, spoke of by Daniel, chap. 7. 25. which must begin at my calling, to ask and know these things; as also Daniel spake long before, chap. 12. which also John, who was figured by the one of those two, standing before Daniel, did prefigure, Apo. 11. 27. But he was not that person which asked of the time. For he was enformed without asking. Neither could that person ask and know until the end of the days. But I am that instrument, as appeareth by the falling out of the time of 42 months from the day of my calling, to the end of 666 months appointed to the reign of the second beast. From which beast the foresaid Israelites must be delivered; as Apoc. 15. 2.

Therefore seeing this 666 months (being 55 years)and half began the 24th day of August, 1534, and must end the 24th day of February, 1589, it is manifest, that the time of my calling was figured by the reed, Apoc. 11. 1.

For it is just 42 months before the same 24th Febr. 1589. For, as I said, it was upon the 24th of Aug. 1535, &c.

I conclude therefore that these 144,000 shall receive a kingdom by themselves the 24th day of Febr. 1589. And they must be sent from this queens kingdom by the queen before that time. For so Daniel saith, that the little horn should persecute them, until the time appointed, that the saints should possess the kingdom. So that the prophet meaneth, that they shall be under the power of the queen, until the end of the time appointed: but yet shall be eased from persecution before the very end. How much, I have it not revealed. This is also the meaning of the 42 months, Apoc. 11. 2. And that it must be in her majestys days appeareth, not by guessing, neither by exlerience, nor yet byconsequence upon this, that it must be so soon: but the word saith, that it shall be in the reign of the prince who is figured by the fourth trumpet, Apo. 8. and by the gift of interpretation I affirm that it shall be in her days, &c. This and a great deal more of this stuff makes up these papers of this conceited enthusiast.

NUMBER 36.

Anthony Tyrrel, priest, to the lord Burghley, after his recantation at St. Paul’s Cross; for his favour. With his protestation, and purpose for the future.

LIKE as Absalom, being forced to flee his fathers displesure for the outragious murther of his brother Ammon, (altho’ by policy of Joab, and wisdom of the Thecnite, he was brought back again to Jerusalem,) could not be in quiet and comfort of mind, until he had seen the face of David his father; even so, rt. honorable, and my singular good lord, altho’ by the providence and mercy of Almighty God, the clemency of my prince, and the favour of your honour, I am not onely restored from death unto life, and left to enjoy the sweet liberty of my country, but also restored unto the life and liberty of my soul; yet can I not be of full comfort or quiet of mind, until I may enjoy your lordships presence, or happily understand the recovery of your lordships good favour again. And wheras my offence, being now less outrageous and unnatural than that of Absalom, hath not only deserved two years banishment from your lordships sight, but also your perpetual contempt for my lewd demeanour; yet hoping there is no less compassion in you than was in David, I trust that your honour hath granted me a perfect forgiveness. I was bold therefore, after some small shew of my true and unfeigned repentance, to address these letters unto your honour; hoping that once again you will vouchsafe to take me into patronage. And that the rather, for that the enemies of God will now hate me for my well doing.

For my part, I hope God will so underprop me with his grace, as from henceforth you shall not hear of me so much as a light suspition, either of treachery, hypocrisy, or dissimulation. And wheras I fear that my cousin, Anthony Cook, be worthily fallen into displesure with me, for falsifying my faith unto God, my prince, and your lordship; I hope your honours favourable good word, spoken in my behalf, shall reconcile me unto his good will and favour again. The which once gained, I shall the more carefully conserve the same than hitherto I have don. As for the residue of my kindred, according to the proverb, I have many, but few friends: and the fewer I shall have, for that I purpose to live in the fear of God, like a good subject and a Christian.

I hope therefore your honour of your accustomed pity will further me some way, that I may have victum et vesti-turn: whereby I may the better serve God, my prince, and country in my vocation. Thus craving pardon of your good lordship for my bold attempt, I cease further troubling your honour to this time. Most humbly praying God for your long and prosperous health. S. Katharines, the 12. December, 1588.

Your lordships most humble and daily orator, ANTH. TYREL.

NUMBER 37.

Fleetwood, rector of Wigan, to the lord treasurer; upon occasion of a new commission of justices of peace for the county of Lancaster; and the good effect thereof.

Rt. honorable, BEING by your special good favour made acquainted with your honorable action, concerning the placing and displacing of the justices of peace in the county of Lancaster, I have thought it my part to advertise you of the sequel therof: which I might the more fully be able to do, I bestowed my attendance at the assizes. Where I perceived in them that stand displaced no small indignation towards those whom they could any ways suspect to have been furtherers, or suppose to be favourers of that honourable action.

Wherewith also they presumed to possess the rt. honorable the earl of Derby, as of a matter of no small dis-honour unto him, and deep discontentment. Whereupon, for the present time and place, I thought good (my self remaining in some part of jealousy with them) in general to lay forth, as occasion served, in the pulpit to their faces, that which before I had more particularly delivered to your honour concerning the corrupt state of the whole country; that every guilty conscience of them might gather up that which was due unto it. Wherof it pleased my lords the judges to take so good notice, that they delivered the chief points therof after to the jurors in charge, and the same also more especially recommended to the justices of peace, to be in their continual service regarded. All which so neerly touched the guilty consciences of the discontented sorts, that they began, for the residue of the assizes, to pluck down their high looks, and somewhat better to pacify their discontented minds, and to brook their emulated friends, than before they seemed to do.

After which immediately, when matters were at the hottest, I also thought good to attend the rt. honorable, my very good lord the earl of Derby, by way of accustomed duty, which I accordingly did; therby to give opportunity to his lordship of speech in the premised matters, and my self also to win occasion to lay forth that to his honour concerning the unsoundness of divers of his counsil, as might either fully satisfy his lordship, or at the least clearly justify your honours most considerate action. But I obtained not one word of the premised matter, tho’ I endeavoured to stir him up thereto by many words on my part uttered concerning your honours direction of the ecclesiastical commission: whereat he seemed to have great good liking, and professed his best furtherance thereto. Wherefore howsoever the discontented sort (the rather to countenance their discontented state) will seem to cast upon his lordship a prefixed purpose of discontented expostulation; yet I am persuaded, when he shall come in presence with your honour, it will be wholly turned into an honourable request of a most dishonorable matter. Wherin, that your honour should not be narrowly overtaken, as unfurnished of sufficient intelligence, I have with all speed adrest these my letters to your honour, as soon as I understood of the earl his sudden departure towards the court.

By which to give your honour to understand, that as our state standeth the satisfaction of his lordships request, or rather of the suggestion of some evil instruments about him, shall breed not a little inconvenience to your honour, his honour their reformation that are displaced, to the public service, and to the good estate of the sincere professors, both of the commission and of the whole country. For first it shall argue your honours former action of insufficiency; being indeed in all judgment of those that fear God among us, most sincerely, discretely, and fully to all good purposes accomplished; both for the sincere comfort of the faithful professors of the truth, and the rare disparagement of the adversaries thereof in our country. Then it shall not a little nourish in the earl that humour of careless security in tolerating, and no ways soundly reforming the notorious backwardness of the whole company in religion, and chief of the chiefest about him. In sum, it shall harden the discontented in their former state of unsoundness. It shall drive the zelous gentlemen from the public service, and settle in the minds of all the true professors an utter despair of any good course of reformation hereafter to be taken in these parts, when they shall se your honours first acts, and the same of so great importance to their wel doing, to receive so speedy and untimely an overthrow. And therby a main wall as it were of corrupt magistrates set up here at home among us, against all good directions of your honours hereafter to be made from above.

These considerations, rt. honorable, have caused me to wish the earl to want in this matter some part of his desire.Whom yet I honour many ways, not unworthily: and so likewise many others, if such there be, that seek to have their private humours of singular sovereignty still noufished with public discommodity. Neither may your honour think, that two, or but one more of his lordships counsil added (as it were but Mr. Halsall, or Mr. Farrington) to the commission, or Mr. Rigby of the quorum, shall work no great prejudice; for one bad man among many, not all good, shall be able to do no small hurt.

Halsall is a lawyer, presented this last assizes as a recusant in some degree.

Farrington is as cunning as he: not any thing sounder in religion, tho’ much more subtil to avoid the public note than he. Rigby is as cunning and unsound as either, and as grossly to be detected therein as Halsal. All three of them as buisy contrivers of dangerous devices against the peace of the ministry, and free course of the gospel, and direct proceding of justice, in all common opinion, as any that ever bore authority among us. If there were yet room for any more of his lordships counsil, it might rather be wisht, that Mr. Tildesly or Mr. Scarsbrick, gentlemen of best note among the rest, for honest and upright dealing in civil matters. But much rather-to be wisht, that his honour would be persuaded to hold himself sufficiently contented with those three of his counsil, and chief about him, which your honour hath already unrequested freely given to his lordship, namely, sir Peter Lee, sir Richard Sherborn, and Mr. Rigby, all three of the same affection of the rest: and yet Rigby as discontented, and as presumptuously using his speech against your honours former proceedings, as any that remain wholly expulsed. But it may be that his honour, or some other, the rather to gain their purpose, shall bring in question the state of the present commission, in respect either of the whole body of the commissioners, or of the particular members therof.

Wherefore I thought it also most expedient to lay forth unto your honour the sundry observations which I have made in this behalf. First, for the whole body of the commissioners, they are so proportionably allotted to the shire, as our store of sound men would any way afford. Five, or four, or three justices at the least unto every hundred: by means wherof every hundred hath his sufficient magistracy within it self, and every quarter sessions (entertaining the most of them two hundreds) a competent number of justices, and the general assizes a ful furnished bench of worshipful gentlemen to countenance and attend that great and honorable service.

Which appeared evidently in the ey of all men this late assizes, by the most plentiful concourse of all the gentlemen justices well affected, from all parts of the shire: providing therby, that neither the common service, specially laid upon them, should be disfurnished of due attendance, nor the discontented sort should obtain any just occasion to argue your honours direction of insufficiency, or them of any neglect of duty. Where they employed themselves so throughly in the cause of religion, that there ensued a most plentiful detection of 600 recusants by oath presented; as also the indictment of 87 of them, (as many as for the time could be preferred to the jury.) And further a notification by oath of 21 vagrant priests usually received in Lanchashire; and 25 notorious houses of receit for them. Such are the manifold commodities which we feel already by your honours most sound direction. In respect wherof it is of all that desire reformation among us (as justice of her children) most confidently justified.

The only want in general is, the want of sound gentlemen in most parts of the country, wherof (I assure my self) they that promote the office against your honours direction will say little. Hereunto your honour conceived a most apt and necessary supply, namely, the attendances of the justices of Salford hundred at the quarterly sessions of other parts of the country worst affected. To which effect it is given out, that your honour hath already sent down letters to the earl; but I fear me, his lordships absence, and the sinister emulation of some of his counsil, as namely, of Mr. Farrington, (as I certainly hear,) will disappoint them of their due success.

Wherefore it were good your honours more especial letters were written to the gentlemen themselves, of whom I doubt not but they shall enjoy a most dutiful acceptance, and a most effectual regard to the great commodity of my self and others that dwell in the most desolate parts of the country, from all goodness and good men.

Then for the particular gentlemen, by your honours more particular direction assigned to this service: as namely, Mr. Warren and Mr. Talbot, most commodiously borrowed of the two countries next adjoyning: Mr. Banister and Mr. Hopwood, for their former most approved service, put forward to the quorum: Mr. Wrightington and Mr. Brod-shaw, for the special benefit of the ministry, most happily planted in the parts where they both dwel; necessarily added: Mr. Laneton, Mr. Eccleston, still retained in place, most disfurnished of able men for that service; there is no exception to be taken, either for their gentry, livings, affections in religion, good discretion, and well furnished experience for all parts of the services. And so I beseech your honour to rest most resolute upon my poor credit with your honour; which I be easily able to uphold in this matter with your honour; with the most plentiful testimony and censure of my brethren, the preachers of the country, and of the gentlemen best affected in the commission, if your honour require it of me.

In the mean time I shall crave your honour to vouchsafe me your special letters unto them of encouragement and direction, by which they shall not a little be strengthned in the buisy charge they have in hand, for the suppressing of many ungodly enormities of the sabbath, imposed upon them by my lords, the justices of assize, at the special instance of my self and some other of my brethren. Where I must not omit to signify unto your honour the special good countenance I enjoyed at their lordships hands; being indeed the more favourably bestowed upon me, as upon special notice they had some way taken, and there openly professed, of your honours good favour towards me: wherupon, I suppose, your honour shall gather convenient occasion to make your honorable good liking of their effectual procedings this last assizes in the cause of religion, to appear unto them. Wherby, no doubt, they shall receive no small encouragement to continue the same hereafter, to the great comfort of the true professors and faithful preachers. For the which I shall not cease to be thankful to the Lord, withall my brethren of the ministry; by which we shall enjoy a most sound means of thankfulness to your honour.

Concerning my procedings with the commission ecclesiastical, I have, according to your honours direction, wholly possest Mr. Soliciter therewith. And he further required of me and Mr. Goodman a full advertisement of our manifold enormities, which, by mutual conference with all my brethren, I have readily furnished; and against the next week to attend the bishop and Mr. Solicitor by their appointment. I fear nothing therin, but my lord of Darby his discontinuance, lest it breed some inconvenient delays. But your honours continual presence and ready mind shall work us, I trust in the Lord, a more speedy dispatch.

Thus commending my humble duty to your honour, and your soul and spirit and body to the most comfortable presence of Christs Spirit in you now and for ever, I humbly take my leave. From Wigan, the 7 day of September, 1587.

Your honours most bounden in the Lord, EDWARD FLEETWOODDE , pastor of Wigan.

NUMBER 38.

Persons executed under Q. Elizabeth, priests and others, of the popish religion, in the years 1570. 71. 73. 77. 78. 1581. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. as they are set down in a book, entitled, Theatrum Crudelitatis Haereticorum in Anglia: printed 1587. at Antwerp.

PRIESTS.

Thomas Woodhouse, John Nelson, Cutbert Mayne, Everard Hance, John Shert, Alexander Briant, Robert Johnson, Tho. Ford, William Tilby, John Mundin, Luke Kirby, John Nutter, Laurence Richardson, George Haddock, Tho. Cotton, James Fenn, John Pain, Thomas Homerford, William Lacy, Tho. Alfield, Richard Kirkman, James Bell,James Thomson,Hugh Taylor,William Hart,Edward Stransham,Richard Threlkeld. Nicolas Woodfin, P. Edm. Campion, Francis Engleby.

Rodulph Cervine, LAICS.

Tho. Percy, earl of Nor- John Fynche, thumberland, whose Richard Wit, brother Henry not long John Bode, ago was murthered in John Slaide, prison. Tho. Web]y, Joh. Story, Jur. D. Will. Carter, John Felton, gent. Margaret Middleton, Tho. Sherwood, Marmaduke Bous, [Bowes,] gent.

James Laburn, gent. Such as were executed for religion in the reign of king Henry VIII. in the years 1535. 37. 38. 39. 1541. 43. as they are set down in the Theatrum. Priests, to the number of 52. wherof one cardinal, [Fisher,] nine abbots, three priors. Besides thirty two Franciscans, that dyed in several prisons.

And laics six, whereof two of them were sir Tho. More, lord chancellor, and the countess of Salisbury.

But in truth some of them suffered for denying the king’s supremacy; and others about the business of the holy maid of Kent.

NUMBER A decree of the vice-chancellor and heads of the university of Cambridge, for discommoning Edmunds, the mayor of the said town.

Maii 27. 1587.

QUIA constat ven. viro Johi. Copcot, S. Th. P. hujus aimae academiae procan. et majori parti praepositorum coll. et altorum doctorum in universkate praesentium; viz. doc-torum, Goad, Norgat, Tyndal, Hickman, Betts, Ward, Baroe, Mundeford; magistrorum, Whitaker, Barwell, Preston, et Nevell, Johannem Edmundi, modernum majorem villae Cant. gravem, imo maximam ingratitudinem adversus academiam, scholares, et eorum famulos, exhibuisse, et ex-hibere: ideirco D. procan, praepositi collegiorum, et coetus doctorum super nominatorum, secundum statuta universita-tis, decreverunt; Quod nullus scholaris, aut sub privilegio scholarum, in hac universitate degens, deinceps, et in poste-rum, aliquo modo, directe vel indirecte, emptione, venditione, contractu, aut quasi, cum eodem Johe. Edmundi, alias Meers, ingratissimo, aut contrahat, aut communicet, sub poena 100 sol. legalis monetae Angliae, communi cistae aca-demiae praed, solvend, tories quoties in contrarium huic de-creto allquid quisquam praedictorum attentaverit. Acta pub. acad. Cantab. ad ann. 1587. [

NUMBER 39.

] The master and fellows of Peter-house in Cambridge, to the lord Burghley; occasioned by the queen’s letter to them, to admit one unqualified to be fellow of their college, against their statutes.

Rt. honorable, and our very good lord. WHEREAS her most excellent majesty hath of late directed unto us her gracious letters of dispensation in the behalf of one John Tenison, student in our college; and therin hath willed us, notwithstanding his degree, being master of artes, to elect and admit him into the place of a fellow, either presently void, or next hereafter to become. void, in our said college; which gracious favour hath been vouchsafed to the said Tenison, chiefly in consideration of his poverty and want of maintenance, as may appear by the copy of her highness letter enclosed:

May it please your good lordship to understand, that by divers points of certain statutes (wherunto upon our oaths we are straitly bound) being not yet dispensed with by her highness, we are barred from accomplishing her highness plesure in the said behalf: as namely, it is required by our said statutes, that the said Tenison should stand a year in probation, and at the end therof should be admitted by the bishop of Ely, or visitor, or by some deputed for him in like cases. And further, that he should be poor, and of a quiet and humble spirit. Wheras on the contrary, he is taken to be of sufficient hability. For that heretofore he hath been taken ward; and of late the thirds of his mother have fallen to him. Besides a lease, as we are informed, yielding a yearly rent, exceeding the rate of living allowed by our statutes: having otherwise of certain worshipful friends very good and sufficient allowance by the year. And during the time of this his suit, he hath shewed some manifest tokens of disposition neither quiet nor humble.

And further, it may please your good lordship to be advertised, that as we have not any room void at this present, so for the next places we have provided, before the coming of her highness letter, an election of four young men very poor, and utterly destitute of maintenance; yet very studious, and of great towardness in vertue and learning, and brought up among us in the places of poor scholars. By reason wherof they were the rather capable of preferment by the statutes of our house; and accordingly have been elected. For all which causes, not dispensed with by her majesty, we do, in most humble and earnest maner, pray and beseech your lordship, of lawful favour to us, our statutes, and the said young men, to whose great prejudice and discouragement the suite of the said Tenison directly tendeth, that being not in case to continue in the university, if by reason of the said suit the said election should miscarry. As also to the disturbance of our quiet, and of the said lawful and orderly election.

And further, we beseech your good lordship to be an honorable means to her majesty, that wheras at divers and sundry times heretofore we have performed all due obedience to her highness to the like suits, to the manifest violating and infringing of our said statutes, we may now at the last be suffered to use the liberty of the same. And namely at this time, when we cannot plesure the said Tenison without the manifest prejudice and hurt of so many poor and forward young men. As upon the sight and knowledg of her majestys mind, we were in all humbleness of duty and reverence willing to do. And we assure your lordship, that when it shall appear unto us that the said Tenison is not able, as it is supposed and reported to be, we can be contented to plesure him all we may; that is, to take order for his entrance next after the said young men already chosen, he bearing himself in the meantime in other respects, provided for by our said statutes, as one capable of such preferment. And this to perform by vertue of her highness command, without any further delay or let at all to the contrary.

Thus our duty to your good lordship remembred, in most humble maner we commit the same in our prayers to the Almighty, beseeching his heavenly Majesty to bless the same, with encrease of good health and honour, to his glory, and the comfort of many with us.

Your lordships ever at commandment, ANDREW PERN, PETER BARO, RICHARD BETTS, RAPHE AMERY, MARKE SADLINGTON, FYNES MORISON, JOHN MOUNTFORD, JOHN BLYTHE.

NUMBER 40.

The master and fellows of Christ’s college, Cambridge, to the lord treasurer, thanking him for puffing so seasonable an end to a long controversy between Dr. Copcot, late vice-chancellor, their visitor, and them.

To the rt. honorable and our very good lord, the lord Burghley, lord high treasurer of England, and chief chancellor of the university of Cambridge. CUM curam tuam qua reip. summam complecti soles, honoratissime domine, ad privatas collegii nostri res demittere dignatus fueris, ac singulari et praedicanda humankate certis viris negotium per literas dederis, ut de causa quae inter procancellarium ac nos controversa esset dijudicarent; alterum necessitas expressit, ut de tota re quid actum sit honorem tuum certiorem faceremus, alterum meriti tui magnitudo libentibus ac volentibus nobis, imo cupientibus elicuit, ut quam qua maximas quamque mens hominis capere potest amplissimas ageremus gratias, ob maximum aeternumque beneficium tuum. Literas ergo tuas, vir honoratiss. ad quos scriptae erant iis dedimus, qui et ipsi procancellario legendas tradiderunt: ille veto cum primum judices sibi ferri recusasset, postea tamen summa certe (ut nos interpretamur) benignkate et modestia, ne alterutri parti, si secundum se nosve decisa lis esset, levis aliqua labecula aut nota addita videri posset, rem silentio effluere passus est, et quem diem visitationis suae prolationi dixerat, ad eum diem ipse non aderat: ita visitatione defuncti sumus: quae certe nisi, immortali beneficio tuo, et magna procancellarii moderatione, hunc exitum habuisset, turbulentissimae profecto (ne quid gravius dicamus) tempestates extitissent, et collegio vel vincenti parum utiles. Tibi ergo, honoratissime Burghleie, quem tories afflictas res nostras erigere atque excitare voluit Deus, quod florentes sumus, quod liberi, tibi uni acceptum referendum est; quem cum habeamus authorem salutis voluimus etiam grati nostri animi habere testem: sed cum id non tam oratione qua re appareat, nulla autem res esse queat; quae a nobis in tantam fortunae amplitudinem, pro meritis tuis, proficisci possit, cum omnia dixerimus, id tantum consequi nos fatendum est, non ut grati, sed ne ingrati fuisse videamur. Deum ergo Opt. Max. precamur veneramurque, ut is, vicem nostram, te augeat or-netque omnemque tibi vitam, jam longam, laetam, atque honorificam, et cum naturae concesseris beatam immorta-lemque esse velit. Dat. Cantabrigiae e collegio Christi.

Honori tuo plane devoti, praefectus et socii collegii Christi. EDM. BARWELL.

GUILIELMUS PERKINS. FRANCISCUS JOHNSON.

JOHANNES POWELL. ROBERTUS BAINES THOMAS MORTON. GEORGIUS DOWNAME THOMAS BRADOCKE. ANDREAS WILLIATT.

WILLIAM KNIGHT.CUTHBERT BAMBRIGG.

NUMBER 41.

The Epistle Of The University Of Oxford To The Lord Treasurer, In Thankful Acknowledgment Of Favours Shewn Them.

NON quasi (vir honoratiss.) insolitum hoc, aut etiam solum in nos collatum beneficium extitisset, quod dudum in rebus academicis suseipiendis, tantum tibi negotium facesseres, ideirco solennes has gratias amplitudini tuae instituendas, arbitrari velimus: at vero, cum tua (quantum ab eruditissi. nostro vicecancellario accepimus) aliis atque aliis, nos academiamque nostram, ornandis beneficiis, pietas indies succresceret auctiorque fieret, gratitudinem nostram silentio perire, et prolabi, improbitatis esse duximus: praesertim cum, ea fuerit modo amplitudinis tuae non cura solum, sed plane anxietas et solieitudo, ut prius eam, in rebus nostris versari intellexerimus, quam honorem tuum eas intelligere potuisse putaremus.

Quare (ne multis amplitudini tuae, rerum agendarum immensitate obrutae, importuni videa-mur) cum tua nunquam insperata, reipsa, jam notissima, animos omnium nostrum amplitudini tuae, tam digno, tam indissolubili, tam denique volenti et non violento vinculo, pietas devinxerit et colligarit, ut fortiori, etiamsi maxime cupiamus, minime tamen possimus, nec certe alio quoquam,nisi hac certa animorum consensione, gratificari; nos omniurn faelicissimos judicaverimus, si honori tuo, hoc nostrum quod reliquum est, grati animi munusculum, acceptum iri intellexerimus. Quod quidem ita esse, amplitudo tua planum efficiet, si gratias, quae pierate tua, dignae exprimi non poterant, eas, tacitis cogitationibus nostris, magnas imprimi, multiplicesque confundi, id quod res est interpretari voluerit. Deus Opt.

Max. amplitudinem tuam quam diutissime reipub. servet incolumem.

Decemb. 18. Honoris tui studiosissima, Amplissimo, honoratissimoque. viro, dno. Cecilio baroni de Burghleigh, summo totius Angliae thesaurario, regiae majestati ab intimis consiliis, dno. nostro colendiss.

NUMBER 42.

Mr. William Lambard to the lord treasurer, upon notice of his being nominated for a judge, or some other eminent place in the law. AFTER my most humble and bounden duty, my rt. honorable good lord, your lordships letters of the 30. of September were even now delivered to my hand, having (by whose default I wot not) suffered that great delay in the coming towards me: which howsoever it may fall out to my detriment in the matter that they purport, yet came they not unseasonable to glad my poor heart, in that they were the infallible messengers, not only of the continuance, but of the encrease (if any may be) of your most honorable favour and disposition to work my good: who as I never demerited any thing at your hands, so nevertheless have I drawn more from the fountain of your mere bounty, than from all the good willes and wyles of all the persons that be alive. Thus tyed, I may not cease to pray to God for your honour; praying withal, that he will make my prayer effectual for you.

As touching the matter contained in your lordships letter, albeit I know mine own insufficiency (now also encreased by decay of sight, and discontinuance from study) to serve in any place where wisdom or learning must be set on work; yet acknowledging that I do reap some benefit by her majesty, (which I received from the free hand of your honour,) I hold my self double bounden to serve her highness with all the powers that I have.

And the rather also, for that it hath pleased you, my most honorable lord, to give my name and your report of me. Therefore only I do most humbly beseech your lordship to add this unto the rest of your great favours vouchsafed, that I may be not invested in the service, but upon probation; and for this next term onely: to the end, that after such an experiment and conference made of my small abilities with the office it self, I may faithfully (and in that duty which I bear to God, her majesty, and your honour) assure your good lordship, whether I shall find my self tit to discharge the trust that belongeth to the place.

Thus much I most humbly pray your good lordship to accept at this time; and until that I may, as duty bindeth, personally attend your good lordship, which also, by the favour of God, I will not fail with all good speed to perform. And so I most humbly take my leave of you, my rt. honorable lord, and do in my heartiest prayer recommend you to the gracious protection of the Almighty. From Hallyng this 4. of Octob. 1589.

Your lordships most humble and bounden, WILL. LAMBARDE. [

NUMBER 42.

] Certain true general notes upon the actions of the lord Burghley: in answer to a libel.

BUT above all, it is a strange fancy in the libeller, that he maketh his lordship to be primum mobile in every action without distinction. That to him her majesty is accountant of her resolutions; and to him the earl of Leicester and the secretary Mr. Walsingham, both men of great power and great wisdome, were but as instruments. Wheras it is well known, that as to her majesty there was never counsillor of his lordships long continuance, that was so appliable to her majestys princely resolutions, labouring always after faithful propositions and remonstrances, (and those in the best words and the most grateful maner,) to rest upon such conclusions as her majesty in her own wisdom determin-eth, and them to execute to the best. So far hath he been from contestation, or drawing her majesty into any his own courses.

And as for the forenamed counsillors, and others with whom his lordship hath consorted in her majestys service, it is rather true that his lordship, out of the greatness of his experience and wisdom, and out of the coldness of his nature, hath qualified generally all hard and extreme courses, as far as the service of her majesty and the salty of the state, and the making himself compatible with those with whom he served in like parity. So far hath his lordship been from inciting others, or running a full course with them in that kind. But yet it is more strange, that this man should be so assuredly malicious, as he should charge his lordship, not only with all actions of state, but also with all the faults and vices of the times. As if curiosity and emulation have bred some controversies in the church, (tho’ thanks be to God they extend but to outward things;) if wealth and the cunning of wits have brought forth multitudes of suits of law; if excess in plesure or in magnificence, joyned with the unfaithfulness of servants, and the greatness of many men, have decayed the patrimony of many noblemen and others; that all these, and such like condition of the time, should be put upon his lordships account, who hath been, as far as to his place appertaineth, a most religious and wise moderator in church matters, to have unity kept: who with great justice hath dispatched infinite causes in law, that have been orderly brought before him. And for his own example may say, (that few may say,) that what was said by Cephalus the Athenian, so much renouned in Plato’s works, who having lived neer unto the age of an hundred years, and in continual affairs and busines, was wont to say of himself thus, He never sued any, neither had been sued by any. Which by occasion of his office hath preserved many great houses from overthrow, by relieving sundry extremities towards such as in their minorities have been circumvented. And towards all such as his lordship might advise, did ever persuade sober and limited expence.

Nay, to make proof further of his contented maner of life, free from suits and covetousness, as he never sued any man, so did he never raise any rent, or put out any tenant of his own, or ever give consent to have the like don to any of the queens tenants: matters singular to be noted in his age. But he that will blame his lordship for the tales of every novellante, and for the vain and fond pamphlets and ballads of every idle fellow, that will put news in writing or in print, sometimes upon gain, sometimes upon humour; wheras his lordship neither hath any charge of the press, neither can his great and weighty business permit him to intend such trifles; doth shew, that tho’ this libeller meant to spare no powder, yet surely he shot but at rovers.

But however by this fellow, as in a false, artificial glass, which is able to make the best face deformed and hideous, his lordships doings be set forth; yet let his procedings, which be indeed his own, be indifferently weighed and considered, and let men call to mind, that his lordship was never no violent and transported man in matters of state, but ever respective and moderate; that he was never no vindicative man; in particular, no breaker of necks, no heavy enemy, but ever placable and mild; that he was never no brewer of holy water in court, no dallier, no abuser, butever real and certain: that he was never no bearing man, nor cartier of causes, but ever gave way to justice and course of law: that he was never no glorious, wilful, proud man, but ever civil, familiar, and good to deal withall. That in the course of his service he hath rather sustained the burthen, than sought the function of honour or profit: scarcely sparing any time from his cares and travail to the sustentation of his health. That he never had nor sought to have, for himself or his children, any penny worth of land or goods that appertained to any person that was attainted of any treason, felony, or otherwise. That he never had nor sought any kind of benefit by any forfeiture to her majesty. That he never was a factious commender of men to her majesty, as he that any ways intended to besiege her, by bringing in his at his devotion; but was ever a true reporter unto her of every roans desert and ability. That he never wok the course to unquiet or offend her majesty; but to content her mind, and mitigate her displesure. That he ever bare himself reverently, and without scandal in matters of religion, and without blemish in his private course of life.

Let men, I say, without passionate malice, call to mind these things, and they will think it reason, that tho’ he be not canonized for a saint at Rome, yet he is worthily celebrated as pater patrae in England. And tho’ he be libel lated against by fugitives, yet he is prayed for by a multitude of good subjects. And lastly, tho’ he be somewhat envied without just cause while he liveth, yet he shall be deeply wanted when he is gon. And assuredly many princes have had many servants of trust and sufficiency. But where there hath been great parts, there hath often wanted temper of affection.

Where there hath been ability and moderation, there hath wanted diligence and love of travail. Where all three have been, there have wanted sometimes faith and sincerity. Where some have had all these four, yet they have wanted time and experience. And where there is a concurrence of all these, there it is no marvail that a prince of judgment be constant in the employment and trust of such a person: of whose faithfulness, as she hath had proof so many years in her own time, as it were very hard, but if he had gon about to abuse her, at some time she should have espyed it; so to begin withall, he brought with him such a notable evidence of his constant loyalty, as a greater could not have been.

For to confirm her majestys opinion in choosing him to be her first counsellor, as he is the only counsillor living of those she did use many years from the beginning of her crown, so she had cause to do. For that he, of all other counsillors in king Edwards time, refused to consent to the determination of a pretended will of king Edwards, to deprive the lady Mary, afterwards queen, and then the lady Elizabeth, now queen. For whom two times he only, of all the then counsillors, did for conscience sake adhere, to the peril of his head, if queen Mary had not enjoyed the crown. For the which it is well known, that queen Mary did not only reward him, but offered him to have been of her counsil: which he for good respects did forbear to accept.

NUMBER 43.

The earl of Leicester to the lord treasurer; justifying himself for some argry speeches used to that lord; who had thwarted him in somewhat discoursed before the queen in council.

My lord, IKNOW not from whence my hap hath it, but hit hath fallen out sundry times, both contrary to my expectation, (and much less by any desert of mine,) that I have found your lordship more ready to thwart and cross my endea-vours than any other mans; especially in the presence of her majesty, and for such causes as I have been the more earnest in: when, by your lordships own allowance and opinion, hit had been so resolved on by our conference before, as fit and meet advices to be given her majesty, for the best furtherances of her own services. And these causes have lately been most in question, in which I my self, byher appointment, have been furthest employed: [viz. about assistance of the Low Countries.] And therefore did, both at your lordships hands, and other my lords, hope to be assisted and comforted, so far as my opinion should tend to the service of her majesty, and to matters being before, by your lordship and others, debated and agreed upon. Wherefore finding it to fall out otherwise, and to draw difference in argument, where there was good assent before, what was it but to leave mee, in her majestys opinion, to be a man either affectionate, or opiniative in mine own conceits; and withall to se her majestys service hindred, and to take lack, through such needless and unprofitable controversies among counsillors.

Albeit I know and grant among counsillors there may and must rise, by way of argument, divisions in opinion; which is both lawful and very convenient: and oft doth, without any causes of mislike at all: and God forbid there should be. But, my lord, in these causes we have been two or three times before her majesty, we had debated the matter before; and the course I took was no other than your lordship did best like and most advise. And to fall into contrary opinions before her majesty, caused me both to take it ill, and to shew it plainly to you as I did. And for the words which I added withal, which your lordship doth set down in your letter, that I did charge you with some matters towards her majesty; assuredly, my lord, I used no such words. But finding my self grieved with such cross handling, as both at this and at other times I have don, I told your lordship I saw your lordship very ready to cross me now a days before her majesty.

That I like it so ill, that I would and could find way to anger you as well.

And that I had not dealt in this sort either with you, or any of yours; but much otherwise. And so, my lord, I have don to my poor power, and with as much desire to have you my assured friend as any friend you have found in England, which finding these occasions more than once falling to my lot, I can hardly dissemble, or bear the unkind dealing of them: but rather to deal as I am dealt withall; when all kindness is not only so little regarded, but hardly requited.

In which conceit, my lord, I pray you think I can be as others are to me.

And to that end was my speech and my meaning. And that I said was to your lordships self, and before none other; but moved, as your lordship said, in passion. And as I have been loth to have the occasion that should drive me to take such hard or unkind courses as I see some do, and my self very deeply felt.

Thus much, my lord, I have thought good to set down; which receiving your lordships letter even as I came away from the court, had no time till late this night to answer. Wherein I will not hide the conceit I had upon the causes I have shewed; finding my self indeed heartily moved and grieved: but plainly and flatly to deliver my mind, rather than to dissemble, as many can. Leaving to your lordship to consider of my doings, how you have found them, if I be well used. And so in very hast, leaving the rest till I speak with your self, I commit you to the Lord. From my house, this Monday night.

Your lordships very friend, if you so regard me, R. LEYCESTER.

NUMBER 44.

Mr. Rither, a gentleman in the north, his letter to the lord treasurer Burghley: consolatory; upon the death of his mother, the lady Cecil, dying in those parts. MANY are the persuasions lying upon your lordship to take this cause of grief as becometh your gravity. And tho’ Socrates and Phocian are sufficing witnesses, that deep, wise minds are seldom moved with intemperate joyes or immoderate sorrows, (the uncomelines of both which Plutarch condemneth,) yet all this cannot discharge my duty, burthening me with your lordships care, in respect of my private, but more for the common good of my country: knowing that a mite, when might can afford no more, will beaccepted. And if the griefs, in respect of your lordships grief for this cause, imposed upon the back of all the best affected subjects of this realm, yea, and upon our sovereign her self, might ease your lordship, no doubt the weight would then be most light and easy, where the burthen now lyeth most heavy and painful. By which this comfort may accrew to your lordships mind, that next her majesty, all the good hopes of all good men, in their good causes, principally do depend upon your lordships health, life, and help.

Your honour daily saith to God, Thy will be don. If we could all at all times so think, there would be no adversity come to men, for our crosses commonly of discontentment with his will, that must command all wills.

Who, as he is best, doth all for our best, if we do not oppose our selves against our sovereign good. And this is manifest, that to Christians there ought no cross to seem bitter; because all know, that he which did no sin endured worse for our sins than he offereth to any of us for our own. And all adverse accidents, be they never so much against our minds, we are yet assured that they do either exercise in patience, corect to amendment, or satisfy the merciful justice of God. Can wee then, within any compass of our duty, think otherwise?

When Paulus Emylius the pagan, yet a most worthy and noble pillar of the common wealth of his country, took the loss of his only two sons, chancing immediately after he had prosperously delivered the empire from a dangerous enemy, to be a satisfaction for the justice of the gods, having so good cause of offence against the Romans, now by their continual good success and greatness grown newly into the vice of such nations, as by their old virtuous disciplin they had subdued; your lordship may compare with him for the stay, state, and delivery of your country. But your causes of comfort left do so far exceed his, as the number of imps grown out of your noble house excel the number of none. But as your lordship looketh to reap comfort of these remaining, so you must with a cheerful heart offer up to God your patient consent for such as he hath taken. Your honour is a Christian, he was an Ethnic, that not only gave solace to himself, but also comforted the commonwealth, mourning generally for his loss. And all this he did for the transitory glory of this life. Your lordship must do it for the glory that shall never dy.

And to draw your lordship on further from these present causes of sorrow into the manifold blessings yet left you by God, your lordship, I say, may live happily and long, because your age is underset with all comforts of this instant, and those in the world to come.

The wise man said true, His life was dear to few, whose death is lamented by none. But this late weak lady, by the divine Providence longer lent to your lordship than by humane reason could be expected, as she is, for her own sake, of many lamented much, so more for your lordships cause; lest nature, who will have her course, (tho’ with the more wise the less while,) should in your lordship excel nourture, and by piercing care cut off some of your years by sooner death, whose life is so dear and necessary to many.

The only ornament to the dead is the tears of the good sort. To the which most honorable obsequie and epitaph, as your lordship may rest assured to come, so that it may be late, all good subjects heartily wish and daily pray.

Among the rest, I, the meanest in many respects, yet not hinder-most in hearty desire of your honours long continuance here, to the glory of God and comfort of your country, your lordships principal care, do now remain more satisfied than before I had delivered my simple endeavour. Sacam, this 7th of Apr. 1588.

Your honours ever desirous in all duty, JAMES RITHER.

NUMBER 45.

John Fox his epistle to Dr. Laurence Humphrey, president of Magdalene college, Oxon, and the scholars of the same; written with his own hand, before his Book of Martyrs; presented to the said college.

Multis magnisque dotibus ornatissimo viro D. Laurenrio colleg.

Magdalensis praesidi: pariter cum universo choro reliquorum juvenum, lectissimisque ejusdem collegii sociis. Joannes Foxus salutem et pacem in Christo sine fine. ETSI nihil erat in rebus meis dignum atque idoneum quod B. Mariae Magdalenae, veteris hospitae ac nutricis meae pixidi mitterem; at viduae tamen evangelicae opulentam illam imitatus penuriam, has qualeseunque lucubrationum nostrarum minutias, pro veteri meo erga vos studio, vel officio potius, eximie, idemque doctissime Laurenti, praesidum decus, vosque pariter universi ejusdem sodalitatis collegae conjunctissimi, in publicum aerarium vestrum conjiciendas censui. Vos in admittendo libro statuetis, pro libero arbitratu vestro, quod videbitur. Mihi, ut ingenue fatear, indignius quiddam, ac jejunius esse videtur, quam ut in chartophylacium vestrum recipi debeat; praesertim quum eo ser-monis genere conscripta historia nullum magnopere usum studiis vestais praestare queat. Et tamen huc me, nescio quo pacto, pertraxit, vincens pudorem et judicium meum, Garbrandi bibliopolae pellex oratio, sic ad persuadendum instructs, ut non frustra in tali tam diu academia videri possit enutritus.

Auxit porro nonnihil hanc mittendi fidu-ciam tacita quaedam, et jam olim insita mihi erga collegium istud propensio, vestrae deinde erga me humanitatis, simul-que mei vicissim erga vos officii recordatio. Intelligo enim quid veteri scholae, quid charis consodalibus, quid demum universo Magdalensium ordini ac caetui, sed praecipue quid ipsi imprimis charissimo collegiarchae, viro ornatissimo, D. Laurentio debeam: cui quot, quantisque sim nominibus devinctus, nullo modo oblivisci aut praeterire potero.

Praeter hos stimulos accedit denique, quod quum historiae hujus bona magnaque pars Oxoniensem hanc vestram attingat academiam, unde ceu ex fonte, prima non solum initia sed et incrementa sumpsit, ac sumit quotidie faelix haec et auspi-cata reformatae per orbem Christianum religionis propaga-tio; idcirco rem facturus, nec vobis ingratam, nec meo in-dignam officio videbar, si de rebus maxime Oxoniensibus conscriptam historiam, ad Magdalenmum gymnasium ve-strum, hoc est, ad primarium ac nobilissimum Oxoniensis academiae collegium, velut in arce quadam studiorum ac li-terarum, penes vos asservandam commendarem. Hoc unum dolet, Latine non esse scriptum opus, quo vel ad plures emanare fructus historiae, vel vobis jucundior ejus esse posset lectio. Atque equidem multo id maluissem: sed huc me adegit communis patria ac multitudinis redificandae respectus, cui et vos ipsos idem hoc redonare aequum est.

Habetis rationes et causas, quibus ad mittendam historiam sum provocatus.

Nunc historiam habete ipsam, quam, vel-uti pro tessera Foxianae erga vos voluntatis mittimus. Eam, pro candore vestro, rogo etiam atque etiam, benigne susce-ptam velitis. Atque ne nihil aliud quam historiam nudam et incomitatam mittere videamur, en! simul cum historia, inter caeteros, quos in hoc multiplici et numeroso Chri-stianorum militum satellitio Oxonia vestra, tanquam faelix mater, tum imprimis Magdalenae faelicissima faecunditas, produxit Jocelinum vestrum Palmerum, e choro vestro proximis his annis ereptum, denuo ad vos tanquam redeun-tem et restitutum recipietis: simulque cum eo caeteros, nec paucos, nec vulgares Oxoniae vestrae quondam alumnos nunc illustres Christianae militiae agonistas tanquam veterem martyrii scholam gratis animis suscipite, et Christurn in martyribus suis glorificate. Quod supcrest, quoniam chartae arctamur angustia, rogo, praestantissimi juvenes, ut Domi-nus Jesus istum vobis praesidem, vos orbi et ecclesiae Chri-stianae diu servet incolumes, vestraque studia indies in majus ac melius provehat ad nominis sui gloriam.

Londini, Maii 24. [1562.] Vester in Christo, JOANNES FOXUS.

NUMBER 46.

Inscription upon the monumental stone set up in the chancel of St. Giles Cripplegate church, against the south wall, in memory of the Rev. John Fox, the martyrologist. JOHANNI Foxo, ecclesiae Anglicanae martyrologo fidelissimo, antiquitatis historicae indieatori sagaeissimo, evangelicae veritatis propugnatori acerrimo, thaumaturgo admirabili. Qui martyres Marianos, tanquam phoenices ex cineribus redivivos praestitit. Patri suo omni pietatis officio imprimis colendo,SAMUEL FOXUS, illius primogenitus, hoc monumentum posuit, non sine lachrymis.

Obiit die 18. mens. April. anno Domini 1587. jam Septuagenarius.

Vita vitae mortalis est, spes vitae immortalis. On a fair plated stone over his body, and the bodies of Ri. chard Bullen and Will. Bullen, M.D. are these verses.

SACRA sub hoe saxo tria corpora mista quiescunt Guilielmi Bullen medici, fratrisque Richardi; Ac Johannis Foxi. Qui tres, mihi erede, fuerunt Doetrina clari, rari, et pietatis alumni.

Guilielmus Bullen medicamina semper habebat, Aeque pauperibus danda, ac loeupletibus aeque.

Sicque Richardus erat benefacere et ipsc paratus:

Omnibus ex aequo, quibus ipse prodesse valebat.

At Foxus noster per multas hos parasangas, Vita praecurrit studiisque accedimus omnes.

Extant quae scripsit tormenta cruenta piorum, Extant perdocte permulta volumina scripta:

Quae scripsit Foxus: nulli fuit iste secundus.

Obiit anno Dom. 1587. Apr. 16.

NUMBER Inscription upon the monument of Simeon Fox, doctor of physic, buried in St. Paul’s. Composed and erected by Dr. Tho. Fox, physician, his nephew.

P.M.

SIMEONIS FOX, QUI JOHANNIS FOX EX ANNA RANDAL, Uxore, jam quinquagenaria, filius natu minor, Quum Etonae gymnacio pueritiae rudimenta Posuisset, In hujus collegii socius merito ascitus est.

Exinde JOHANNIS CANTUARIENSIS ARCHIEP. Familiam honestate ornavit.

Peregre studiorum causa prorectus, PADUAE CLARUIT: In Medicinae Doctoris titulo insignitus Syndicique officio ibidem functus, LONDINI Symmistarum sodalitio quinquennio Praesedit.

Arte, fide, probitate eximius.

Quo clariorem Vix habuit Asclepiadum schola.

Animam Deo reddidit, coelebs in tetris, Aeternum maritandus in caelis, Aetatis suae an. 80. sal. humanae MDCXLII.

Hoc votum solvit tibi moerens THOMAS Fox Ex fratre nepos, Amore et officio.

NUMBER 68.

Samuel Fox his diary, concerning himself, his education, travels, gifts, purchases, and children.

I WAS born anno D. 1560, in the third year of queen Elizabeth, the last day of the year, being new-years eve. Born at Norwich: where I remained til I was three yearsold; thence brought up to London. My father then dwelling at the dukes [of Norfolk] house, [in Dukes place, or Charter house.] And went to school with several [masters.] And at last with Mulcaster, [an eminent learned grammarian, and schoolmaster at Merchant Taylors school, and afterwards removed to St. Paul’s school.] At 14 years of age, anno 1574, I was sent to Oxford; where I was elected demi of Magdalen college: and so remained seven years. An. 1576, I went into France. An. 1581, I was chosen probationer in Magdalen college: and being repelled by a contrary faction, was restored by the queens letters mandatory. Anno 1583, on Easter-day, I went out of England to Germany; where I studied at Lipsic a year. Ann. 1584, I went to Basil. And after an half years abode there, I passed over the Alpes into Italy: where I remained a year and an half; and returned home through France. Came into England in the end of June, an. 1586.

At my return from beyond seas, my father gave me the lease of Shipton Underwich Wood.

Anno 1587, in Easter-holydays, my father dyed, as may more exactly appear by his monument, ordered by me, neer his burying place, in a wall of the chancel at St. Giles without Criplegate.

In the same year, I took degree of master of arts at Oxford. The same year, I was entertained into sir Tho. Hencages service, being then made vice chamberlain [to the queen.] Anno 1588, I was sent once to Hamburgh.

Anno 1589, maried to Anne Luson, or Leveson, at Eastwel in Kent, in sir Moyle Finches house, being the 15th of August; where were only present, sir Moyle Finch and his lady, my lady Hencage, and Mr. Alworth and his wife, and Mr. Stubbs, the minister.

Anno 1590, the last day of the month and year, being new-years eve, (and the same thirtyeth year wherin my self was born,) was born into this world my deerest daughter Anne, at Shipton, in the parlour chamber in the parsonage house.

Godfather, sir Moyle Finch; godmothers, lady Heanage and Mrs. Baret.

An. 1590, I had given me the lease of St. James’s in Cornwel, of Kings college in Cambridge.

I surrendred my place of Magdalen college in Oxford: for which I had 731. and a promise of the manour of Canket hall in Loveland; which I surrendred to Kemp, the tenant, for 1251.

Burges of parlament. [Chosen this year, the place not set down by him.] Anno 1591, the keeping of Havering house [called Ha-vering at the Bowre, a house of the kings of England] was given me by my master, [sir Tho.

Heneage.] The receivership of the High Peak in Darbishire granted me, which I sold to William Crowshlowe for 90l .

I bought Beacon house [perhaps Bacon house in London] of Rich.

Copland for 50l.

My lady [Hencage] procured me the clarkship of the market of Epping.

I had the leases given me of Sheply and Burton in Northumberland.

An. 1592, I went twice into Lancashire about the manour of Halton; and through Westmerland and Cumberland, all along the middle marches; and into Scotland.

An. 1591, 14. Febr. upon Shrove Sunday, about 2 of the clock in the morning, was born Tho. Fox, [his eldest son, afterwards Dr. Fox, of the college of physicians, London,] at Havering in the Bower, in the kings house. His godfathers, sir Tho. Heneage and sir John Leveson; his godmother, my lady Finche.

Then follow the names of the rest of his sons and daughters; viz. their names, and the times when, and places where born.

NUMBER 69.

An expostulatory letter to the puritans, upon occasion of their contentions in the church; and exhortatory to peace, and earnest application of themselves to preach the gos-pal. Written, as it seems, about the year 1587, by John Fox, or Laurence Humfrey, D.D.

Ad omnes fideles ministros Jesu, cooperarios suos in evangelio, et qui verum habent domus Dei reformandae zelum. TESTOR vos in Domino, fratres, ista vera esse quae scripsi; ne resistatis quaeso veritati. Scio, nihil tam rectum esse, quin arte possit depravari; nihil tam falsum, quod non dicendo fiat probabile et certe beavit Deus dies nostros mirifice, acumine hoc ingeniorum, et maturitate. Patres nostri non viderunt tantam felicitatem ingeniorum, tantam maturitatem, tantum acumen, in omnibus, in infantibus, in rusticis, sicut nos videmus. Ne imitemur hic Adamum, proavum nostrum, in illo summo sapientlae ac cognitionis suae gradu, ut peccata tegamus, ut verba Domini pervertamus, ut subterfugia, latebras quaeramus. Exquiret nos certo certius Dominus. In luce, in sole (quod aiunt) degamus; non cum illo in umbra, in latebris, in diverticulis. Et hoc sane peccatum nostri temporis. Adeo sumus ingeniosi, adeo acuti, ut quidlibet facere possumus ex quolibet. Nemo peccatum fatebitur, nemo errorem, nemo lapsum. Hoc turpe ducimus. Omnes jam possint fucum superinducere. Norunt jam omnes, quos habet prophera, linguas suas veluti arcus, ad mendacia, ad dolos, ad lites, ad querelas tuendas, tendere.

Sed nos, fratres, quantum in nobis est, pacem persequamur, pro veritate dimicemus. Hoc bonum curriculum, haec bona persecutio; ista sancta violentia. Ad haec exeramus vires ingeniorum. Non sicut multi ad illa priora; hoc laudem commerebitur apud Dominum. Istos cursores, anhelantes, ipse Dominus sua manu coronabit. Bonum nostrum, contentionibus nostris, ne blasphemetur. Talenta sunt Domini quae vobis commendo. Ne sitis hic rigidi censores, ne alios deterreatis, quo minus talenta sua depromant, et in lucem proferant. Hoc Dominus ipse non faciet; hoc non feret: absit a servis ejus in conservos suos vel criminis ejus suspicio. Sedete, quseso, in cathedra fidelium, non irrisorum. Hoc summus improbitatis gradus; haec cathedra pestilentise. Cavete, quomodo in ca acquiescitis, vel vobis ipsis placearis. Et quod in auro vestro soletis (siquid fractum, siquid imminutum, siquid impurum) ex amore, aurifabrorum fornacibus committatis, ut repurgetur, ut restiluatur, non cum contemptu in plateas projicite, vel concultate pedibus. Separate prudenter faeces ab auro, non utrumque projicite. Ut cum Dominus venerit, quod suum est purum, non deperditum, cum foenore, non in stercore, recipiat.

Ex horto multorum et variorum flosculorum, fasciculum urticarum, quae succrescent, velimus, nolimus, in hac maledicta terra nostra, colligere, et olfacientibus praebere, improbitatis, invidiae est. Ex arvo multarum frugum, lolii et zizaniarum manipulos decerpere, et cibum familiae Domini praebere, nequitiae est. Apes imitemur. Quod bonum est sectemur tantum; illi adhaereamus: mala siquae fuerint, et noxia, praetereamus, linquamus, ne attingamus quidem; tantum abest, ut his solis insistamus. Hoc sedificatio est; hoc negotiatio, hoc agricultura Domini.

Jerusalem, mater nostra, non est adhuc caelestis, sed terrestris est; in peregrinatione, non in patria. Tabernaculum nostrum non est illud quod Moises viderat in monte, sed illi simile. Sponsa Christi, caelestis Adae nostri, non est nuda, ut in paradiso, ante lapsum. Habet sua tegumenta, ceremonias, cultus, ornamenta: non tamen illud meretricium et Babylonicum apparatum, fastum et splendorem. Habet tunicam pelliceam, planum, simplicem, decoram, a Domino ipso illi datam. Mater nostra non est sine ruga, et sine macula. Talis est futura. Triticum nostrum non est sine zizania; imo, non sine palca congenita. Nuces nostrae habent cortices: fructus corda habent. Pruna non sine osse. Et tamen aliqui volunt, pruna, cerasa sine ossiculis. Poma sine cordibus habere. At hoc curiositas est. Hoe est naturae repugnare: hoc est ingenium venditare; laudem etgloriam aucupari. Istos in paradiso Domini, in ejus ecclesia, in fructibus nostris ct operibus, ne imitemur. Secundum hominem loquamur, vivamus, incedamus, cum apostolo. Mores et consuetudines ecclesiae Dei ne spernamus. Ejus rugas, maculas, tegumenta, ceremonias agnoscamus.

Unusquisque habet suum naevum; omne granum suam aristam. Apostoli ipsi (teste Johanne) non sine peccato. Et praecones omnes evangelii usque nisi fictilia vasa; non aurea, non argentea vel angelica.

Et ut vita, sic etiam scientia, sic praedicatio, sic precatio, sic politia ecclesiastica, sic nostra omnia imperfecta. Peccata aeque gravia, licet forsan non tam vulgaria, in apostolica ecclesia, ac in nostra, et in pastoribus, et in ovibus. Omnes quae sua sunt quaerunt, inquit apostolus, nemo quae Jesu Christi. Omnes apostolum Paulum, in prima ilia apologia sua, deseruerunt, non sine salutis periculo. Quam gravia peccata ista, quam etiam late patentia! Inter apostolos (greek- 519), somnus, oscitantia, proditio. Sic est sedulus Satan; sic cribrat oves. Inter duodecim tantum palearum. In ecclesia Corinthiaca, haereses, lites, incestus, superbia, coenae profanatio. Apud Ga. latas resumptio legis, recessus ab evangelio. Adeo ut dixerat apostolus, vereri se ne inter eos frustra laborasset. Adeo ut ad apostolos, Salvator benignissimus, mitissimus, patientissimus coaetus sit dicere, Annon adhuc intelligitis? Et Quousque feram vos? Et nos nihil infirmitatum in fratribus feremus?

Ne simus severi judices. Fratres, ne ipsimet in nos ipsos judicium Domini accersamus. Et rum quis sustinebit? Preces sint in ore assiduae, ferventes, non falces in manu ob transgressores legis Domini; fundamus pro eis, lachrymas, non in eos contumelias. Ne propter ista schisma in ecclesia faciamus. Ne tunicam Christi dilaceremus. Hic nobiscum illud Servatoris praevaleat, Qui non est contra me, mecum est; licet me non sequatur, non prohibetur: si daemonia ejiciat, si regnum illud Satanae oppugnet. Idem in regno An tichristiano subvertendo nos dicere possumus. Et illud apostoli recordemur, Licet quidam ob lucrum Christum praedicent, ob contentionem alii, alii ob invidiam, pauci sincere, quid? Num ista schisma in ecclesia facerent? Num ista communionem precum, sacramentorum, concionum distraherent? Cavete, milites ipsi non dilacerare vellent tunicam Christi; ne sitis illis nequiores. Schisma omnium scelerum gravissimum.

Simus pastores, non milites, non semet mutuo vulnerantes. Simus gementes, suspirantes columbae; non oblatrantes, a tergo mordentes canes. Non alii alios deinceps mordentes, quod habet apostolus, ne ab allis consumamur. To< ejpieiketw pa~sin ajnqrw>poiv.

Non est jam tempus rixarum, querelarum, contumeliarum. Est jam tempus reconciliationis, pacis, unitatis. Nam judieium appropinquat. Recordamini illius Servatoris, Reconciliare cum fratre, dum es in via, (quicquid negotii fuetit,) ne si ad judicem accesserit, tradat te lictori, et committat te carceri; unde nunquam exibis. Componamus omnes ergo lites, precor in Domino. Unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis servemus. Ne damnemus, fratres, ne ipsi condemnemur. Ne atomos, festucas, in oculis eorum exquiramus, ne trabes nostras, ne talenta multa in judicium vocet Dominus.

Quis est tandem, qui hic se debitorem non fatebitur?

Indefessum illud vestrum concionandi studium in peccato extirpando, conferte. Illud crescit indies, et mirifice ramos suos extendit, manipuli illius, imo sinus pleni non deerunt vobis; si illud solum acutis falcibus vestris demetieritis.

In Apocalypsi reperio tres angelos praedicantes; suas habentes certas legationes, et definitas, et etiam distinctas, sed consentientes. Et sane angeli illi typi erant ministrorum nostrorum. Sicur doctrinam, legationem eorum arripuimus, sic utinam harmoniam et consensum retineremus. Angeli isti, ultimi legati, ante judicium missi: praecones isti nostri temporis. Primus vocavit voce magna, Timete Deum; date illi gloriam. Nam hora judicii venit. Adorate eum, qui fecit caelum et terram, mare et quoe in eis sunt.

Non creaturas ullas, sed Creatorem solum. Hoc evangelium, hoc radix fidei, hoc religio Christi; hic finis saeculi.

Secundus sequutus est, et clamavit, Cecidit, cecidit Babylon, civitas illa magna. Bibere fecit omnet gentes ex vino fornicationis suae. Hinc religio papistarum, vinum fornicationis. Religio laeta, felix, prospera, hilaris (ut praedicant.) Hic concio contra Antichristum; et hoc ejus regnum.

Et tertius sequutus est illos, clamans voce magna, Siquis adoraverit bestlam et imaginem ejus, et accipiet characterem ejus super frontem ejus, vel super manum ejus, et ipse bibet ex vino irae Dei. Et in hac tanta luce, quae venit in mundum, siquis adhuc recipiet Antichristi characteres, agnos ejus Dei, ejus grana benedicta, ejus reliquias, non solum ilIum agnum Dei, Jesum Christum, non sanctum illud granum verbi ejus in terram cordium suorum, in arcam conscientiarum, torquebuntur isti igne et sulphure coram agno illo, quem spreverant, et coram sanctis angelis ejus, in aeternum.

Istam angelorum Domini, nuntiorum ejus, ejus legatorum inter nos distinctionem, advertere possumus, alii quasi missi ad fidem et bona opera praedieanda, in illis praecipue seminandis insudant: hoc studium est, hoc gaudium; hoc quasi deligatum munus. Alii ruinam Romae, Babylonis vastitatem, voce omnibus denuntiarunt. Alii contra Jesuitas seminarlos illius hominis nequam, linguas et ealamos exacuerunt: et contra istos voce magna intonuerunt, et jam adhuc tonant. Sic imitemur, fratres, doctrinam horum angelorum; sic precor in Domino Jesu, ut imitemur [eorum] harmonlam. Consentiebant inter se isti, docentes diversa; sic itidem et nos.

Non danmat eorum unus alterum: nec nos damnemus fratres. Non cursum interrumpunt; sed sequuntur sese mutuo, pacifice, pacate, placide. Sic non posteri, ne da-mnemus majores, patres, praedecessores nostros, qui primam hujus legationis pattem strenue, non sine sudore et sanguine suo, obierunt. Qui bona opera urgent, ne pharisaeos; qui caelibatum profitentur, ne papistas judicemus. Absit, ut judicemus fratres. Illud Satan solum potest, cum navis Jesu cursum non valet interrumpere, procellas, turbines, tempestates in eandem excitare. Haec est jam ejus oppughandae et expugnandae sola ratio. Ne feramur nos praecipites hoc vento ejus.

Resistamus huic ejus violentiae unanimes, mutuo hic jungamus dextras, corda, corpora, ut hunc ejus impetum sustineamus, frangamus, superemus.

Si nosmet sejunxerimus, sine dubio potens ille abripiet quo voluerit.

Recte item secemus verbum Dei; cuique personae, loco, tempori, suam doctrinam, suum cibum, idque opportune, administremus. Lac ruri praebeatur; mysteria inter musas aperiantur. In aula, de legibus, de reformatione ecclesiae, et reipublicae. In villa, de moribus, de obedientia, de saneta conversatione, praedicetis. Peccatoribus peccata sua, in faciem cum Paulo, non a tergo cum Satana, (qui calumniator fratrum nostrorum dicitur,) idque amice, non aspere, fraterne, non hostiliter, declaretis. Illud enim ruinerare est, non curare, defamare, non sanare. Emplastrum salutiferum applicetur oportet vulneri, et fasciis fortiter alligetur. Si componatur, et ostendatur, et probatum saepius praedicetur, sine tamen applicatione ista, nil omnino proderit. Multi, qui videri volunt periti chirurgi et medici, et morborum ecclesiae, et vulnerum fratrum, non hoc observant; exquirunt morbos serio, emplastra parant sedulo; eademque mundo ostendunt crebro: sed non applicant ista, non alligant, non adhibent. Et hinc curationes vulnerum tam rarae inter nos; hinc tumor tantus, et ut ita dicam, rancor ad invicem morbi manifestantur infirmorum; emplastra parantur medicorum, sed non applicantur therapeutarum [manu.] Johannes prurientem illam libidinem Herodis, sale illo evangelico in faciem, in mensam aspersit. Ahabi avari illius hydropisten inexplebilem, Elias coram aperit, incidit. Sic Amasiam superbientem Amosus, sic principes Judaeorum, lascivientes Sodomitas, in praesentia vocavit Esaias. Haec vulnera post terga revelare, non sanat, non curat: nunquam superinducet carnem, nunquam cicatricem faciet.

In aula ergo reges erudiatis, in villa rusticos reformetis, in ecclesia, in concionibus ad clerum, (quas dieitis,) fratrum vestrorum naevos, ulcera, morbos manifestetis.

Oleum cum vino misceatis, sicut fecit misericors et prudens ille Samaritanus evangelicus. Redarguatis cum omni lenitate: docentes eos qui resistunt cum omni mansuetudine. Jam opus evangelistarum perficiatis.

Non onera prophetarum imponatis. Jesaiam, salutem Domini annuntiate; non Ezechielem, robur, severitatem Domini. Qui fecerit ista, vivet in eis.

Ezek. xx. 11. Sic ille. Dominus redemit, non confundar. Sic ille. Praedicate non quod scripsit Moses, qui fecerit ista, vivet in istis; sed verbum fidei quod praedicaverunt apostoli. Qui corde crediderit, et ore confessus fuerit Jesum Christum; hic salvus erit. Ista legatio nostra, verbum reconciliationis, evangelizatio pacis. Et si quando virga opus fuerit, si gladio; ita exerceatis, ut corrigantur refractarii, ut confundantur, ut emergant ex luto profundo; non ut absorbeantur. Melius est in misericordiam inclinare, quam in justitiam. Tutius est olei plus miscere, quam vini. Hoc, mihi credite, sanabit citius, movebit fortius: vel lapides ut mollis guttula cavabit. Repugnant humanae indoli, cogi, compelli ad aliquid: allici, flecti vult.

Papismum sedulo eradicate; sed ubi se prodit. Alias, si ubi non est, ligonem vestrum inserueritis ad effodiendum, terram subvertetis, et perdetis.

Tencram religionis et fidei plantam caute tractetis; cavete ne eradicetis.

Satius est mola asinaria in mari demersum aliquem, quam ut unus minimorum Christi fidelium perderetur, imo scandalizetur. Tam propensus et indulgens est in suos Jesus; tam sunt illi chari omnes sui. Cavete offendicula talium; cavete vel fidel, veluti grani sinapis, suffocationem.

Quod in vasa stricti oris, in obbas quas voeant, facere solent mortales, hic vos facite liquorem Domini pretiosum, sensim ac guttatim infundite. Sic recipietur; alias defiuet. Recordamini verbi illius Jesu, Qui gustaverit vinum vetus, non statim desiderabit novum: dicit enim vetus melius. Senes illos educatos, nutritos, assuetos papismo, ne expectate ut non ejus all quem gustum retineant. Si acetum ipsum effundere potestis; si absinthii illius stellae, amarum succum expellere, gaudete. Et si ejus sapor aliquis remaneat, hoe sapienter ferre, ac tolerare debetis. Ne dum illum saporem etiam expellere laboretis, corrumpatis vasa.

Leglinus apud apostolum Paulum pseudo-apostolorum formam. Cavete, ne assimilemini. Imperiosi erant, magnifici, acuti, avail, elati, contumeliosi. Ita horum, et vitae institutionem, et praedicationis rationem depingit nobis Paulus. Sustinetis siquis katadouloi~ servos, mancipia, vernas reddat; siquis katasqiei~ devoret, consumat: siquis lamba>nei accipiat, bonis vestris inhiet, fortunis spoliet: siquis ejpai>retai se efferat, alios despiciat, vilefaciat: siquis vos eijv pro>swpon de>rei in faciem percutiat, apertis plane contume-liis impetat. Cavete, fratres, vestigia ista ne insistaris, precor in Domino. Cavete hic, quomodo fratres vestros, licet peceatores, errones, mancipia, monstra hominum, ipsum [ipsos] Raca, in doctrina vestra vocetis. Cavete illam co-mestionem, illam devorationem: ne quemquam verbo perimatis; ne arundinem, vel anhelitu, concutiatis, confringatis. Ne sint conciones enses; verba, gladii. Ne hic obliviscamini, quos vosmet alibi statuatis. Non estis pastores, vel doctores, si ita instructi his telis, in ovile Domini ingrediamini: non piscatores Jesu, sed perditores; non tincae salutares, sed voraces lupi. Cavete expilationem; ne grex per vos expiletur.

Ne auditoribus vestals oneri, imo, ne aeris alieni causa sitis. Hoc non est apostolicum. Maluit suis manibus laborare Paulus, quam cuique onerosum esse.

Cavete elationem, contemptum etiam infirmorum cum Pharisaeo illo; licet bis in sabbato jejuneds, et etiam concionemini; licet oretis multum; neminem tamen, qui in hoc stadio vobiscum non decertaverit, qui multis gradibus sequitur, despieiatis. Suo Domino stat, aut cadit. Superbia, elatio, contemptus, judielum de fratre, licet justum, fermen tum est, corrumpens onmia. Cavete contumeliam. Ne percutite in faciem, sint reprehensionibus vestris circumstantiae adhibitae, eharitatis, aedifieationis, emendationis.

Fa>rmakon, medieamentum omne, licet efficax, licet salutare, non tamen omni tempori, omni loco, omni personae aptandum est. Habent personae, aetates, dignitates, loci, tempora, sua pharmaca. Irritant quaedam hanc carnem, quae sanarent eam. Omnia ad aedifieationem (pro virili) et ad sanitatem facitote. Intra domesticos parietes peccata commissa, licet praesentibus duobus aut tribus, ego privatas offensas judicarem. Et iis autem correptionem benignam, privatam, fraternam adhibendam. Ista forsan sanaret, cum aperta bilem moveret. Publics peccata judico, qualia incestuosi illius spud Corinthios, quae omnino audiuntur; cum extra tecta, in oculos, in ora, in aures omnium evolarunt. Et ista publice, aspere redarguenda censeo, ut caeteri timorem habeant. Epiei>keia prao>thv mansuetudo, bonitas Jesu Christi in servis suis elucere debet. Discite ex me, (inquit Jesus,) quia mitis et humilis sum ego. Ista ejus documenta.

Indoeti plane aunt in Jesu Christo, nihil sciunt, qui non ista didicerunt. Ista apostolus Paulus semper prae se ferebat: majestatem, elationem, asperitatem, eontumeliam pseudoapostoli.

At cooperti avaritia, superstitione, socordia nostri. Sic dicitis; sic insimulatis. Utinam sequaces vestri essent sine peccato. Cavete hic, ne linces sitis foris, et talpae domi. Judicium auget peccatum, et scientia poenam. Cui Dominus multum dederit, ab eo multum requirit. Cavete, ne dum Argi videri vultis, sitis caecis illis papistis obtusiores. Cavete, ne in operibus fidei ajrgoi< kai< a]karpoi. Innocentem esse oportet, ac etiam plane mundo corde, qui in evangelio lapides in fratres jacere vult: ipsius Jesu Christi, judicis, jam sic lata sententia de re ista.

Non ego hic excuso nostros, vel accuso. Tantum dico, quod dixerat Dominus Jesus ad Judaeos in simili negotio: habent Mosen accusantem, vel excusantem. Nostri veto non Mosen, qui de terra loquutus est, sed Jesum Christum, filium Dei, qui de caelo: quem profitentes in ejus verba ju-rarunt.

Recordentur illius sententiae judieiariae, jam etiam ante judicium, ad cautionem nostram a benignissimo judice in lucem editae: Cur audes praedicare legem meam, et odisti reformationem? Habent in manu lucernam, et si in foveam ceciderint, quemnam accusabunt? Seipsos plane (quod ha-bet apostolus) transgressores faciunt, seipsos perdunt.

Damnandas perhibent leges regni: non-residentium, pluralitates. Sine causa gravi et approbata, dispensatio non conceditur. Videat quisque, quo animo non modo duo beneficia, sed vel unum caplat. Si per fenestram, (quod aiunt,) si aliunde quam per ostium, quam per Jesum Christum, et propter illum solum, vel in unum intraverit, est illud unum maleficium, plane, et supplicium [meretur] in diem Domini. Hic quisque conscientiam suam probet, et probe examinet. Dominus novit, finis certus, collimatio legitima.

Non est hic incefta meta [in quam] jaculandum. Jesus solus, unicus, certus scopus propositus esse debet. Et in hunc solum et manus et oculus et animus est figendus. Alias tafj aberrasti a scopo, peccatum commisisti.

Multa sunt, fratres, quae juxta regulam etiam charitatis, illam quandoque dispensationem postulare possunt. Quid siquis magnam familiam habet?

Quid si unum beneficium ad familiam alendam non sufficiat? Annon est operarius dignus mercede sua? Annon praecones evangelii vivere debent ex evangelio? Hoc casu duo possunt beneficia in unum coincidere. Ita ut hic tamen mutua gratia referatur. Ut quemadmodum corpora pascuntur, et refocillantur viscera, sic animae non negligantur.

Et hic etiam, fratres, cavete. Quod satis est sufficit, quod plus satis est, crapula est. Eujse>beia religio, aujta>rkeian illam apostolicam, aureum illud medium Aristotelicum, quadrisyllabum illud Terentianum, nequid nimis, proprium omnino, et quod habent Dialect. quarto modo adjunctum, habet. Ase>beia impietas, pleonexi>an illam inexplebilem, filarguri>an illam amarissimam, avaritiam illam coecam, insatiabilem, infernalem umbram, habet comitem, pedissequam. Cavete jam, cuinam harum dominarum serviatis. Ut oJdhgou~v duces, ore, sermone, sic hic tu>pouv opere, tro>pw| conversatione, vosmet gregibus vestais in Domino, precor, exhibeatis; ut monstrum hoc avaritiae exularet prorsus, et ne nominetur inter vos.

Quid, quod necessitas, non solum charitas, quae nullam habet legem, idem videtur quodammodo extorquere? Quod enim apostoli de panibus, idem mea sententia de pastoribus vere dici potest: decem millia pastorum non sufficerent huic regno, ut quaelibet grex, imo, ut bini greges, unum pastorem habeant. Et hic ergo, quod prudens ille paterfamilias, Dominus Jhesus, fecit de panibus, faciendum nobis est de pastoribus. Quos Dominus dederit, distribuendi in multitudine. Plures etiam exorandi a Domino messis. Et sane numerum eorum quotannis videmus multiplicatum. Addo, ut brevi non est dubitandum, quin cessantibus murmurationibus nostris et litibus, de negotio isto, et precibus potius sursum ascendentibus, Dominus ipse, ut olim in terrestri manna, sic in hoc spirituali manna verbi sui, illud ipsum affatim omnibus preberet.

Interim illud audeo pronuntiare, ad Dei gloriam, et verorum pastorum, in hoc opere Domini, exsuscitationem, duodecim valent et sufficiunt panem Domini distribuere in septem millia. Non legimus cuique turbae suum distributorem a Domino assignatum. Hic ego credo, inter nos deesse potius manus ad accipiendum, corda ad servandum; quam marius ad frangendum et distribuendum panem hunc Domini. Hic etiam ego credo, quod etiam illic in evangelio, in panibus illis Domini, non venter plenus, non panes integri; sed buccella unica, vel micae panis Domini (quas solas Canaanaea illa postulavit ad vitam filiae) sufficient ad fa, mem extinguendam, imo ad vitam aeternam. Verbum Domini jam aeque potens ac efficax est ad vitam animarum; ut fuerunt panes illi ad sustentationem corporum. Qui etiam tantam habent fidei mensuram, tantam plenitudinem spiritus, tantum zelum ad aedificandam domum Dei, ut. bis in die Dominico, ut saepius in septimana concionari possint; plus aedificaturos, mea sententia, et profuturos magis, si mutarent, auditores, si lota alia peterent; quam in eodem et apud eosdem, semper conciones suas haberent. Piscatores praecones suos vocavit Servator. Illi vero non semper ejusdem ripae parti insistunt: mutant stationes suas pisces, qui hac parte fluminis escam non attingerent, alia forte caperentur hamo; sic est in captura piscium Domini.

Hac arte etiam piscatoribus Domini utendum est: ubi plurimum prodesse possumus, ibi figenda statio; ibi esca projicienda. Superstitiosi multi senes, obdurati peccatores, papistae refractarii: non interesse volunt sacris concionibus: at forte interesse volunt nuptiis; erunt in baptismate fidejussores; ad amieos in diem festum congregabuntur: ibi rete suum expandat. Hoc est tempori servire. Hoc est summae prudentiae. Quis nescit, quantam praedam jam tum dabit Dominus Jesus: licet antea multi multum, forsan incassum, laborarunt?

Venit Dominus Jesus quaerere ovem deperditam. Itidem et ejus discipuli, ejus servi et ministri omnes, quaerere debent, quod est deperditum; non uno, sed omni loco, ubi erit spes ulla inventionis vel unius oviculae, vel unius drachmae. Non est morandum hic, donec revertantur oves, vel ut pastorem exquirant. Non est hic eodem in loco semper habitandum. Et pedes sic peregrinantium, sic evangelizantium pacem, sic quaerentium quod est deperditum, speciosi sunto.

Illud certo certius verum est, qui talentum suum ad maximum lucrum exposuerit, cum venerit Dominus, maximam laudem commerebitur. Qui reti evangelieo plurimos pisces complexus fuerit, hic piscator optimus. Qui multi. tudinem justificaverint, vel multos, (ut habet Daniel,) hi splendebunt ut stellae in firmamento. Stadium est Domini ministerium. In illo partes primae, secundae, tertiae. Multis omnes in eodem gradu consistere? pari passu ambulare? Puglies Domini sunt praecones ejus eandemne palaestram omnibus constituetis? Operarii sunt; an eadem onera omnium humeris super imponetis? Alius forte valet duos lapides magnos ad structuram adferre facilius, quam unam alius. Vultisne, ut non vires suas hic non exerat? Unusquisque sicut accepit donum, adinvicem ministrent, (inquit Petrus,) ut boni dispensatores multiformis gratiae Dei.

Gratia Dei multiformis est: talenta ejus decem, duo, unum. Secundum gratiam sibi datum, quisque, cum apostolo, in anteriora se extendat.

Enitatur, ut quam plurimis prosit. Exerat vires ad summum; ne deficiat a gratia Dei. Hic non anhelitus, festinatio, cursus, sed torpor, fatigatio, somnus damnantur. Qui decem habet talenta, praeficiet Dominus decem civitatibus. Quis ad ista idoneus? inquit aliquis. Quis? nisi cui Dominus vires dederit. Proportio esse debet inter talenturn et lucrum; inter gratiam datam, et questum inde enatum, Hic autem quilibet vires suas consideret; ne plus oneris suscipiat humeris suis, quam sustinere possit.

Qui pluralitatem beneficiorum venantur, non hoc animo, ut talenta sua exponant, ut prosint plurimis, ut lucrentur multos; sed potius ut multum lucrentur, ut prosint suis, ut thesaurizent hic in terris, ut otientur, exulentur, opibus atttuant: hii certo certius thesaurizant una iram cum auro suo, in diem vindictae; damnum animabus suis cum dignitatibus in diem Domini.

Isti non coenam, mercedem, coronam cum agno, in diem nuptiarum, sed maledictionem, infamiam, gehennam, cum diabolo et angelis ejus, in die paenarum, pro stipendio reportabunt. Et tails pluralitas periculosa: hoc non honos, sed onus gravisimum; qui care nimis emitur. Caveamus ergo.

Illud etiam non minus verum, qui unum beneficium nanciscitur, ut amplectatur praesens seculum, non ut sequatur Jesum, Demas est. Qui episcopatum desiderat, ut crumenam implear, non ut gregem pascat, Judas est. Qui quaerunt qube sua sunt, non quae Jesu Christi, licet residentes semper sint, mercenarii sunt. Qui sequuntur Jesum, ut latibulum sibi acquirant, vulpes sunt. Denique qui gregem, vel unum, ut se pascant, ut praeemineant aliis, ut avaritia vel socordia ..... Domini possiderent, diaboli sunt.

Quare hic sibi ipsis prospiciant, qui ita acerbe in nonresidentes invehuntur: ipsi non sunt extra jactum telorum, extra periculum hostis. Caveant ne hic item labantur, ne ingressum dent hosti, ne secure degant, et se prorsus sartos, quod aiunt, et tutos existiment.

Illud vero hic testor in Domino, nos non patrocinari, vel probare quorundam inexplebilem avaritiam, qui nulla ha-bita virium suarum, nulla donorum ratione, nulla cura gregis Dei, nulla fratrum, qui hujusmodi stipendils carent compassione, tacti, totquot, ut loquuntur, beneficia in manus rapiunt: qui hic sibi ipsis nullum modum statuunt: qui quater in anno greges suos, vel videre satis putant, nullo substituto pastore sufficiente; qui non curant pauperes, non componunt lites, j uxta illud in suscepto ministerio suo paene votum praestitum Domino; qui non sunt exemplaria gregibus, sed plane peregrini barbari ovibus suis: quorum voces non cognoscunt, et non vix aliquando vultus: tales caecos (siqui fuerint) avaros, securos, otiosos, non pastores, sed idola pastorum, quicunque tandem fuerint; non probo, sed ut hostes ecclesiae pestilentissimos, et perniciosissimos judico.

Sed ut ista mittantur conscientiarum negotia, ut hoc scrutinium supremo illi judici relinquatur, ad res ipsas paulo proplus accedamus. Et hic una vobiscum, fratres, docemus, et profitemur, regnum Dei non esse nec cibum, nec potum, nec vestem, nec carnem, nee crucem, nec aliquid istiusmodi; sed pacem, fidem, gaudium in Spiritu Saneto. Omnia tamen in ecclesia eujschmo>nwv, et, quoad externam speciem decenter, et non ruditer fieri debent, et kata< ta>xin ordine quodam, non perturbate, non promiscue, ut habet apostolus. Deus noster qui ipse indutus est decore; qui appariturus est ex Sion, in pulchritudinis perfectione: qui ordinem statuit inter stellas, inter feras, inter ipsas apes, inter omnia opera sua, quae ordine etiam suo et vicissitudine, nobis etiam multo jucundiora et gratiora sunt.

Non vult in domo sua ruditatem ferinam, agrestem, apparatum ordinem nullum, vel inversum. Sed vel hic imprimis et decorem illum et ordinem inter omnes domesticos suos, et in omnibus requiret.

Hinc licet dignatur nos audire unanimiter precantes, in coelo existens; vult tamen non in agro, sed in templo congregari. Licet lavare nos dignetur non precioso aliquo nectare, sed aqua; non vult tamen baptizandos flumina jam petere, sed aquam in domo sua. Hoc jam non est fide firmata ecclesia sua regum ac reginarum lacte nutrita decorum, nec pelves manibus nostris lavandis formatas vult huic saero usui adaptari. Aeque peccatum est mea sententia, vasa sacrata, (quod fecit Balthasar) usibus nostris profanare, ac nostra vascula fictilia urnas divinis usibus accommodare. Vult Dominus sua sacra, in sua domo, a suis servis, suis vasibus non alienis, non profanis celebrari.

Pascit nos cibo caelesti, carne et sanguine Filii sui, symbolis panis et vini, rebus visibilibus quidem, sed non humi, Turcarum more, non mensa nuda rusticorum vult nos ipsa participare. Quis nostrum sic cibum sumere non dedignabi-tur? Ergo mensa ornata, habitus convivarum externus et corpotis et vestis, hic decens esse oportet. Si mullerum orantium habitus, gestus gravis et religiosus esse debet, quanto magis convivantium apud Dominum? David de hoc convivio sic prophetavit: Comederunt, et adoraverunt, om-nes pingues terrae. Hoc est Davidis. Et cum vobis tum hic caelestium convivarum genuflexio displicere debet. Minister orans Deum, alloquitur. Mulierum orantium habitus gravis esse debet. Et annon, ministrorum? Deus hic respicit vestes orantium, convivantium apud eum.

Quid tunica solum tectum eum vultis alloquentem Dominum quod vidi? hoe indecorum? Quid si utatur veste linea ecclesia? Quid, si non habeat propriam, aptam, decentem? Quod multorum vanitas, multorum curiositas, necessitas quan-doque multorum facit, Vestls, incessus, risus declarant, quid sit homo, inquit Ecclesiasticus. Et sane vanitates vestium hic multorum etiam ministrorum vanas mentes demonstrant.

Quid annon hic tantum ecclesiae authoritatis concedetis, ut vestem decentem praeseribat ministro sacra celebranti? At quamlibet vestem hic scio dicetis praeter istam superpeliciam. Si quamlibet cur non istam? At papisticae efformationis est. At hoc non est probatum. Quod si fuerit, cur vosmet Turcicas, Italicas, paganas, profanas formas vestium, certas, agnitas, induatis? An vestes coinquinant? An fides sequitur vestis formam?

Si sequatur, ipsi videte ne conspurcamini. Sed non sunt papisticae vestes nostrae, sed potius caelestes. Hoc vel consimili amictu caelestes cives in seriptura veritatis induti leguntur. Danielis, interpres mysteriorum, veste linea indutus erat. Minister ille Domini qui in excidio illo Hierosolymitano, atramentario instructus, signavit in frontibus omnes servos Dei, veste linea indutus erat. Cur non jam etiam qui interpretantur nobis mysteria sacra simill veste ornentur? Cur non qui signans jam in ecclesia, non atramento, sed Sancto Spiritu, omnes salvandos; qui scribunt epistolas Christi, non in tabulis lapideis, sed in cordibus, in ministerio suo, simili veste induantur?

Typus erat minister ille certo certius ministrorum nostrorum: signatio illa, consignationis nostrae: Jerusalem ilia, ecclesiae nostrae: salus illa, salutis nostrae. Et cur non vestis etiam illa ministri illius, inter tantam convenientiam, ministris nostris non correspondeat? Caelestes item illi praecones, qui docent apostolos et fideles ascensum JESU, et item reversionem ad judicium, veste item alba induti sunt.

Vestes horum omnium non frustra nobis describuntur. Cur non ministri nostri idem docentes, eodem habitu non vestiantur? Cur dicemus hunc vestitum potius papisticum, quam caelestem? Non lineae, sed sericeae; non planae, simplices, caelestes; sed aureae, magnificae, regales erant vestes papisticae. Poculum aureum habuit meretrix ilia in manu sua. Omnia in religione ejus ex auto; omnia sumptuosa, omnia fastu mundano plena.

Ecclesia nostra quid habet simile?

At dicet aliquis, nos Dei cultum in his statuere. At caveat quid dicat. De omni verbo otioso reddemus rationem. Ergo de falsa. Mentiri jam peccatum est: et portio eorum in lacu. At de fratre, in negotio pacis, idque ecclesiae, non mentiri, sed falsum testimonium perhibere; peccatum est sine dubio gravissimum. Usu vestlum istorum, voce, scriptione, quantum possumus, testamur vobis, nos nullam in his cultus divini partem constituere. Et annon credetis? Vestes istae decoris sunt, ordinis, unitaris; non devotionis, sanetitatis, religionis. Hoc nos et ore et opere docemus, et pro-testamur.

Libro illi precum publicarum in quem tam acerbe invecti estis subscripsistis, baptizati; subscripsistis juxta ejus formam, saeplus sacra Domini participati.

Praxis etiam institutionum ejus praesentia vestra in precibus ejus. Illud AMEN quod tam saepe repetiistis, subscriptio est apud Dominum. Et cur jam manum subtrahetis? Subscriptio enim [quid] nisi consensionis testario est?

Et hic etiam videte, quantum sit, de quo tam anxii estis. Subscribitis cuique rei in libro illo [non] nisi juxta naturam suam. Doctrinae, ut rei certae, indubitatae; quae mutari non potest, nec debet. Ceremoniis vero ejus, et ritibus, veluti rebus mutabilibus, quae mutari possunt; si ita ecclesiae et principi visum fuerit. Quid ni ista in ecclesia nostra possint mutari, veluti osculum pacis in ecclesia apostolica; et item unctio ilia externa?

Sed ut finem faciam, rogo in Domino, ut pacem perse quamini: extirpetis peccatum: evangelistarum opera perilciatis; ut de rebus his levibus, externis non amplius litigetis; ut regnum Dei propagetis ut causum cum causa, in his controversiis nostris, non personas, peccata, naevos fratrum, cum causis panderetis. Quid vobis cum fratre labente, ut judicis partes suscipiatis?

Domino suo stat, aut cadit. Jungamus dextras in plantatione fidei, in inculcatione bonorum operum, in Jesuitarum profligatione. Hoc est satis operis pro nobis. Alter alterius onera portemus : et sic adimpleamus legem Christi. Diligamas mutuo : et sic cognoscent omnes nos ejus esse discipulos.

Quod dignetur ille operari in cordibus nostris per Sanctum Spiritum suum, qui operatur omnia in omnibus, Dominus JESUS. Cui cum Deo Patre, et Sancto Spiritu, sit omnis laus, honor, gloria, salus et imperium, et nunc et in omnem aeternitatem. Amen.

NUMBER 50.

The queen, upon apprehension of the Spanish invasion; her letter sent to all the lord lieutenants of all the counties, to make large preparations for defence. Her letter to the lord marquis of Winchester, and to the earl of Sussex, for Hampshire, was as fblloweth:

By the queen.

ELIZABETH R.

RIGHT trusty and right well beloved cousins, wee grete you well. Wheras heretofore upon the advertisement, from time to time, and from sundry places, of the great preparations of forein forces made, with a full intent to invade this our realm, and other our dominions; we gave our directions unto you for the preparing of our subjects within your lieutenancy, to be in a readiness for defence against any attempts that might be made against us and our realm; which our directions wee find so well performed, that wee cannot but receive great contentment thereby, both in respect of your careful procedings therein, and also of the great willingness of our people in general to the accomplishment of that wherunto they were required, shewing thereby their great love and loyalty towards us, which as wee accept most thankfully at their hands; acknowledging our selves infinitely bound to Almighty God, in that it hath pleased him to bless us with so loving and dutiful subjects; so would we have you make it known unto them upon our behalf.

Forasmuch as we find the same intention, not only of invading, but of making a conquest also of this our realm, now constantly more and more detected, and confirmed, as a matter fully resolved on, an army being allready put to the sea for that purpose, (which we doubt not but by Gods goodness shall prove frustrate;) we have therfore thought meet to will and require you forthwith, with as much convenient speed as you may, to call together, at some convenient place or places, the best sort of gentlemen under your lieutenancy, and to declare unto them, that considering these great preparations and arrogant threatnings, now burst out in action upon the seas, tending to a conquest; wherin every mans particular state is in the highest degree to be touched, in respect of country, liberty, wife, children, lands, life, and (that which is especially to be regarded) for the profession of the true and sincere religion; laying before them the infinite and unspeakable miseries that fall out upon any such accident and change.

Which miseries are evidently seen by the fruits of the hard and cruel government that is holden in countries not far distant, where such change doth happen, (whatsoever pretence is otherwise given forth for the cause of religion ;) we do look that the most part of them should have, upon this instant extra ordinary occasion, a larger proportion of furniture, both for horsemen and footmen, but especially horsemen, than hathbeen certifyed.

Thereby to be in their best strength against any attempt whatsoever. Or to be employed both about our own person or otherwise; as they shall have knowledge given unto them. The number of larger proportion assoon as you shall know, we require you to signify to our privy council. Hereunto as we doubt not but by your good endeavours they will be the rather conformable; so also we assure our selves, that Almighty God will so bless these their loyal hearts born towards us, their loving sovereign, and their natural country, that all the attempts of any enemy whatsoever shall be made void, and frustrate to their confusion, your comforts, and to Gods high glory. Given under our signet, at our manour of Grenewich, the xviiith day of June, 1588, the xxxth year of our reign.

NUMBER 51.

An account of the Spanish armada, that invaded England anno 1588; their number of galleons, ships, pinnaces, zabres, &c. together with their burdens, soldiers, mariners, munition, weapons, artillery, and other furniture of war, brought with them: taken from a Spanish book, by order published. Briefly here set down.

SQUADRON OF THE GALLEONS OF PORTUGAL.

CONSISTED of 12 vessels. Wherof the first was the galleon of S. Mark, captain general of the army, of 1000 tunns; carrieth 177 mariners, 300 soldiers, chosen men, 50 pieces of canon; bullets, powder, lead, corde, and all that which is needful, &c.

These 12 vessels, (wherof 10 are galleons, and 2 zabres) in all make tunns. And there are imbarked in them 3330 soldiers, footmen, and mariners: which are in sum 4624 men. And they cary 350 great pieces; and all that which is necessary to the rest, as bullets, powder, match, lead, &c.

THE ARMY OF BISCAY, OF WHICH IS CAPTAIN GENERAL JUAN MARTINES OF RICALDA.

In this squadron are 14 ships, ten of them great, and 4 pinnaces: which are of 6567 tunns of burthen. In the which ships be embarked 2037 souldiers, 862 mariners; and 260 great pieces of canon; 119000 bullets; 467 quintals of powder, 140 of lead, 89 of match.

THE ARMS OF THE GALLIES OF CASTILLE ; OF THE WHICH IS GENERAL JACLUES FLORES DE VALDES.

There is in this squadron 14 gallions and ships, and 2 pinnaces, which bear 8714 tunns. In them are embarked 2458 soldiers, 1719 mariners; which are in all 4177: and 348 great pieces; powder, bullet, lead, match, &c. as they shall need. The army of the ships of Andalousie ; of which is captain don Pedro de Valdes. There are in this squadron 11 ships: ten great, and a pinnace: of the burthen of 8762 tunns. In the which are embarked soldiers, and 800 mariners, and 260 great pieces.

THE ARMY OF SHIPS COME FROM THE PROVINCE OF GEPOUZCE ; OF WHICH IS GENERAL MICHEL DE OQUENDO.

There are in this squadron 14 ships; wherof 10 great ships,2 pataches, and 2 pinnaces; of 6991 tunns of burthen. In the which there are embarked 2092 men of war, and 670 mariners. All cometh to 2708.

THE ARMY OF THE EAST.

In the which squadron there are ten ships: which are of 7705 tunns of burthen. And imbarked in them 2880 soldiers, 807 mariners, 310 great pieces.

THE ARMY OF HULKES.

Which consisted of 14 ships; which are of 10271 tunns. In the which are embarked 3221 men of war, 708 mariners, 410 great pieces; and their necessary provision.

PATACHES AND ZABRES.

There are in this squadron 12 pataches and zabres: which are of the burthen of 1131 tunns. In the which there are embarked 479 soldiers, mariners; and there are 193 great pieces, and all their furniture, THE FOUR GALLEACES OF NAPLES.

In these are 873 soldiers, 468 mariners, 200 great pieces, 1200 slaves, and the rest of their furniture.

AND FOUR GALLIES.

Bearing 400 soldiers,20 great pieces, and 888 slaves.

THE GENERAL SUM OF THE WHOLE ARMY.

So that there are in the said army 130 ships, of 57868 tunns, soldiers, and 8450 mariners; 2088 slaves, and 2630 great pieces of brass of all sorts.

Moreover and above the aforenamed 130 vessels, there are 20 caravels for the service of the above named army; and likewise ten salves, with six oars apeice.

The adventurers, or voluntiers, noblemen, and gentlemen of quality, and others, that went in the said army, and their servants that were able to fight. Their names are set down; the number wherof (to whom shipping hath been given in the said army) were 124. And the servants brought with them 456 bearing armes and weapons.

Then follow the names of those that were entertained and in pay, in the said army, (wherof are 4 or 5 Englishmen,) to the number of 238, with servants.

Moreover such persons as are embarked for the service of the cannon are 167: consisting of a lieutenant of the captain general, a priest major, gentlemen; two engineers, one of the great master gunners and his helpers; a physician, a chirurgeon, an apothecary, a great master carpenter, a locksmith, other workmen, smiths, &c. a commissary of the moyles, with 22 boyes and officers servants.

PERSONS OF THE HOSPITAL.

General administrator his lieutenant; physicians 5; the great chirurgeon; other chirurgeons; five persons to help; four cures, a controwler; a great master; 62 other officers and boyes of service: which are in all 85 for all the persons that are in the hospital.

RELIGIOUS MEN WHICH DO ACCOMPANY THE SAID ARMY.

Of the order of St. Francis, of the province of Castile, 8.

Of the same order of the province of Portugal, 20.

Friers Capuchins, Castillians, 29.

Friers Capuchins, Portugais, 10.

Castillians of the order of St. Augustin, 9.

Portugais, of the same order, 14.

There were also in the army, of the order of St. Francis, of St. Dominique, of the company of Jesus. In all 180 religious men.

PROVISIONS.

Quintals 11000 of biscuit: which sufficeth to nourish the army six months.

Wine 14170 pipes: which shall suffice for the said 6 months.

Quintals of bacon 6500: that shall suffice for the same time.

Goats cheese, 3458 quintals. 8000 quintals of fish. 3000 quintals of rice. 6320 septiers of beans and white pease: which shall suffice for more than six months. 11398 pounds of oyl olive. 33870 mesures of vinegar: which shall suffice for the provision.

For the service of the said army there is caried a great quantity of hogsheads full of water; dishes, cupps, saucers, in the which they shall part each portion: links, lanthornes, lamps, lead in sheets, neats leather, and tampans, in case that the enemies shot do some hurt to the ships, and quantity of leather baggs for powder; torches of wax, candles for lanthornes, cressets, 8000 Roman bottles of leather, for their wine and water; 5000 pair of shoes, and 11000 bundles of cord.

There is also all the furniture for the sea, belonging to the canon.

Moreover, there is of provision of overplus, double wheels, and other furniture for twelve double cannons of battery, and for 21 pieces of field pieces, with 3500 bullets for them. Besides the provisions that are here above written; and also cables for ships, pitch, flax. And there be also standards antients and banners; where the figure of Jesus Christ, and our lady, and of his majesty are painted.

And for to bring the said cannons a land, they cary moyls, carts, mantlets, gabions, and such like sorts; and the rest which is necessary for the said purpose.

And besides the weapons which soldiers have, they cary also for the necessity armes which are here under writen. 7000 gunns with their furniture; a thousand muskets, with their furniture; 10000 pykes; partisans and halbards; 6000 half pykes.

Also they cary of overplus, in case they should come a land, all their tools, as iron crowes, porters baskets, masons hammers, tents, sacks for the pioneers in great quantity.

So that there is in the said army, the vessels, the men of war, munitions, necessary furniture, victuals, &c. which are contained in this discourse.

Made in Lisbon the 20 of May, 1588.

Afterwards there went out of Lisbon, toward the end of June last, a supply of an army in good furnitures; containing fourscore sayl of ships, to join with the said army.

NUMBER 52.

Liraniae, et preces pro faelici successu classis regis nostri Philippi adversus Angliae hereticos, verae fidei impugnatores. De mandato serenissimi principia cardinalis ; excudebat Antonius Riberius, 1588.

Vetsic. EXURGE Domine. Resp. Et judica causam tuam Kyrie eleison.

Christe, eleison Kyrie, eleison. Christe, audinos; Christe exaudi nos, &c.

Saneta Maria, ora pro nobis. Sancta Dei genetrix, ora pro nobis. Sancta Virgo virginum, ora, &c. Sancte Michael, ora. Sancte Gabriel, ora. Sancte Raphael, ora. Omnes sancti angeli, et archangeli Dei, orate pro nobis.

Omnes sancti beatorum spirituum ordines, orate. Sancte Joannes Baptista, ora pro nobis, &c. And then naming each saint distinctly with the petition ora, &c. and so to the end of that part of their Litany. And then are proper Psalmes appointed for each day in the week: beginning at Sunday. For which is Psalm III. Domine, quid multiplicati sunt, qui tribulant me? Multi insurgunt adversum me, &c.

THEN FOLLOW CERTAIN VERSICLES AND RESPONSES, AND AFTER THEM SOME COLLECTS COMPOSED FOR THE OCCASION. WHICH WERE THESE.

Da, quaesumus, ecclesiae tuae, miserieors Deus, ut Spiritu Sancto congregata, hostili nullatenus incursione turbetur.

Concede, nos famulos tuos, quae sumus, Domine Deus, perpetua mentis et corporis sanitate gaudere, et gloriosa beatae Mariae semper Virginis intercessione, a praesenti li-bera tristitia; et aeterna perfrui laetitia.

Ecclesiae tuae, quaesumus, Domine, preces placatus ad-mitte; ut destructis adversitatibus, et erroribus universis, secura tibi serviat libertate.

Deus, omnium fidelium pastor et rector, famulum tuum N. (quem pastorem ecclesiae tuae praeesse voluisti) propitius respite. Da ei, quaesumus, verbo et exemplo, quibus prae est, profitere; ut ad vitam, una cum grege sibi credito, perveniat sempiternam.

Quaesumus, omnipotens Deus, ut famulus tuus Philip-pus, rex noster (qui tua miseratione suscepit regni guber-nacula) virtutum etiam omnium percipiat incrementa. Qui-bus decenter ornatus, et vitiorum monstra devitare; et ad te (qui via, veritas et vita es) gratiosus valeat pervenire.

Deus, qui conteris bella et impugnatores in te sperantium potentia tuae defensionis expugnas; auxiliare famulis tuis implorantibus misericordiam tuam; ut haereticorum et om-nium inimicorum suorum feritate depressa, ineffabili te gra-tiarum actlone laudemus.

Deus noster, refugium et virtus ade piis ecclesiae tuae precibus, auctor ipse pictaris. Et praesta, ut quod fideliter petimus, efficaciter consequamur.

Hostium nostrorum, quaesumus, Domine, elide super-biam, et eorum contumaciam dexterae tuae virtute pro-sterne.

Libera, quaesumus, Domine, a peccatis et hostibus tibi famulos supplicantes ut in sancta conversatione viventes, nullis afficiantur adversis.

Protector noster, aspice, Deus, et propugnatores tuos a paganorum et haereticorum defende periculis. Ut ab omnibus perturbationibus semoti, liberis tibi mentibus serviant.

Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, moestorum consolatio, la-borantium fortitudo; perveniant ad te preces de quacunque tribulatione clamantium; ut omnes sibi in necessitatibus suis misericordiam tuam gaudeant affuisse. Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen. Vers. Exaudiat nos omnipotens et misericors Dns. Resp. Et custodiat nos semper. [

NUMBER 52.

] The miserable condition of the Spanish fleet, fled to the north of Scotland; and scattered for many weeks on the seacoasts of Ireland.

THE fleet was by tempest driven beyond the isles of Orkney about the first of August, the place being above threescore degrees from the north pole; an unaccustomed place for the young gallants of Spain, that never had felt stormes on the sea, or cold weather in August. And about those north islands their mariners and soldiers dyed daily by multitudes; as by their bodies cast on land did appear. And after twenty days, or more, having spent their time in miseries, they being desirous to return home to Spain, sailed very far southward into the ocean to recover Spain. But the Almighty God, who always avengeth the cause of his afflicted people which put their confidence in him, and bringeth down his enemies that exalt themselves with pride to the heavens, ordered the winds to be so violently contrarious to this proud navy, as it was with force dissevered on the high seas, west upon Ireland; and so a great number of them driven into sundry dangerous b ayes, and upon rocks, all along the west and north parts of Ireland, in sundry places, distant above an hundred miles asunder; and there cast away: some sunk, some broken, some run on sandes, some burned by the Spanyards themselves.

As in the north part of Ireland towards Scotland, between the two rivers of Loughfoile and Lough Swilly, nine were driven to land, and many of them broken; and the Spanyards forced to come to land for succour amongst the wild Irish.

In another place, twenty miles south-west from thence, in a bay, called Calbeggy, three other ships were driven also upon rocks.

In another place southwards, being a bay, called Borreys, twenty miles northwards from Gallowey, belonging to the earl of Ormond, one special great ship of a thousand tunn, with fifty brass pieces, and four canons, was sunk, and all the people drowned, saving sixteen: who, by their apparel, as it is advertised out of Ireland, seemed to be persons of great estimation.

Then, to come more to the southward, thirty miles upon the coast of Thomond, north from the river of Shennan, two or three more perished.

Wherof one was burned by the Spanyards themselves, and so driven to the shore. Another was of St. Sebastians, wherin were three hundred men, who were also all drowned, saving threescore. A third ship, with all her lading, was cast away at a place called Breckan.

In another place, afore sir Tirlogh Obrynes house, there was also another great ship lost, supposed to be a galliass.

These losses above mentioned were betwixt the 5th and 10th of September; as was advertised from sundry places out of Ireland. So as by accompt, from the 21st of July, when this navy was first beaten by the navy of England, until the 10th of September, being the space of seven weeks, and more, it is most likely that the said navy had never good day or night.

Of the rest of the navy report is also made, that many of them have been seen, lying off and on upon the coast of Ireland, tossed with the winds in such sort, as it is also doubted, that many of them shall hardly recover Spain, if they be so weakened for lack of victuals and mariners, as part of their companies that are left on land do lamentably report.

This was written Octob. the 9th, 1588.

NUMBER 53.

Ships and men sunk, drowned, killed, and taken upon the coast of Ireland, in the month of September, 1588.

Total 17 ships Of men 5394. Afore the loss ode the foresaid seventeen ships in Ireland, there perished in July and August fifteen other great ships in the fight betwixt the English and Spanish navies, in the narrow seas of England.

NUMBER 54.

Sir Francis Drake to the lord treasurer. Discovery of the Spanish armada. Their preparations to receive them. The courage of the English. And particularly the lord admiral’ s forwardness.

To the right honorable, my very good lord, the lord high treasurer of England.

Rt. honorable and my very good lord.

THE xxxth of May we set sail out of Plymouth, having the wind eastwardlie; which continued but a short tyme: yet nevertheless all men were so willing of service, and none more than my lord admiral himself, that we endured a great storm, (considering the tyme of the year,) with the wind southerly and at south-west for seven days. Andlonger we had, had not the wynde come westwardlie. And that so much as in keeping sea, we should have bin put to leeward of Plymouth, either for Portland or Wight.

Which places had not been so meet, either for the meeting of the enemy, or relieving our selves of those wants which dayly will bee in so great an army of shipps.

At our being at sea we had divers intelligences; but specially one of most importance. Which is a hulk, which came from S. Lucar six weeks past; and in her way homewards saw this day sixteen days a great fleet of ships which came from Lishborne, having the wind northerlie, and so coming to the westwards: which the skipper and his company judge to be the great fleet that the king of Spaigne hath made ready: for that they saw so many as they could not nombre them. They say, that they saw 150 or 200 salle; and yet could not discover the end of their fleet, although they lay to the eastwardes, and the fleet to the westwardes.

It is now to be looked for, that either we shall hear of them very shortly, or else they will go to the Groyne, and there assemble themselves, and make their full randevous.

I assure your good lordship, and protest it before God, that I find my lord admirall so well affected for all honorable services in this action, as it doth assure all his followers of good success and hope of victorie.

Thus humblie taking my leave of your good lordship, I daylie pray to God to bless her majesty, and to give us grace to feare him. So shall we not need to doubt the enemye, although they be many. From aboard her majestys good shipp, The Revenge, ryding in Plymouth sound.

This VIth of June, 1588.

Your good lordships very ready to be commanded, FRA. DRAKE. [

NUMBER 54.

] A prayer used in the queen’s chapel, and other places,for preservation, and success against the Spanish navy and forces.

OLORD God, heavenly Father, the Lord of hosts, without whose providence nothing procedeth, and without whose mercy nothing is saved; in whose power ly the hearts of princes, and the end of all their actions; have mercy upon thine afflicted church; and especially regard thy servant Elizabeth, our most excellent queen. To whom thy dispersed flock do fly, in the anguish of their soules, and in the zele of thy trueth. Behold ! how the princes of the nations do band themselves against her, because she la- boureth to purge thy sanctuary, and that thy holy church may live in security.

Consider, O Lord, how long thy servant hath laboured to them for peace: but how proudly they prepare themselves unto battail. Arise therefore, maintain thine own cause, and judge thou between her and her enemies.

She seeketh not her own honour, but thine; nor the dominions of others, but a just defence of her self; not the shedding of Christian bloud, but the saving of poor afflicted souls. Come down thefore, come down, and deliver thy people by her. To vanquish is all one with thee, by few or by many, by want or by wealth, by weakness or by strength. O! possess the hearts of our enemies with a fear of thy servants. The cause is thine, the enemies thine, the afflicted thine; the honour, victory, and triumph shall be thine.

Consider, Lord, the end of our enterprizes. Be present with us in our armies. Terrify the hearts of our enemies; and make a joyful peace for thy Christians.

And now, since in this extreme necessity thou hast put into the heart of thy servant Deborah to provide strength to withstand the pride of Sisera and his adherents, bless thou all her forces by sea and land. Grant all her people one heart, one mind, and one strength, to defend her person, her kingdom, and thy true religion. Give unto all her council and captains wisdome, wariness, and courage; thatthey may speedily prevent the devices, and valiantly withstand the forces of all our enemies: that the fame of thy gospel may be spread unto the ends of the world. We crave this in thy mercy, O heavenly Father, for the precious death of thy dear Son Jesus Christ. Amen.

NUMBER 55.

Spanish letters of the success of their armada. 1. THE COPY OF A LETTER SENT UNTO SPAIN BY JUAN DE GAMARRA, A SPANISH MERCHANT. DATED THE 31ST OF SEPTEMBER, 1588.

THAT the English have lost 40 ships at one encounter, where they could not fly: the which was in Luxaten, a port of Scotland. Unto which place the English had followed the Spanish armada from before Calice. And they thinking that our armada had gon to take this port, got before ours, to defend it. But ours seeing themselves so neer the English, (and that they could not retyre, as they had often don before, running for succour to the English ports,) had them now as they would, and set upon them so strongly, that they sunk 20 ships, and took 26 safe and sound: and the rest, perceiving their destruction, fled with,. out men, all rent and torn. And then (it is reported) that our armada took the said port: where they are in very good harbour, as all affirme.

Thus is the news. God grant them such success as is needful. And this is understood by a post that is come from Calice. And that it is commanded in England, upon paine of loss of life and goods, that none write news to any place; which is a confirmation of the aforesaid. 2. THE COPY OF A LETTER WHICH PEDRO DE ALVA (A SPANISH MERCHANT) WROTE FROM ROAN UNTO SPAIN THE 1ST OF SEPTEMBER.

I write no news of the Spanish armada, for that they be varying, and I desirous to write nothing but truth. Now by news (which run from many places, from Callis, Deepe, Holland, and by some presupposings from England, and other places) it is held for a matter most certain that they have fought with the English; spoiled and sunk many of them, and taken others: and that the rest (reported to be 27 ships) are returned, spoiled, to the river of London, being all that could escape.

With this post there goeth one from George Segum of Callis: who saith, that masters and mariners of Zeland have affirmed to the governour of Callis, monsieur de Gotdan, that the armada is in a port or river of Scotland, called Triffla; where, they say, there may ride two thousand ships. This is the common report. 3. THE COPY OF A LETTER WHICH DIEGO PEREZ, POSTMASTER OF LOGRONNO, WROTE, IN CONFIRMATION OF THE VICTORY AGAINST ENGLAND IN THE OCEAN SEA, DATED THE 2D OF SEPTEMBER, 1588.

This day is the English news confirmed by a letter from the governour of Roan: who writeth, that he hath in his power the chief pilot of captain Drake; and that he knoweth, that al the English navy was utterly discomfitted: 25 ships sunk, and about 40 taken, and Francis Drake prisoner; having chased them as far as Abspurge, and put many to the sword: saying, that there was found in Drakes ship a piece of 25 spanns, of one kintal of munition, made on purpose of one only shot to sink the admiral of Spain. But it pleased God, (tho’ she was hurt therewith, yet she was repaired again,) and overcome the English fleet. 4. BY A LETTER FROM THE POSTMASTER OF BOURDEAUX, WRITTEN TO THE AMBASSADOR IN FRANCE, THE 2D OF DECEMBER, 1588.

Since the writing hereof is arrived a Scottish man: who saith, that all the Spanish armada are harboured in Scotland: and that the Scots have taken armes against England.

NUMBER 56.

August the 5th, 1588. -Articles for the examination of don Pedro de Valdes ; taken prisoner in the defeat of the Spanish armada: in several questions; with don Pedro’s answers.

Questions propounded to don Pedro de Valdez.

WHO hath the kings commission? How many are Courtsillors to the general by the kings commission?

If the general should miscarry, who should succede in his places?

Who is the admiral general? who the vice admiral? If they should miscarry, who should succede in their places?

To how many was the kings will for landing, and following the invasion, imparted?

Was it not known to you, that the king about Easter last sent a commission to the duke of Parma to treat and conclude peace with England?

How was it meant that this army should procede, if the duke had made peace?

What opinion was had of the king of Scots, or of any of his realm, to joyne with this enterprize, or to favour it?

What did the earl Morton, otherwise called Maxwel, promise the king of Scotland?

What opinion was had for any landing in Ireland? What men of Ireland, of title or value, be there in the navy?

In how many places of England was there had opinion to land in? And what succours were promised to be had in England?

Was there any promise made to have any rebellion stirred in England? and in what parts?

What opinion was had of the power of England, both by land and sea, to resist the invasion?

What power was thought should come with the duke of Parma?

What shipping was thought that the duke of Parma had?

If the duke of Parma had come to the seas to land, who should then be the general by land, and also by sea?

What loss had the navy from her coming forth [when a great storm happened] untill their return to the Groyne?

Whether was not there a disposition in the duke of Medina to have returned or broken off? And how was that altered?

Upon what occasion did the king write a particular letter to himself, [don Pedro,] and to whom else did he write the like?

What opinion was had by seamen, where the navy might take water, either in England or France?

Where did they accompt to have any port, either in England, or France, or Flanders?

If the navy of England had not pursued them toward the east, whither meant the Spanish navy to have made their course?

What pilotts have they of knowledg for the coasts of England? In what ships went they?

If the duke of Parma could not come with his army to the seas, what should the Spanish army have don?

Whether there passed any advertisements between the duke Medina and the duke of Parma?

If the Spanish navy had not prevailed in their purpose this summer, where should it have wintered?

For how long time was it victualled, coming from the Groyne?

Where was it purposed to have revictualled?

In what state was the water of the navy when he was taken?

What ayd was promised them out of France? and by whom? and out of what ports?

Whether was there any meaning to land in Zealand or Holland? and in what places?

For how long time was the army pay’d?

Whether was the duke of Medina ever in any service for the warr?

What number of ships were left behind in Spain of men of warr?

Whether was there any purpose in Spain to second this navy with any more shipping, or with more victuall?

Who are the principal men in the navy of knowledge for sea service? and who for land?

What determination was there for the proceding against the queen and the nation of England?

How would they have known the catholic from the protestant?

To whom in the land should favour have been shewed?

Who should have had the title of this crown?

Whether should the nation have been ruled by the rulers of the English nation, or the government changed?

NUMBER 57.

Intelligence sent from Rome, Liege, and Lisle, to the lord treasurer; of divers matters concerning the Spanish armada and king Philip. And his purpose of sending the queen, being taken, to the pope.

IHAD a chamber in the house where one Joh. Dutche (some time of the [queen’s] guard, now macebearer to cardinal Allen at Rome) lodged; neer to Peter Mountauro, wheras the said St. Peter was martyred. And as he and I were on St. Peters eve, one year now past, walking on the same Mount, on purpose to behold the fireworks that night, as well out of the castle St. Angelo, as other places of Home, (for standing there we might se most parts of the city,) we fell into talk of the overthrow of the Spanish armado. And after some speeches had of the great loss the king had in that attempt, he told me, that he heard the cardinal say, that the king of Spain gave great charge to duke Medina, and to all the captains, that in no wise they should harm the person of the queen; but upon taking her, use the same with reverence; looking well to the same custody of her. And further, that the duke should, so speedily as he might, take order for the conveyance of her person to Rome: to the purpose, that his holiness, the pope, should dispose therof in sort as it should please him.

The same Dutche and I beholding, among others, the great number of pictures, as well of emperors, kings, and queens, as others of the greatest nobility, both christned and not christned; and of some dead; all which were orderly placed in degree, (in a certain place, between Castel S.

Angelo and St. Peters church in the long street there ;) Dutch espied, placed next to king Philips picture on the better hand, the picture of sir Francis Drake. Wherat raging, (in words Italian,) overheard by the painter, (or some his friends,) and hasting to the cardinals lodgings, and to him informing of the same; wherof presently came some, as sent to pull down the same picture: it was before Dutch his repair thither again, taken away.

But yet the poor painter was in trouble: albeit he protested he knew not who erected it there, or who took it down, or what was become of it.

The picture of her majesty was not among them; neither, as an heir, is permitted to open shew. Nevertheless sundry Romans have it in their chambers in secret. As one Wil. liam, a poor man there maried, (after his escape with Fox from bondage of the inquisition,) told me, and brought me into a senators house, whose vinerol the same William work-eth in: where I saw her majestys picture at large, and costly set out and depainted. The poor man told me, the same day wherin the tryumphing was in Rome for taking of her majesty and subduing the realm, the cardinal made a great feast, and invited and had at the same all English, Scottish, and Irish men in Rome: but it was his hap not to be there, being at his work in a vinerol.

And the next day after, Dutch met him, asking him, why he came not the other day to my lord graces banquet, as all others did, in rejoyce of the great victory the king of Spains forces had against England, and of the taking of the queen, his dame, captive. Wherunto when he answering, that he would not believe it, and would adventure the loss of his ears, if it were true, the same Dutch informed of the speeches; and the poor man was checked, and had been ill dealt with, if the news had been true.

At Liege, upon some occasion of talk, as well of your honour, as some others of her majestys privy council; and how by your policy and wisdome your lordship and the rest over-reached still the king of Spain, and all his many counsils and counsillors in all matters: the council of Spain procrastinate and delay, not putting in execution their determinations: the counsil of England using expedition in all their intentions: the council of Spain giving out now what they will do or put in execution a year hence: the council in England at present execution of their determination, before any speech in public be had or blown abroad. And thus the expedition of the one overmatcheth the long temporizing of the other.

At which time of talk, D. D. said, he could not more aptly compare the lord treasurer of England to any man, than to a waterman of the Thames; whose affair is to look one way and row another. When he is to work, or to compass any matter of importance, he will give out matter carying great shew of reason, that the same shall and must of necessity sort to the end and effect of what the ears of men are filled with by that his course of invention and policy. And while ey is had upon the same, and means working to cross as much, then he putteth in execution a contrary determination, and hazzards or effects the same before it be revealed; wherby prevention might or can be had. By which course of policy, with his expedition in all his actions, together with his long time of continuance in place of government, and having wit at wil, he is so experienced and grounded, with so deep a judgment, as his piersing ey foresees and looks into all accidents and sequences that may prejudice or further his purposes and intentions in any matter he takes in hand, or is to be handled in government of the realm, and practised, and followed against any other state.

Upon St. Nicolas day last, being then kept festival, I dined in Lisle with D.

Marshal, [a Scotch priest.] Among other talk he said, it was time now for the king of Scots to advise himself well, and to cast his ey upon the apparent hazzard wherin the king of Navarr [a protestant] standeth of loss of the crown of France: lest he come also in like predicament, not only for Scotland, but also for his claime and interest unto the crown of England; both which, no doubt, but he shall loose too, after the king of Spain hath established a catholic king in France: unless he reform himself and his realm in matter of religion, and yield to the obeisance of the church of Rome, and profession of the same. We were in this country, saith he, [the said Dr. Marshal,] in some comfort, hearing that a course and full determination was had and taken, [and perhaps a Spanish invasion of Scotland,] wherby upon great likelihood he might be drawn to reformation, and other purposes in the catholic cause, and for our return into our country. But we hear not that the same is put in execution. Pope Sixtus promised to disburse some summs of mony to be used in that affair. But what is or shall be don therein, I cannot learn, nor yet think in hast any matter to purpose therof will be forwarded; such variance is among them in Rome, since the said Sixtus dyed.

These before recited, and the like speeches, I have heard among them, beside their talk and opinion of the king of Spain, now of late. Of whom the most part and wisest sort despair of all hope in him, that may sort to their liking; unless he gain victory against Navarr, as they term him.

Whereof also they make doubt greatly, as fearing England, Scotland, and the Germaine princes will afford him aid. [

NUMBER 57.

] An account of the proceedings between Spain and England, beginning at the access of queen Elizabeth to the crown. In answer to a libel.

HER majesty at her coming to the crown found her realm intangled with the war of France and Scotland, her mightiest and neerest neibours. Which warrs were grounded onely upon the Spaniards quarel. But the pursuit of themhad lost England the town of Calais: which from the year of Edward III. had been possessed by the kings of England. Now there was a meeting neer Dorleas, towards the end of queen Maries reign, between the commissioners of France, Spain, and England: and some overtures of peace were made, but broke off upon the article of the restitution of Calais.

After queen Maries death, the king of Spain thinking himself discharged of that ditticulty, tho’ in honour he was no less bound to stand to it than before, renewed the like treaty; wherin her majesty concorded. So as the commissioners for the said princes met at Chasteau Cambresy, neer Cambray.

In the proceding of which treaty it is true, that at the first the commissioners of Spain, for form and in demonstration only, pretended to stand firm upon the demand of Calais; but it was discovered indeed that the kings meaning was, that after some ceremonious and perfunctory insisting therupon, to grow apart to a peace with the French, excluding her majesty; and so to leave to make her own peace, after her people had made his warrs. Which covert dealing being politicly 1ookt into, her majesty had reason, being newly invested in her kingdom, and of her own inclination being affected to peace, to conclude the same with such conditions as she mought. And yet the king of Spain in his dissimulation had so much advantage, as she was fain to do it in a treaty apart with the French.

Wherby to one that is not informed of the counsils and secrets of state, as they past, it should seem to be a voluntary agreement of her majesty, where the king of Spain would be party. Wheras indeed he left her no other choice. And this was the first assay and earnest penny of that kings good affection to her majesty.

About the same time, when the king was solicited to renew such treaties and leagues as had past between the two crownes of Spain and England, and by the lord Cobham sent unto him, to acquaint him with the death of queen Mary, and after by sir Thomas Chaloner and sir Thomas Chamberlain successively, ambassadors resident in his Low Countries, who had orders divers times, during their charge, to make overtures thefor, both unto the king and certain principal persons about him; and (these former motions taking no effect) by viscount Mountague and sir Tho.

Chamberlain, sent into Spain in the year 1560; no other answer could be had or obtained of that king, but that the treaties did stand in as good force to all intents as new ratifications could make them. An answer strange at that time, but very conformable to his procedings since: which belike even then were closely hatching in his own breast. For had he not at that time some hidden alienation of mind and design of an enemy towards her majesty, so wise a king could not be ignorant, that the renewing and ratifying of treaties between princes and estates do add a great life and force, both of assurance to the parties themselves, and countenance and reputation to the world besides: and have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised.

In the message of vicount Mountague it was also contained, that he should crave the kings counsil and assistance according to amity and good intelligence, upon discovery of certain pernicious plots of the house of Guise to annoy this realm by the way of Scotland. Wherunto the kings answer was so dark and so cold, as nothing could be made of it, fill he made an exposition of it by effects in the express restraint of munition to be caried out of the Low Countries, unto the siege of Leith; because our nation was to have supply therof from thence. So that in all the negotiations that past with the king, still her majesty received no satisfaction; but more and more suspition and hard tokens of evil affection.

Soon after, when upon that project which was disclosed before, the king had resolved to disannul the liberty and privilege unto his subjects the Netherlanders antiently belonging, and to establish among them a material government, which the people (being very wealthy, and inhabiting townes very strong and defencible by fortifications, both by nature and the hand) could not endure, there followed the defection and revolt of those countries. In which action (being greatest of all those which have past between Spain and England) the proceding of her majesty hath been so just, and mingled with so many honorable regards, as nothing doth so much clear and acquit her majesty, not only from passion, but also from all dishonorable policy.

For first, at the beginning of the troubles, she did impart unto him faithful and sincere advice of the course that was to be taken for the quieting and appeasing them; and expressly forwarned both himself and such as were in principal charge in those countries, during the warrs, of the danger like to ensue, if he held so heavy a hand over that people, lest they should cast themselves into the armes of a stranger. But finding the kings mind so exulcerate, as he rejected all counsil that tended to mild and gracious procedings, her majesty nevertheless gave not over her honourable resolution: which was, if it were possible, to reduce and reconcile those countries unto the obedience of their natural sovereign, the king of Spain. And if that might not be, yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a foreign lord, as namely, unto the French; with whom they much treated; and among them the enterprize of Flanders was ever propounded, as a mean to unite their own civil dissensions; but patiently temporized, expecting the good effect which time might breed. And whensoever the state grew into extremity of dispair, and therby ready to embrace the offer of any foreigner, then would her majesty yield them some relief of mony, or permit some supply of force to go over unto them, to the end to interrupt such violent resolutions: and still mediate unto the king some just and honourable capitulation of grace and accord, such as whereby always should have been preserved unto him such interest and authority, as he in justice could claim, or any prince, moderatly minded, would seek to have.

And this care she held interchangeably, seeking to mitigate the wrath of the king and the dispair of the country; til such time as after the death of the duke of Anjou, into whose hands, according to her majestys prediction, but against her good liking, they had put themselves, the enemy pressing them, the United Provinces were received into her majestys protection. Which was after such time as the king of Spain had discovered himself, not only an implacable lord to them, but also professed enemy unto her majesty, having actually invaded Ireland, and designed the invasion of England.

For it is to be noted, that the like offers which were then made unto her majesty had been made unto her long before: but as long as her majesty conceived any hope either of making their peace, or entertaining her own with Spain, she would never harken therunto. And yet now even at last retained a singular and evident proof to the world of her justice and moderation, in that she refused the inheritance and sovereignty of those goodly provinces, which by the States with much instance was prest upon her: and being accepted would have wrought great contentment and satisfaction both to her people and them; being countries, for the seat, wealth, and commodity of traffic, and affection to our nation, most convenient to have been annexed to the crown of England: (and withall one charge, danger, and offence of Spain:) only took upon her the defence and protection of their liberties. Which liberties and privileges are of that nature, as they may justly esteem themselves but conditional subjects to the king of Spain, more justly than Aragon, and may make her majesty as justly esteem the antlent confederacies and treaties with Burgundy to be of force with the people and nation, rather than with the line of the dukes: because it was never an absolute monarchy. So as to sum up her majestys proceding in this great action, they have been but this, that she hath sought to restore them to Spain, or at the least to keep them from strangers, an t in no wise to purchase them to her self.

But during all this time the king of Spain kept good conformity m his procedings toward her majesty, breaking forth more and more into injuryes and contempts. Her subjects trading into Spain have been many of them burnt; some east into the gallies; others have dyed in prison without any other crime committed, but upon quarrels picked upon them for their religion here at home. Her merchants, at the sack of Antwerp, were divers of them spoiled, and put to their ransome, tho’ they could not be charged with any partaking. Neither upon the complaint of Dr. Wylson and sir Edward Horsey [the queen’s ambassadors] could a redress be had. A general arrest was made by the duke of Alva of English mens goods and persons, upon pretence that certain ships stayed in this realm, laden with goods and mony of certain merchants of Genua, belonged to the king: which mony and goods were afterwards to the utmost value restored and payd back: wheras our men were far from receiving the like justice from the other side. Dr. Man, her majestys ambassador, received, during his legation, sundry indignities, himself being removed out of Madrid, and lodged in a village; as they are accustomed to use the ambassadors of the Moors: his son and steward forced to assist at a mass with tapers in their hands: besides sundry other contumilies and reproches. But the spoiling and datumaging of a merchant, vexation of a common subject, dishonour of an ambassador, were rather but demonstrations of evil disposition than effects, if they be compared with these actions of state; wherin he and his ministers have sought the overthrow of this government.

As in the year 1569, when the rebellion in the north parts of England brake forth: wherof who but the duke of Alva, then the kings lieutenant in the Low Countries, and don Guerres de Espees, then his ambassador ledgier here, were discovered to be chief instruments and practisers, having complotted with the duke of Norfolk at the same time, as was proved at the said dukes condemnation, that an army of 10000 men should have landed at Harwich, in aid of the party that the said duke had made within the realm; and the said duke of Alva having spent and employed crowns in that preparation.

Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her majestys rebells in England, he procured a rebellion in Ireland: arming and sending thither, in the year an archrebel of that country, James Fitz Morris, (which before was fled,) as truly to speak the whole course of molestation which her majesty hath received in the realm by the rising and keeping out of the Irish, hath been nourished and fomented from Spain. But afterward, in the year he invaded the same island with Spanish forces, under an Italian collonel, being but the forerunner of a greater power, which by treaty between him and the pope should have followed; but that by the speedy defeat of those former they were discouraged to pursue the action. Which invasion was proved to be don by the kings own order, both by the letters of his secretary Escobed and of Guerras to the king, and also by divers other letters; wherin the particular conferences were set down which past concerning this enterprize between cardinal Riario, the popes legate, and the kings deputies in Spain; touching in general the number of men, the contribution of mony, and the manet of prosecuting the action: and by the confession of some of the chiefest of those that were taken prisoners at the fort. Which act being an act of apparent hostility, added unto all the injury aforesaid; and accompanied with the continual receipt, comfort, and countenance, by audiences, pensions, and employments, which he gave to the traitors and fugitives, both English and Irish; as West-merland, Paget, Englefield, Baltinglas, and numbers of others, did sufficiently justify and warrant the pursuit of revenge. Which either in the spoil of Cartagena and San Domingo in the India by Mr. Drake, or in undertaking of the protection of the Low Countries, when the earl of Leicester was sent over, after followed.

But before that time her majesty, tho’ she stood upon her guard in respect of the just cause of jealousy which the sundry injuries of the king gave her, yet had entred into no offensive action against him. For both the voluntary forces, which don Antonio had collected in this realm, were by express commandment restrained, and offer was made of restitution to the Spanish ambassador of such treasure as Mr. Drake had brought into this realm, upon proof that it had been taken by wrong. And the duke of Anjou was (as much as could stand with the neer treaty of a mariage, which then was very forward betwixt her majesty and the said duke) directed from the enterprize of Flanders.

NUMBER 58.

A speech in parliament an. 31. regin. against a bill of subsidy to be granted for four years, in order to a preparation against any assaults from Spain. WHEREAS I am, tho’ unworthy, a member of this house, and zelously desirous to conjoyn my self by consent in all good procedings with the body therof, I have hitherto in this great matter of the subsidy received so small satisfaction for the direction of my judgment, that unless I should manifestly dissent from mine own conscience, which neither this place requireth, nor Christianity alloweth, I cannot consent with the bill therin, which may seem to have had so general and current a consent, as it might seem superfluous to offer to speak to it: and especially at this time, after the engrossing thereof, after the resolution thereon by a great, grave, and wise committee, I may be deemed presumptuous but to speak against this bill: whereby the service of her majesty and the whole realm may be supposed to be hindred; it may be thought impious, it may be thought dangerous. The consent of the greatest part of this house, as I take it, concludeth all the rest at the question, but ex-cludeth none in the arguing.

This time, I confess, to be somewhat unseasonably chosen, but yet is now time to speak, or else hereafter for ever to be silent. And thefin I do somewhat rely upon the authority of an honorable personage, who, at the putting of this bill to engrosing, affirmed it in his experience not to be unusual to have a bill argued upon between the 3d reading and the question 2 or 3 days.

As for the service of her majesty and my country, unto which two I owe all subjection and duty, I am so far from withdrawing either my self or others there from, that my speech shall have none other end, than the advancement thereof; neither, as I hope, shall in that behalf need any other apology than it self.

My meaning is not to dispute whether it be lawful to grant a subsidy or no: for then our Saviour Christ himself would stop my mouth with his answer to the captious questionists, in the xxth of Matthew. For sure, the very impression and superscription of our mony puts us in mind to whom it doth appertain. Neither will I argue whether it be necessary to grant a subsidy or not: but therin content my self with the example of our Saviour, who, in the XVIIth of Matthew, paid his xxth peny out of his fishes mouth for himself and Peter. Nor yet whether it be convenient to contribute toward the necessary exigenees of our lawful princes. For St. Paul teacheth me, in the xIIIth to the Romans, that tribute appertaineth unto them of duty, as unto governours sent by God, for the well ordering and guiding of his people.

But the question wherin I endcavour to be resolved is, whether it be necessary or convenient for us at this time to tender unto her majesty such a subsidy, and in such maner and form, as hath been by divers heretofore moved, as the purport of this bill offereth unto us: that is, in brief, a double subsidy to be paid in four years.

And first, for the necessity therof, I cannot deny, but if it were a charge imposed upon us by her majestys commandment, or a demand proceding from her majesty by way of request, that I think there is not one among us all, either so disobedient a subject in regard of our duty, or so unthankful a man in respect of the inestimable benefits, which by her and from her we have received, which would not with frank consent, both of voice and heart, most willingly submit himself thereunto, without any unreverend enquiry into the causes thereof: for it is continually in the mouth of us all, that our lands, goods, and lives are at our princes disposing. And it agreeth very well with that position of the civil law, which saith, Quod omnia regis sunt. But how? Its tamen, ut omnium sint. Ad regem enim potestas omnium pertinet ; ad singulos proprietas. So thataltho’ it be most true, that her majesty hath, over our selves and our goods, potestatem imperandi, yet it is as true, that until that power command, (which, no doubt, will not command without very just cause,) every subject hath his own proprietatem possidendi. Which power and commandment from her majesty, which we have not yet received, I take it (saving reformation) that wee are freed from the cause of necessity.

Another cause of necessity is the dangerous estate of our commonwealth, in respect of invasion by our common and mighty enemies: which reason, because in my hearing it hath been the principal, and almost only persuader of the bill, requireth a more sufficient and exquisite answer than perhaps I shall make unto it. I have before acknowledged it to be a necessary answer to move all to unwonted and extraordinary contribution. And I must herein needs subscribe to a wise and learned man of our age; who saith, that they be pia, quae cum civibus imperantur tributa, sine quibus civitas ipsa funditus sit interitura. But as I do assuredly hope, that our country is at this present in no such desperate and dangerous case; the very teeth and jaws of our mightiest and most malicious enemy have been so lately broken, and the sword of his greatest confederate more lately sheathed in his own bosome: beside the hope which may justly be conceived of the expedition now setting forward, for the defeating all their plots, and disappointing all their devices: as, 1 say, I do assuredly hope, that our country for these reasons is in no such great danger as it is pretended, so may I constantly affirm, that altho’ by way of concession I should grant it to be so, yet the subsidy, required by this bill to be granted, could give little or no relief therunto. For as a pardon comes unprofitably to the offender after his execution, or a potion to a patient after his death or recovery to health; so if the stroke of Gods enemy and ours be likely to light upon us, either this year, as it hath been here affirmed, so the next, as it is in my small judgment more likely, I doubt not but you will all consent with me, that a subsidy, the first part wherof is not to be paid till the end of three years, (for unto that only my speech hath relation,) can serve neither for pay nor provision in defence therof. Utilis est medicina suo quae tempore venit, saith the poet. And sapientia sera, is said to be proxima stultitiae.

And thus having briefly set down mine opinion against the necessity of this grant, I will, by your favourable patience, with like brevity declare such inconveniences, as I have conceived may ensue thereby. It is not unknown to you all, but most sensibly felt through the whole realm, what charge and expences the commons therof were this last summer driven unto by preparation and provision of armes, horses, apparel, and other necessaries, for their just and natural defence against the pretended invasion: you know, that since that time a payment of the subsidy last granted hath been made unto her majesty. There is none of us ignorant what numbers of privy seals are even now dispersed through the whole realm, to the emptying mens coffers, and impairing of their stocks: with what readiness, duty, and goodwill these things have been and shall be performed by the subjects, no man here may doubt. Now then to bring a new and unaccustomed continuation of payments, one to role in the neck of another, sicut unda superierit undam, I know not by what warrant of reason or conscience wee may do it; especially considering, that it is not a matter necessarily imposed upon us, as I said before, but voluntarily to be offered by us. Surely, one speaketh very plainly, and saith, Asini est clitellam ferre libenter. But I will, as it becomes me, use more reverence in this honorable place, and say, that I think it not convenient that we should lay burthens on our own shoulders, or put shackles on our own feet.

But it is still urged, that the service of her majesty, and safeguard of our own selves, is provided for hereby. Surely, by your honorable patience, I will attempt to prove, that by this grant her majestys service shall be rather hindred than forwarded, and our selves rather endangered than secured. It was very gravely and wisely delivered unto us in her majestys presence, at the beginning of this parlament, by my lord chancellor, Quod tutius fide, quam ferro regnant reges. And surely if auto were put in the place of ferro, the sentence were notwithstanding nevertheless true. For it is not the abundance of treasure, nor the multitude of possessions, neither the infinite number of men, which maintain and establish a king in his throne, but the faith, love, loyalty, and contentment of his people and subjects, which as her majesty hath hitherto, from her first auguration, most deservedly had, and that as fully and amply as ever had any prince in Europe; so were it greatly to be lamented, that now through our debates any such discontents should be bred in the minds and hearts of her people; wherby their accustomed affections towards her might receive the least diminution. And surely, whosoever they be, that by new and strange exactions on the people shall go about to fill up the princes coffers, may perhaps please the prince by serving his turn for the time, but shall in the end be found to have don him but bad service. The answer of the emperor Tiberius unto his questors, or treasurers, which persuaded him, for the repairing of the treasury, to load the provinces with tribute, is worthy eternal memory; which was, that it was beni pastoris tondere oves, non autem deglubere. And the practice of the Romans, while Hanibal besieged their city, is of all nations worthy to be imitated. For being hardly prest by the siege, and their common treasure quite exhausted, the senate took counsil together for the redress of these mischieves; some of them persuading, like Tiberius’s treasurers, that the people were to be charged with a subsidy or imposition. But the greater and wiser sort (whose authority also prevailed) would by no means assent therunto; thinking it (especially in that time of extremity) most inconvenient by new taxes and impositions to discontent the people, in whom the strength and defence of their city consisted. And what did they?

Mary, they decreed that a contribution should be made, by way of a benevolence: and they themselves would first go unto the triumviros mensarios, which were officers appointed for that receipt; and there bestow so liberally of their own, that the inferior people should by their example be incited to a large and bountiful contribution. But what followed? The people, as the story saith, came in so fast, and the mony in such abundance, ut nec triumviri mensarii accipiendo, nec scribae referendo, sufficerent. It is written by Livy in the 26 book, and needeth no application. Only this I would wish to be considered, whether if we should by extremity be put to the like shift for a benevolence, before the payment of this latter subsidy, the grant of this would not do greater hurt to that contribution, than it self could do good, when it shall be paid.

I could, with enumeration and amplification of the inconveniences which may grow by this double subsidy, detain you longer than either it is fit for me to speak, or pleasing for you to hear. But I will hasten to an end. It may be objected, that this subsidy cannot be an occasion of any such grievance or discontent as is spoken of; or if it were, that the sharpness therof is well allayed and tempered by the prolonging of the payment. Surely it may be, that to all or the most part of this honorable house, who both in respect of their ability may, and by reason of their liberal education and great wisdom will submit themselves unto it, it is a light and easy burthen, and accounted but for a flea-biting. But unto the people and needy countrymen, to the artificer, whose treasure is always in his hand, (for whom we do sit here more principally than for our selves,) under correction, it cannot be accounted but for a punishment.

Samuel, in the oration which he made unto the Israelites, when they would needs have a king, among other burthens which he told them they should bear under that kind of government, accounteth the payment of the tenth of their seed, their vinyards, and their sheep: which may prove, that then it was reckoned for a pain. And the suits, exclamations, complaints, and lamentations of the commons of this realm, well known to the most part of this house, which they make either at the accessing or collection of these subsidles, or both, doth sufficiently testify unto us, that they account it now a punishment. And as for the prolonging of the payment, I am so far from thinking that it is any mitigation of the punishment, that I am rather persuaded that it is encreased therby. As it is well said of Seneca in the bestowing of benefits, Quod bis dat, qui cito dat; so is it as truly spoken of another in the inflicting of punishment, Dilatio poenoe est duplicatio -poenoe. And of another, that the irrevocable sentence of “death being once pronounced, it is misericordiae genus, cito occidere. Neither have I heard any great reason why the pains of hell are intolerable, but because they are perpetual. For, Malorum sen sus accrescit die. And, Leve est miserias ferre, perferre grave.” Seeing then that it is apparent that this imposition, how much the greater it shall be, by so much the more grievous it will be to the mean, ignorant, and untaught commons of this land, who bend all their thoughts and actions to the procuring and maintaining of their private commodity; and seeing that their long meditation the ton will encrease and double this their grief and punishment, and that no man, how well natured or nourtered soever he be, can well content himself with pain and grief; I hope you se as clearly as you hear, that the subsidy required by this bill to be granted, must after breed a discontent in the minds and hearts of her majesty’s people. Of which their discontentment, what might ensue and follow, I would be very loth to divine. What if a dearth of victuals? What if restraint of traffic by means of wars? What if therby occasion should be given to seditious and traiterous whisperers to augment and encrease it?

Sure I am, that hereof could follow no good service to her majesty, no great salty to our selves, no benefit to the commonwealth: but we should then all too late cry, Woe be to them that brought the first spark to the kindling of this fire. And it hath often been proved heretofore by experience, that mony this sort obtained from the people, hath been spent in greater mesure in the pacifying of them of whom it was collected.

The precedent besides may be dangerous both to our selves and our posterity: for we commonly see, that in all counsels and deliberations, a precedent is a forceable and persuading argument. And it was a wise and true saying, that diuturnitas temporis efficere potest, ut quod perniciore more et exemplo convaluit, potentius ipsa lege dominetur. And altho’ I have before granted you by way of concession, that her majestys will and commandment is a necessary argument to persuade us to the passing of this bill; yet lest it may be thought of more absolute necessity than perhaps it is requisite it should be, I will set down a precedent or two, wherin in the like cases have in this house been determined heretofore.

In the 39 H. 3. a parlament was summoned; wherin was required an extraordinary reparation of the kings treasury by a subsidy. The commons, because his demand was greater than usually had been paid, would grant no subsidy at all. [This goes no further, though it seems to want something.] Thus have I presumed to deliver my opinion, hoping, that if any thing hath escaped me worthy reprehension, through ignorance, it shall be excused by reason of mine infancy in this practice of speaking: if any part of my speech may receive a double construction, it may be defended by your best interpretation.

NUMBER 59.

A speech in parliament, anno 1588, upon a bill against strangers and aliens selling wares by retail. TO the bill now red, and the matter thetin contained, a word or two, and that briefly. This bill, as I conceive, offereth to the consideration of this honorable house a controversy between the natural born subjects of this realm, and a stranger inhabiting among us.

Surely, before I procede any further, I find my self doubly affected and doubly distracted. For on the one side, the very name of my country and nation is so pleasant in mine ears, and so delightful in my heart, that I am compelled to subscribe unto him, who having rehearsed all the degrees of conjunction and society, concludeth thus, that omne somnium charitates una patria complexa est. Insomuch, that in this case, wherin my country is a part, and especially that part a of my country which as it is the head of the body, so ought it of me, for special respect, to be most honored and loved in this cause, and therefore methinks I might needs judge my self to be no competent judge. But on the other side, when in the person of tire stranger I consider the miserable and afflicted state of these poor exiles, who together with their countries have lost all or the greatest comforts of this life; and for want of friends ly subject and exposed to the wrongs and injuries of the malicious and ill affected, (for that the condition of strangers is, that they have multa hospitia, but paucos amicos;) in these respects I am moved with an extraordinary commiseration of them, and feel in my self a sympathy and fellow-suffering with them.

In the third place, I look on my self, or rather into my self, and as I am of my self, which is nothing, but as I am intended here to be, (which is more than I can be, tho’ no more than I ought to be :) Judicis est in causis verum sequi, seponere affectum, admittere rationem, ex rebus ipsis, non ex personis judicare. And therefore I pray you, that I may with like brevity lay before you my judgment in the matter, as I have declared mine affection to the parties.

The bill requireth, that it may be enacted, that no aliens born, not being denisens, nor having served as apprentices by the space of seven years, should sell any wares by retail. Because it is required, that this be made a law, let us first consider how it may stand with the grounds and foundations of all laws: which are, the laws of nature and the law of God.

And secondly, with the profit and commodity of the commonwealth.

I will not detain you with mathematical or philosophical discourses, to shew that the whole earth, being but a point in the center of the world, will admit no division of dominions. For, Punctum est indivisibile. And that man, as Plato saith, is no earthly but a heavenly creature. And therefore hath caput tanquam radioem infixum coelo. Neither will I stand upon it, that the residence or continuance of one nation in one place is not of the law of nature, which being in it self immutable, would then admit no such transmigration of people, and transplantations of nations, as in daily experience we se. But I will only propound unto you two grounds of nature, as more proper to this purpose. One, that we should give to others the same mesure that we would receive from them: which is the golden rule of justice. And the other, that we ought by all good means, tum artibus, tum opera, tum facultatibus, devincire horninum inter homines societatem. And, Qui civium rationem dicunt esse habendam, externorum negant, hi dirimunt communem humagi generis societatem.

The law of God is next; which in infinite places coremendeth unto us the good usage and entertainment of strangers. In Deuteronomy, God loveth the stranger, giv ing, him food and rayment. Therefore love yee the stranger. In Leviticus, If a stranger sojourn with you in your land, yee shall not vex him. But the stranger which dwelleth with you shall be as one of your selves, and ye shall love him as your selves: for ye were strangers.

In Ezekiel it appeareth, that the land of promise was by Gods appointment allotted as well to the stranger as to the Israelite. For they shall part the inheritance with you in the midst of t he tribes of Israel, saith the text. And the commandment which is given for the observation of the sabbath forbids the stranger on that day to labour: wherby it may well be gathered, that at other times it is lawful for him to exercise his lawful trade or vocation.

So that for this point, I may well conclude with Mr. Calvin, who saith, that it is barbaries et immanitas inhospitalis miseros advenas opprimere, qui in fidem nostram confugiunt.

It hath been confessed, that the arguments used against this bill do cary with them a great shew of charity, which, say they, being severed from Policy, is now no charity, but folly. I will answer, that if it be a good rule and principle in divinity, that in comparison between the laws, moral and ceremonial, moralia sunt anteponenda ceremoniis ; it ought much more to be overruled in all consultations, that humana sunt postponenda divinis.

And theftore policy without charity is impiety.

But let us consider how this charity overthroweth our policy. Forsooth it is said generally, by impoverishing the natural subject, and enriching the stranger; by nourishing a scorpion in our bosoms; by taking the childrens bread, and casting it to doggs. And this more particularly, as they say, effected by two means. First, by multitude of retailers. For the more men exercise one trade, the less is every one of his gain. And secondly, by the strangers policy: which consisteth either in providing their wares in such sort that they may sell better cheap than the natural subject; or else by persuading our people that they may do so.

To the general accusation, if I should use no other defence but this, that these people, the denisons I mean, (for of them and for them do I only speak,) having renounced their obedience to their natural governour and countries, and subjected themselves, even by their oaths, to the obedience of her majesty, her laws, and authority, are now to be accounted of us, tho’ not natured, yet naturalized subjects; tho’ not sprung up from our root, yet firmely grafted into our stock and body; tho’ not our children by procreation, yet our brethren by adoption: if, I say, I should use no other defence but this, I doubt not but I might, in the opinion of all or the most part of this honorable house, clear them of the envious title of the rich strangers; of the odious name of the venomous scorpions and of the uncharitable term of contemptible doggs.

But because the strength of the general accusation consisteth in the validity of the particular objections, I will, by your good favour, in a word or two, make answer unto them. It cannot be denyed, but that the number of retailers by these denizons is somewhat encreased; but yet not so much that the burthen of them is so insupportable as is pretended. For by the confession of their adversaries, they are not in all, denisons and not denisons, in and about this city, of all maner of retaylers, above the number of fifty, or thereabouts. Wherof it is probable, that the denisohs (whom only my purpose is to maintain) exceed not the number of thirty. Who being divided into many trades and companies with the infinite numbers of the retailers of all sorts in the city of London and the suburbs therof, cannot in common, or so much impoverish any one trade or company by their number only, as is suggested.

As touching their policy, which consisteth in drawing of customers to their shops or houses, either in selling cheap indeed, or else by persuading us that they sell their wares more cheap than our nation can do; I take (saving reformation) very easy to be answered. For if the first be true, that they do indeed sel better peniworths, then have we no cause to punish, but to cherish them as good members of our commonwealth: which by no means can better be enriched, than by keeping down the prizes of foreign commodities, and enhauncing the value of our own. Beside the benefit of cheapness of foreign commodities by so much ex-ceedeth the benefit of dear prizes. But how much the number of buyers of them excedeth the number of sellers; which is infinite. But if the second be true that it is but our error to believe that they sell their wares better cheap than our nation doth; then surely, I cannot but think it very great injustice to punish them for a fault committed by us.

It hath been further objected unto them in this house, that by their sparing and frugal living they have been the better enabled to sell good pennyworths. It seems, we are much streitned for arguments, that are driven to accuse them for their vertues.

This paper seems to be defective, going no further: but at the end are added Sentences concerning strangers. Taken from scripture and other authors.

Which seem to be collections from this and other speeches made in the house upon the occasion of this bill against the strangers.

God loveth the stranger, giving him food and rayment. Love yee theftore the strangers, &c. Deut. x. 18.

If a stranger sojourn with you in your land, ye shall not vex him. But the stranger which dwelleth with you shall be as one of your selves: and you shall love him as your selves. For ye were strangers, &c. Levit. xix. 33.

The land of promise was to be divided to strangers, as well as to the Israelites. For they shall be as born among the children. Ezek. xlvii. 22.

In the midst of thee have they opprest the stranger. Ezek. xxii. 7.

Et advena, qui est intra portas, sabbatum sanctificat; i.e. sacrum otium celebrat. Unde colligitur, licet ipsis operari. [ That is, to follow their work and business among them on other days .] In peregrinatione vitam agentibus hoc evenit, ut hospitia multa habeant, nullas amicitias.

Civis est liber homo, qui summae alterius potestati obligatur.

Sicut servi aut nati sunt aut facti; sic etiam cives aut fiunt aut nascuntur.

Mali, qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent, eosque extirminant. Nam esse pro cive, qui civis non sit, rectum est non licere. Usum vero urbis prohibere peregrinos, sane inhumanum. Cic. Offic. 30. 255.

Hospitalitatem ne obliviscamini. Per hanc enim quidam exceperunt angelos praeter expectationem. Petrus.

Qui civium rationem dicunt esse habendam, externorum negant, hi dirimunt communem humani generis societatem. Cic. Offic. 3o. 212.

Civis natus: civis factus: civis honorarius. Bodin. 48.

Optimo jure est, non qui creatur, sed qui nascitur civis. Et ideo praefectus mercatorum Luteciae est nemo, nisi in urbe natus.

Tarentini principem rogarent, ut ante peregrinos conse-rentur.

Verum et proprium civis et peregrini diserimen est, quod alter jussa principis respuere potest, alter imperio civili ob-ligatur. Strangers doubly charged in customs and subsidies. Indued with benefices in times of superstition.

Multo latius officiorum patet, &c.

Privantur honoribus, magistratibus et dignitatibus.

Num etiam ad vitam necessariis privabuntur?

Quid patria carere? Num magnum est malum? Respon-det Polynices ex Euripide, Est maximum: et re magis quam dici queat.

Natura pattiam nullam cuiquam dedit. Plutarch.

Socrates se mundi civem esse dixit. We shall be more miserable by their departure hence, than they are by the causes of their coming hither.

NUMBER 60.

Articles of agreement between the dean and chapter of Norwich and the patentees; drawn up by the attorney and solicitor; and offered to the dean. To which in these terms he accorded. 19. Aug. 1587.WHEREAS this day sir Thomas Shirley, kt. for him and other her majestys patentees, and their assignees of the lands, sometime appertaining to the late prior and covent of Norwich, and the now dean of Norwich for himself and the chapter of the same church, did with their learned council on both sides confer and consult together about some reasonable end or order touching the said lands, and for the better perfecting therof, had, by view and consideration of an order lately drawn, and indifferently set down by master atturney general and master solicitor general for both parties, with their several hands therunto subscribed; Mr. Dean doth now, upon due consideration and through-debating of the cause, not now only, but at divers other times, yield to the said order for himself and the church, in maner and forme following.

First, he thinketh it not convenient to surrender, before they have a new grant from her majesty; both to avoid the clamour of the fermours, and for some other causes. But if her majesty please to make a new lease to the patentees for fourscore and nineteen years, reserving the old rents, which have been heretofore most beneficially reserved for the church, then they will take a new grant from her majesty of the reversion and the rent, which amounteth to a surrender in law: and therewith hold themselves content.

And wheras it is ordered, that so much yearly rent should be reserved for the queen, upon her new erection of the dean and chapter, as was reserved in the former erection; Mr. Dean saith, 391 . and other mony of the old rents is already released, 501. now only due to her majesty yearly. And therfore his desire is for the church, that they may be no further charged then for the 501. according to her majestys former patent. Item, Mr. Deans desire is, that the patentees new lease may be of no more lands appertaining to the church, than that which is in the Counties of Norfolk and Suffolk only, and not in the county and city of Norwich.

By me, GEO. GATDINER.

NUMBER 61.

Dr. Gatdiner, dean of Norwick, to the lord treasurer; referring the case of their church, against sir Tho. Shirley, and other patentees, to his lordship’s orders.

Rt. honorable, my duty in most humble wise remembred.

IHAVE now sent up to attend your honours good pleasure both Mr. Castelton and Mr. Suckling, two of our prebendaries, with warrant under our chapter seal, to prosecute the cause of our church; and by the advice of learned counsil, but especially by your honours good means and help, happily to finish the same. The matter is of great importance, and hitherto we have found hard mesure to be offered by the patentees, and some interessed under them. Blame us not, my singular good lord, that we are bold to trouble your honour in this our churches cause; and that we are jealous of other mens dealings in the same.

The bearers hereof will impart unto your honour, that divers parcels of our church lands have been sold away for ever, and mony taken for them; and some one parcell sold to five sundry men; and every man having paid for one and the same interest; some violently entred upon without payment of rent or farm for these two years last past. And one hath paid no farm these six years, even sithen the controversy did begin. Wee have no parcel of lands, no not the houses within our cathedral church, but that they have been offered to sale; or else mony taken before hand for long leases hereafter to be granted, si Dii volunt.

Wherefore wee most humbly beseech your good honour, that we may seek for succour under the shadow of your wings, and most honorable protection. We crave that the agreement, wherof her majesty was informed, and wher-upon her highness’s warrant was granted, may faithfully be performed by the patentees, and those interessed under them.

All other matters contained in her majestys warrant, we cannot but like very well of them; and with thankful minds to receive our new foundation and dotation, after that the patentees have fully surrendred their several interests: which as yet they have not don. And that a new lease be made from her majesty to Mr. Fanshaw and Mr. Osborn, of 600l . by year, in such order, with such conditions, and to such ends, as in her majestys said warrant is set down and exprest.

The books are sent up, plainly and truly drawn, to be perused and allowed by the learned counsil on both sides. And then we leave the conclusion to your good honours friendship, favour, and most grave and wise consideration and ordering. And so most humbly taking my leave, and craving pardon for this my too too much boldness, I comreit your good honour, with my continual prayers, to the Almighty. From Norwich, the 11th of Novemb. 1588.

Your honours, as duty bindeth for ever to command, GEORGE GARDINER.

NUMBER 62.

A brief declaration how the case standeth between sir Tho. Sherley, kt. and other her majesty’s patentees, on the one party, and the fermours of the possessions of the dean and chapter of Norwich on the other party. With the humble suit of sir Tho. Sherley to the lord treasurer, June 10, 1590.

THE dean and chapter of Norwich, an. 23d of her majestys reign, made a lease to her majesty of divers mannours, parcel of their possessions, for the term of one hundred years.

The queens majesty, an. 25. of her reign, did by her letters patents assign over the same lease to Henry Rice, one of her gentlemen ushers.

Sir Thomas Sherley purchased the same lease of Mr. Ryce at a dear rate, and gave CCl . to the dean of Norwich: which was before promised to be paid him at such time as her majesty should be pleased to make her before said assignment.

After which the late lord Wentworth passed all the lands and possessions of the said dean and chapter from her majesty, as concealed.

Hereupon sir Tho. Shirley and others, interessed in such leases, under the dean and chapter, finding their leases to be made frustrate, yf the said lord Wentworths title took place, were driven, in saveguard of that which they had disbursed before, to disburse more mony to purchase in the title of the said concealments; which they paid also dearly for.

After this an information of intrusion was exhibited in the exchequer in her majestys name, at the suit of sir Tho.

Sherley, against one of the fermours of the possessions of the said dean and chapter, for an intrusion, supposed to be before her majestys grant to the said lord Wentworth; purposing thereby to try how the law would stand touching the title of the said concealment.

This suit the lord high treasurer of England thought not fit to be suffered to procede, unless sir Tho. Sherley would become bound to her majesty in a bond of 20000l . to stand to the order of the lord treasurer, and the chancellor of th’ exchequer for the time being, touching the title of the said lands; howsoever the law should fall out.

Sir Tho. Shirley willingly submitted himself hereunto, and became bound in the said bond which yet resteth of record in full force and vertue.

After which it further pleased the lord treasurer to require her majestys atturney general and her solicitor, to consider of some good course meet to be taken for indifferent ending of the controversy.

Mr. Atturney and Mr. Solicitor herupon took some pains about the cause, and set down under their hands a course which they thought meetest to be taken: which was to this effect, viz. That the lands should be assured by the church and the patentees to her majesty. Then that her majesty might please to lease the same to the use of the patentees for 99 years at the usual rents. And to grant the reversion to the dean and chapter, reserving to her self such rents as were formerly due unto her. And that the two remembrancers of the exchequer should have power to make compositions between the said patentees and other fermours of the said possessions. To which order the dean that then was, and his counsil, did agree.

Wherupon it pleased her majesty by her letters patents, bearing date in May in the 30th year of her reign, to grant a warrant to the lord treasurer of England, and to the chancellor of the exchequer, for the passing of books accordingly, and for the perfect fulfilling of the said order.

Since which time the lord treasurer hath pleased to offer the same end to the dean and chapter, for so much as concerneth them. But they have wilfully refused her gracious meaning therin towards them.

In the mean space the law hath proceded upon the said information of intrusion. And after many days of deliberation and advertisement what could be said on each side, judgment hath passed for the queen.

THEN FOLLOWS SIR THO. SHERLEY’S PETITION.

Now therefore the humble suit of sir Thomas Sherley is, that seeing he hath always been ready on his part to obey all orders that have been thought fit in the cause; and that the said last order, and her majestys warrant upon it, is most beneficial for the said dean and chapter; that although they do wilfully refuse their own good, it would nevertheless please the lord treasurer to accept his surrender of the said lands according to the said order; and to grant him instead thereof a lease for 99 years, as the said order and warrant importeth.

NUMBER 63.

The last will and testament of the most reverend father in God Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York; who died at Southwell the 10th of July, 1588; and was there buried under a fair monument.

IN Dei noie. Amen. I, Edwin Sandys, minister of Gods holy word and sacraments, archbishop of York, tho’ most unworthy; often minding the frailty and uncertainty of roans life in general, and withal feeling mine own manifold infirmities in particular, both of my years and for my sins; and also remembring, that when the Lord God shall say, Redde rationem villicationis tuae, I among others shall appear before the tribunal seat of Christ, to receive in this body according to that I have don, be it good or evil; I reckon it is in my self a Christian duty, with Ezechias, dis-ponere domui mere. And considering, that as I brought nothing into this world, (for naked I came out of my mothers womb,) so can I cary nothing there out, but naked must I return again, even earth to dust, and carcass to wormes; the way of all flesh: while the Lord Go hath lent me leisure presently in some health of body and perfect of memory, I humbly thank him for both, even so I discharge my self of these talents which the Lord hath committed unto my charge, and make my last will and testament in such sort as followeth:

First, and above all, my soul and spirit I commend, with David and Stephen, into the merciful hands of my gracious God and loving Father: assuredly believing by faith, and certainly trusting by hope, that he in the fulness of his good time, best known unto him, and least unto me, will receive the same unto himself; not in respect of any my deserts, (for my righteousness is but a very dunghil and defiled cloth,) but for his love, free mercies, and for the alone merits of his only Son, my onely Saviour Jesus Christ: who being without any sin, was made a curse and sacrifice for all my sins, that I might be made the righteousness of God in him, who in his own body bare all my transgressions upon the tree, that by smart of his stripes, and bloud of his wounds, I might be healed. Who hath cancelled upon the cross the whole hand writing that was against me. That I might not only be entred as a servant, or reconciled, as a friend, but adopted as a son, and accepted as an heir with God the Father, and an heir together with Jesus Christ. Who is also made unto me wisdom and righteousness, sanctification and redemption. And as in this faith and full assurance of my perfect redemption by the death and onely deserts of Jesus Christ, the true Lamb of God, and Lion of the tribe of Judah, I have and do live, so in the same firm and stedfast faith and hope I end my sinful life, and gladly yield up withall my soul immortal my mortal body. 21y, Altho’ this body of mine is but a clod of clay and prison of my soul, my will is it shall be buried, neither in superstitious or superfluous maner; yet for that it hath been and is, I trust, not only a vessel of the gospel, but likewise a temple of the Holy Ghost, I require that the same be so decently and conveniently brought to the ground, as appertaineth to a Christian, a servant of Almighty God, and a man of my calling; putting no doubt, but that I shall se my Redeemer with mine own eyes, and be covered with mine own skin; and that the Lord Jesus shall make this my vile body like unto his glorious body. Wherby he is able to subdue all things to himself. Reposita est haec spes in sinu meo. 3ly, Because I have lived an old man in the ministry of Christ, a faithful disposer of the mysteries of God, and to my power an earnest labourer in the vinyard of the Lord, I testify before God and his angels, and men of this world, I rest resolute to yield up my spirit in that doctrin which I have privately studied and publicly preached, and which is this day maintained in the church of England; both taking the same to be the whole counsil of Gods word, and bread of eternal life, the fountain of living water, the power of God unto salvation to all them that do believe; and beseeching the Lord to turn us unto him, that we may be turned: least if we repent not, the candlestick be removed out of its place, and the gospel of the kingdom, for our unthankfulness, taken from us, and given to a nation that shall bring forth the fruits therof. And further protesting in an upright conscience of mine own, and in the knowledg of the majesty before whom I stand, that in the preaching of the truth of Christ I have not laboured to please men, but studied to serve my Master, who sent me not to flatter either prince or people; but by the law to tell all sorts of their sins; by the Spirit to rebuke the world of sin, of righteousness, and of judgment; by the gospel to testify of the faith which is in Jesus Christ, and him crucified. 4ly, Concerning rites and ceremonies by political constitution authorized, &c. his judgment and approbation thereof, and of his dislike of other platforms, this next period of the archbishop’s will declares. Which I shall not repeat here, having already transcribed it in the Life of Archbishop Whitgift. Concluding that part of his will with these words: “Thus much I thought good to testify concerning these ecclesiastical matters, to clear me from all suspicion of double and indirect dealing in the house of God. Wherin, as touching mine office, I have not halted, but walked sincerely, according to that skill and ability which I received at God’s merciful hands.” And then it follows, Lord, as a great sinner, by reason of my frail flesh and infirmities, I fly unto thee for mercy. Lord, forgive me my sins: for I acknowlcdg my sins. Lord, perform thy promise, and do away all mine iniquities; and hast the coming of thy Christ; and deliver me from this body of sin. Veni cito, Domine Jesu.

Cloath me with immortality, and give me that promised crown of glory. So be it. And as concerning these worldly things, which God of his bountiful goodness hath given for our use, thus I, a steward of the same, for a discharge of my duty in that behalf, dispose of them, &c.

NUMBER 64.

Benet, a priest, to Philip earl of Arundel; bewailing his false accusation of him, Jan. 23, 1588. To the right honourable the earl Arundel be these delivered.

Rt. honorable and most noble peare, I MOST humbly upon my knees, before God and all his angels, and before all the world, if need require, with a most penitent, rent, and afflicted conscience and heart, crave mercy and forgiveness for the great offence I have committed against your honour in my late troubles and confessions.

So it is, rt. honorable, that being [called] in question about certain supposed offences in the Tower, unto which my answers being not to their contentment, a letter of my own hand, which I did write unto a priest there in defence of my jurisdiction, by him brought in question, was produced.

And because thetin I derived my authority from the apostolic [see,] I was accounted and termed among them as a dead man, without her majestys special pardon: which was promised upon condition (Pauca sapienti.) with many other fair speeches and allurements, together with many thundring threats of returning to the Tower, torments, and death itself, if I failed. By which unexpected letter of mine, with threats mixed with fair promises of life and speedy liberty, together with the great weakness bothof body and mind, by the reason of my long and sore imprisonment, was strucken into such an astonishment and mase, that I confessed every thing that seemed to content their humour, which I parseyed at the first altogether to tend to the ruine of your honour. But being demaunded, whether you did send a note unto the priests in Coleharbour, to pray for the good success of the Spanish fleet, I answered, as truth was, that I never knew or was privy to any such note; yet with a most guilty, fearful, unjust, and most tormented conscience, onely for saving of my life and liberty, I confessed that you moved me to say a mass of the Holy Ghost for the good success of the Spanish fleet.

For which unjust confession, or rather accusation, I do again and again, and so to my lifes end, most instantly crave Gods pardon and yours. And for my better satisfaction of this my unjust suggestion, I will, if need require, offer up both life and limne, in avowing my accusation as it is deed, [indeed,] and as I shall answer before Almighty God, before the faces of angels and men, most unjust, and don onely of fear of the Tower, torments, and death. Thus not doubting of your honours gracious pardon and forgiveness, I will rest my poor afflicted conscience in only Gods mercy. My body and life I freely offer to the world, to dispose as it shall please God. The holy Trinity preserve your honour from peril of soul and body. Amen.

Your honours poor bondman, WILLIAM BENET, PRIESTE.

NUMBER 65.

An licitum sit catholicis in Anglia arma sumere, et aliis modis, reginam et regnum defendere contra Hispanos. Resolved by one Wryght, a priest as it Seems, of the college of Doway. PETIERUNT a me, &c. In English, Some English catholics have desired of me, when they see warrs hang over England and Spain, to know to which party they are chiefly bound in conscience to adhere; and specially when it is concerning the queen and kingdom.

Whether they may safely defend the part of England; and by any maner and way, as they are wont to set upon the Spanyards, to offend him and overcome him.

To which request, that we might not be wanting to mine and their duty, I will answer with what brevity, clearness, force of reason and charity I can.

And first be proposed the reason of this doubting. Secondly, some propositions, on which depend the knot and resolution of it.

The reason of doubting is threefold: which reasons are wont to cast a scruple to catholics in this business; and to persuade, that it is by no means lawful to resist the Spanyard in the invasion of England.

First, The Spanyard is sent by the pope, whom catholics are bound in conscience to obey. Therfore he that resisteth the Spanyard opposeth the pope: which is a sin of disobedience.

Secondly, The king of Spain hath suffered many wrongs from the queen of England: therefore he may justly bring war upon her. But no subject can defend a king or kingdom in an unjust war. And then because she hath assisted the rebellious subjects in Flanders against their lawful lord. Then because she invaded, took, possest the town G against justice. Then because she often spoiled the kings Indian treasure, ships, cities, subjects of the king of Spain. Lastly, because England alone almost creates him business in Flanders, France, Portugal, Italy, and in the ocean. Therefore to revenge all these injuries, it is lawful to bring a just war upon her. To which [king] catholics cannot resist without mortal sin.

Thirdly, It was the kings intention to introduce the catholic faith in England. But catholics are bound not to resist him, who endearours to restore and amplify catholic faith. The major is proved, as well because he is sent by the pope, as because there appeared no other way to restore the catholic religion. And because in general all catholics do think so.

I. I say, first, that the queen and kingdom of England have suffered very many, and those very grievous wrongs from the king of Spain.

First , Because he had detained in Spain many ships and goods of merchants against his faith given, as many merchants worthy of credit have signified to me; who as yet dwell in London, and lament the loss of their goods. 2. It is certain, (as a certain Spanyard, that was present, afterward told me,) that Mendoza, the kings ambassador, procured by all means to intercept the queen travailing between London and Greenwich, and in her boat, (for it was then summer,) to carry her to Dunkirk a prisoner, by a band of soldiers. And in a certain night they prepared all things to finish this business. 3. In a fleet at sea, in the year 88, he invaded the kingdom. 4. He sent into Ireland a band of soldiers to move the subjects against their lady and lawful queen. 5. The Spanyards stirred up many to kill, and especially Dr. Lopes, as it clearly appeareth by letters intercepted, and by his own confession.

II. I say, secondly, it is lawful for the queen to require lawful satisfaction for these injuries offered: which if he shall refuse to yield, she may justly declare war against him: the first part is manifest. For if a private man may require from a private man due satisfaction for injury done, why not also a prince? Yea, the king himself is bound in conscience to give satisfaction. Non enim dimittetur pecca-tum, nisi restituetur ablatum. Adde, that the queen is bound in justice to revenge wrongs brought upon her subjects ......

The second part is also certain, because there are here causes for declaring war. 1. It is lawful to declare war to recover one’s own: as the example of David witnesseth; who, 2 Reg. 2. fought with Ishbosheth, the son of Saul, for the kingdom of Israel, granted him by God. Therefore, for the recovery of the goods of the merchants, which the king took away, the queen might bring war upon him. 2. It is lawful to wage war against him that bringeth aids to an enemy. Wherefore David fought against Syria of Damascus, because it aided Adarezer, king of Zoba, 2 Kings viii. The Spanyard aided the Irish men; wherefore the queen might declare lawful wars upon him. 3.

It is lawful to wage wars against a prince that violates his league. The Spanyard hath violated it, as we said before. Ergo.

III. I say, thirdly, that it cannot appear that the Spanyard, onely for the restoration of the catholic faith, doth wage war with the English; but upon another pretence, either upon the account of revenge, or for extending his empire. It is proved,1. By most evident conjecture. For it is certain, that many years are past, wherein the faith of protestants hath taken very deep root. Yet it appears in all that time, that the Spanyard did not so much as think of restoring that antient religion until the English had layd the axe to the root, and had wounded him to the quick by setting upon the Indian fleet, that first he began to think of war. This reason is confirmed hence, that before that time, before the earls of Northumberland and Westmorland in the north had craved aid to restore the faith, his ear was shut: no help was afforded, which without doubt he had afforded, if religion had moved him to wage war. You will say, he was not then ready. But you had better have said, he would not be ready. For to defend his money he could presently be ready; but to defend religion he could not be ready.

Secondly, This assertion is proved a simili; because the Spanyard had been contented that the Hollanders should profess any religion, so they refused not to be subject to him. Which is a sign that he was but little solicitous of religion, but much concerning rule. This is so tryed a matter, that the ambassadors of Germany, in the year 91, being sent to make peace betwixt the king and the Hollanders, at Mentz, at Liege, and elsewhere, affirmed for a certain, that the Spanyard would yield in religion, so that they refused not the other conditions of peace.

Thirdly, It is proved by the example of the Indians. By what title, I pray, do the Spanyards possess the West India? What, because they endeavoured to introduce religion? But it was not lawful for catholics to deprive of his kingdom a lawful lord, tho’ an infidel, for the sake of religion, or to throw him out of it. Christ saith, Give to Caesar the things that be Caesar’s, altho’ he was an unbeliever. Or was it, because the Indians hindred the preaching of the law of the gospel? But neither by way or means did they attempt preaching from the institution of Christ; but by a fury truly tyrannical and altogether barbarous, as almost all the Indian histories testify. Or perhaps did the pope give him dominion, or the Indian? but by the common doctrine of catholics, neither can he grant it, nor can it be proved that he hath ever granted it any where. As therefore the Spanyards in the lust of ruling invaded the India, took it, possest it; so it is very much to be feared that they think of England. For altho’ afterwards, as it were by accident, they pretend religion; yet it was very like that they chiefly intend revenge and dominion.

IV. I say, fourthly, it is against policy, and the quiet of all Christian princes, to permit the Spanyard to invade England. This assertion is explained, and likewise proved. For if he subject England to his yoke, who seeth not that France, Scotland, Denmark, and other adjacent jurisdictions, are placed in extreme danger? For if the least occasion be given to the Spanyard (occasions are easily taken and feigned to conquer kingdoms) of fighting with others, who will restrain his boldness? Who will keep him within his duty? He will girt in France round about. His forces will be invincible by land and sea. Hence will follow that extreme fear, so hated by all princes, and so alien from the best state of a commonwealth. The lion roareth, who will not fear? If so great forces be present with the Spanyard, who will dare so much as to whisper [mussitare ] against him? Wherefore to no Christian prince will there be any security, any tranquillity. All kingdoms, states, commonwealths, shall obey the Will of the Spanyard.

You will say, do we not see the dukes of Italy, of Florence, of Ferrara, of Mantua, the Venetian, the Genoese, the duke of Lorrain, to enjoy the greatest peace, notwithstanding the rule of the Spanyard? ‘Tis true they enjoy some kind of peace; but every one seeth how much the dominion of the Spanyards, spreading far and near, dis-pleaseth them; with how great a yoke they are prest; with what compliance they are compelled, tho’ unconquered, to yield to the Spanyard. Add, that the Spanyards are employed elsewhere. But if they had peace and rest from war, the Venetians for Bergonium should try what it were to permit the Spaniard so widely to stretch the confines of his empire. The Genoeses for Savona. The duke of Florence for Siena. The duke of Mantua for Mont Ferrat. But let us grant the present king Philip doth not vex them, nor disturb the peace, who can render us secure of his son, of his successor? For it is incumbent upon kings, not only to take care of the present, but also to provide afar off for the future.

V. I say, fifthly, it is against the good of the church to permit the Spaniard to invade England. This assertion is clearly shewn by the former. For if the Spanyard so widely diffuse, if he obey not the church; if he become an heretic, if he rise up against the church and its dominions; if he favour the Moors, [Maud,] who may defend the church? We know Constantius, the worst son of the best father, introduced Arianism into almost the universal church; banished Liberius, the chief prelate of the church, because there was none that could break his power or resist him. Why should it not happen to the son, grandson, or great grandson of the Spanyard? It is confirmed. For it is known how irreverently the Spanyards deal with the church, when the pope’s bulls are sent, which in a manner touch the state of the kingdom. They scarcely hear them, much less obey them. They may pretend the pope is not rightly informed. And so least they might seem to shew themselves rebellious to the church, they receive them; but so dissemble, that they do not obey them at all.

It is confirmed moreover, because there is no body but knoweth how propense the Spanyards are to Mahometism. Buterus delivereth in his relations: In the only kingdom of Valentia were found two millions of families of Moors. Wherefore when the promiscuous common people do so hang towards Mahometism, (of which there will be very many, yea, the greatest part of them, who shall inhabit England,) surely it will be doubtful, least in the place of Lutheranism and Calvinism, they introduce Mahometism, if the kingdom of Spain incline to divisions. Add lastly, that egregious praise of Plus V. pope, concerning the Spanyard; who was wont to say, that the Spanyards were catholics only by permission: for if the pope should deny them chief privileges, many of them, which he granted unwillingly to them, it would be hazardous, least they wholly made a defection from the church.

VI. I say, sixthly, the pope may err in sending the Spanyard into England.

It is proved,1. From the common doctrine of catholics, that the pope may err in all those decrees which do not belong to faith and the measures of the universal church. But the sending of the Spanyards into England doth not belong to measures, nor to the faith of the universal church. Ergo. 2. If the Spanyard were averse from the pope, altho’ he might command him, yet he would not obey. And yet he is not otherwise bound to obey the pope commanding, than the catholics in England. Ergo. Hence it manifestly appeareth, that the Spanyards think that they are not obliged by the pope’s decree to invade England.

It is confrmed, because no body is ignorant, that the pope commandeth the Spanyards many things; all which they evade under some dissimulation.

Wherefore in this business they think the pope may err. But in this assertion there is no place of doubting left among catholics. For it is matter of fact; and a particular matter concerning the certainty of which there is no testimony of scripture, no tradition, no precept of councils. Ergo.

Hence it follows that the catholics in England, on whom hangeth so great a danger of goods and life, are not obliged to believe, either that the pope sendeth the Spanyard; or altho’ he should, that the pope doth not erre herein. When the pope doth not well understand neither the king’s intentions, nor the great danger wherein he casteth all the catholics of England, if he should oblige them to defend the part of the Spanyard. For by that means he exposeth all the catholics to manifest danger of death, if they do not take up arms against the Spanyard. For all the protestants will esteem them as betrayers of their country, and to proceed against them.

Wherefore if they understand this before the fights, undoubtedly they will destroy all. If the Spanyard doth not obtain the victory, who doth not see how hateful the name of catholic will be throughout all England? Who will not esteem him for the pest of his country, enemy of the commonweal, a domestic enemy, a betrayer of his own countrymen? Now it is not to be thought, that the pope instructed of these dangers would call the catholics into so many hazards. For we know he ought to carry the bowels of a father, a pastor, Christ’s vicar; not to expose his son, his ships, his subjects, to so many and so great dangers.

You will say, if the thing be so, we must never obey the pope, if he command one king, for the good of the church, to keep another in his duty by war. I answer, that business is difficult; yet this rule may be kept, when the subjects of one king, by an unanimous consent, (that is, the whole community, or the chief heads,) have informed the pope of their state, and affirm the safety of their souls are in extreme jeopardy; and they judge there is no other remedy remaineth; then subjects are bound, after the dangers unfolded, and all the harmes which naturally might occur, to obey the pope. Which was never done in England.

VII. I say, seventhly, it is the greatest doubt, whether the Dutch war, which the Hollander had undertaken against the king, was lawful on the part of the king. The reason is, because it appeareth, that one of the chief causes of that war was the imposition of new taxes or gabells, which the duke of Alva, against all justice, endeavoured to introduce; to wit, a certain tithing of their goods; whichnow take place in Spain. When therefore such burthens and grievances were contrary to justice and the king’s oath, whereby he bound himself to defend their privileges, nor to impose any new yoke upon them without their consent, they might lawfully resist him, and take up armes. It is confirmed hence, because many men of Flanders, learned and religious, do think this very thing. They suppose that war on the part of the subjects was lawful, but unlawful on the king’s part. It is confirmed besides, that the same duke d’Alva did unjustly put to death two of their chief counts, Egmond and Horn. To revenge which, an antlent cause was given of waging war.

VIII. I say, eighthly, the catholics will not be otherwise afflicted, if the Spanyards invade England, than the protestants would be. It is proved first, from the common condition of war, in which the innocent together with the nocent are punished alike. For when all things are mingled with war, who will discern a catholic from a protestant. The conquest of Antwerp is an example. I have heard myself from very many Dutch catholics, that after the city was taken, all men were punished who appeared for three days in the city of Antwerp, no account at all being had of catholics. For they know there are many, who, to defend their lives and fortunes, assume a shape of what religion you will. They know that politicians wear religion after the manner of garments, which they change again according to time and place. The confirmation of this is, that I have understood from a certain person worthy of credit, who himself heard the duke of Medina Sidonia, general of the whole Spanish fleet, say, that he thought no English man a catholic, but esteemed them all for Lutherans; and so he would indifferently handle all.

This assertion is proved,2. From two vices, which will rule the Spaniard, having gotten victory. One is insatiable revenge. For it is certain they will not obtain victory without an huge effusion of blood, and the slaughter of their fellow soldiers. But the killing of their men rendreth them cruel and insatiable in blood. Therefore they will slay all whom they shall find, for the punishment of their fellow soldiers. Who of them, I pray, will spare a catholic? will consider religion? These are far from soldiers in the fury of war. Did not the Spanyards also spoil many temples of catholics in Portugal and Flanders, and left them wholly naked? Yea, they therefore sacrilegiously wasted the temples of God, which they very well knew to be God’s house, nor could dissemble religion. What will they, how will they handle catholics, of whose religion, among so many troops of protestants and politicians, they may deservedly doubt?

The other vice is intolerable lust and heat towards women. What maid will they not violate, because she is a catholic? What husband’s bed will they not pollute, because the wife acknowledgeth the pope of Rome?

From these two let a prudent catholic weigh diligently in what place he is put, that his own business be done. If you shall not take armes, you expose your selves to the danger of death, as well on the part of the English, who will reckon you a betrayer of your country, as on the part of the Spanyards, who will kill you as a protestant. You will see your father, your brother, your son, your cousin, your friend, wallowing in his own bloud, breathing out his last in his wounds, taken off by death. You will behold your wife, your mother, your daughter, to be violated, polluted, defiled before your eyes. You that see those enemies ruling over you, with the highest arrogance insulting, affecting you with contumelies; wherefore death it self would be more pleasant to you than your life. If therefore you live or dye, death is every where upon you. Therefore it would be better to endeavour to defend your selves and yours, than to give your selves over voluntarily to death.

IX. I say, ninthly, there are many other ways of bringing in the catholic faith into England than by the Spanyards. 1. If the catholics shew themselves faithful subjects to the queen; who knoweth whether she may be converted, and live? who knoweth the mind of the Lord? Truly, she hath received most excellent gifts of nature from God. She is endued with a very good nature and clear wit. When therefore she is certain that all catholics so strenuously will fight for her safety and kingdom, I do not see indeed but so kind a nature, so easy a disposition, so motherly a piety, may at last yield to them the liberty of conscience; as she hath already granted to some; because she very well hath known them to be good subjects. 2.

Since the queen doth not dye in England, who therefore succeedeth her shall be certainly a catholic, or will permit us to live catholicly: of which thing many reasons may be produced; as well because it is very uncertain who succeeds, there is none but seeth every one of the pretenders will try all ways to bring the catholics to their sides. Which certainly they will never perform, unless faith be given that they will permit the catholic religion: as because by this means he shall most easily enter into and keep peace with all the Christian princes. Lastly, When it appears to him concerning the fidelity of the catholics; and moreover, a doctrine be established between the protestants, that none is to be punished on that account, because he is a catholic; truly, it will be doubtful to none, but that all catholics will enjoy the greatest peace.

Wherefore, I think, we must yield to the time; and for a time bear the yoke which Christ hath laid upon us with all humility.

Many things offer themselves for this opinion: as, the difference between protestants and puritans. Which contention undoubtedly will be the peace of catholics. The multitude of atheists and politicians, [that is, timeservers,] who by how much the more they infect England with their plague, by so much the straiter league catholics and protestants will be joined. But atheism daily creeps in wider and wider. And when among learned men so many disagreeing opinions daily bud forth about the chief doctrines of faith and the fundamentals of religion, new sects do ever and anon arise: that all tilings are proved by scriptures; that no end is put to controversies, scarce any certainly knoweth to what party to adhere. Hence men, not altogether mad, (tho’ all imprudent,) think nothing true, nothing to be believed. A learned protestant being set in the midst between catholics and puritans, if they must incline to one extreme, it is far more probable they will embrace catholicism. For since thence they have been cut off, they do very sharply defend their doctrines against puritans. But that the religion of protestants cannot long stand, arguments are not wanting, and marks manifest enough to prove it; but to be wrapt up in silence.

X. I say, tenthly, he that doubteth of the justice of the war may with a safe conscience fight for the prince. It is a common opinion of the catholics, Caei. in summa, verbo BELLUM Sylvest. verbo BELLUM. 159. et verbo CONSCIENTIA. 9. 4. and he asserteth it to be a common opinion of the doctors, &c.

It is proved,1. Because in doubtful matters the subject ought to presume of the princes justice. Nor is he bound or is able to examine the causes of war, especially when one circumstance changeth the whole cause, and of unjust rendreth it just. For it is known that a prince, being set in a watch tower, seeth very many things which are secret from subjects, who dwell in the vallies. 2. It is confirmed, because a prince is not bound to explain to his soldiers the cause of war. But it is enough that it is decreed in the king’s council after a diligent examination of causes. And it is often expedient, that soldiers should not know the causes of war. And so the practice is among all Christian princes: who gather soldiers, not relating the cause of the war: yea, oftentimes they know not in what place nor with whom they must fight. 2. The executioner doth not examine the sentence of the judge, whether it be just or unjust; but executeth the act of justice there; supposing the sentence of the judge to be lawful. 3. In doubtful causes the safer part is to be chosen and followed. But if the subject goeth not to war, he exposeth himself to the danger of betraying the commonweal. Which is a greater evil than to fight against an enemy.

Ergo. 4. It is the express judgment of St. Aug. lib. 22. contra Faustum, c. 75. where he thus writeth: Vir justus si forte sub rege, hornine et sacrilego, militet, recte potest, illo jubente, bellare, civicae pacis ordinem servants, cui quid jubetur, vel non esse contra Dei praeceptum, certum est, vel utrum sit, certum non est. Namely, even when he doubteth of it: so that perhaps, when the unrighteousness of governing will make the king guilty, the order of serving will render the soldier innocent.

You will say, he that acteth, doubting of the justice of the war, sinneth, because he exposeth himself to the danger of acting against justice: but he that exposeth himself to the danger of sinning, sinneth. I answer, a speculative doubt is one thing, and a practical another. He that acteth doubting in the first, sinneth not: but he that acteth doubting in the second respect, it is certain he sinneth. For example: I have a sheep: I doubt whether it be mine, or another man’s: I seek; I find not who is master of it: but I speculatively doubt; and perhaps on the part of the thing it is not mine: yet if I sell it, or kill it, practically, I do not err; nor doubt, because I know the condition of the possessor is better. So in the case propounded: the subject doubteth of the princes intention of a just cause of a war; but he knew practically it is lawful in such a case to follow the safer part, and to obey the command of his prince.

I say, lastly, it is lawful for catholics to wage war in England against the Spanyards. It is proved,1. Because it appeareth from the first assertion, that the Spanyard hath affected England with very many and very great wrongs. Which, it is evident, are sufficient to declare a lawful war, from the second proposition. Ergo, if the queen may lawfully declare war, a catholic may safely in conscience obey the prince. 2. The intention of the Spanyard is very suspicious to us, as I shewed in the third proposition; it doth not appear to us that the pope sent him. And if he should send him, he might erre in this, when he is not fully informed of the state of England; as it is mentioned in the sixth proposition. Such a conquest also brings more dis-profit to the church, to Christian princes, to all the catholics in England, than benefit; as was proved in the 4th,’ 5th, and 8th propositions.

Therefore they may justly defend the queen, the kingdom, and their places, with a defensive war. 3. If the reasons alledged prove not the war to be just absolutely, and on every part; yet they are such as every one may prudently doubt, whether the war be just or no. Therefore then from the tenth assertion it is shewn, that in a doubtful war the subject may and is bound (unless he would be held for a betrayer of his country) to obey his prince.

And consequently may bear arms against the Spanyard.

Now it remains that we answer to the arguments propounded in the beginning.

To the first, it appears from the 3d and the 6th assertion, that it appears not to us that he is sent by the pope. Neither, if he were sent, that the pope erreth not in this matter, for reasons contained, viz. that the pope is not rightly instructed concerning the losses which from this invasion of the Spanyards would redound upon the whole church, and especially upon all the catholics in England.

To the second, a solution is in effect had from the 7th proposition. For if the Dutch war were lawful on the part of the subjects, (as was said there,) then the queen might protect innocent subjects against the unjust prince.

As Abraham, Gen. 14. justly fought against four kings, who had unjustly spoiled Lot. Josaphat helped Joram against king Messa, 4 Reg. 3. For it is known, that charity so uniteth friends, that they are reputed for one and the same: where he that bringeth a wrong upon one is reputed to bring it upon the other. Hence it cometh to pass, as to do a good work is good, so to help in a good work, as is a just war, is good also.

To the third, it appeareth from the third proposition that the intention of the king is very much suspected by us, whether he fight for religion or for rule. And tho’ it should appear to us, yet the losses which hang over us, and likelymost certainly to follow, do far surpass the good things which may be hoped for.

NUMBER 66.

Certain lists of the names of all the recusants and priests in England, and beyond the seas, in the year 1587. FIRST, of the knights and ladies, wives and widows of knights; and then in all the counties distinctly.

KNIGHTS.

Sir Tho. Cornwallis. Sir Tho. Jarret.

Sir John Arundell. Sir George Peckham.

Sir Tho. Tressham. Sir John Cotton, of CamSir William Catesbic. bridgeshire.

Sir Tho. Fitz-Herbert. Sir Alexander Culpepper.

Sir John Southworth.

LADIES.

Lady Waldgrave, wife to sir Lady Metham.

William. Lady Ingleby.

Lady Allen of Kent. Lady Bapthorp.

Lady Lovel of Norfolk. Lady Jarret.

Lady Peter of Essex. Lady Catlyn.

Lady Kitson of Henegre. Lady Copley.

Lady Throgmorton. Lady Hurleston.

Lady Thesham. Lady Paulet of Borly.

Lady Catesby. Lady Stonard.

Lady Constable. Lady Eliz. Gage.

Lady Paulet of Hampshire. Lady Gaminage. Several gentlemen, whose wives were papists, and their children, in the several counties: and the numbers of them.

In Norfolk 34 In Sussex Suffolk26 Middlesex, taking in Essex 13 without the fiber Kent 15 ties Southampton 13 London Surry 7 Barkshire The numbers in the other counties inconsiderable. Then follow, The names of the seminary priests and others, as be or have been in England; as well at liberty as in the prisons; with the places where they frequent and resort.

The nation well stocked with them. For they are in

number 109.

Whereof in Wisbich, the Counter, the Gate-house, the Clink, and Marshalsee, 47. Certificate of seminary priests, the 30th of September, 1588, in their prisons in or about London. This seems to be sent in from the ecclesiastical commission in this dangerous time.

These persons by their own confessions guilty of treason or felony. All priests. All reconcil’d.

Jonas Meredith. John Cradock.

John Robinson. Thomas Hall.

John Wildon. Edward Tyas.

James Tayler. Rob. Sutton.

Robert Nutter. Richard Andrew.

John Bickerton.

Will. Claregenett.

John Boulton.

These will not take the oath ministred in the leets: nor take the queen’s part against the pope’s army.

Martin Rainbow. John Williams.

Lionel Edes, alias Genynge. Godfrey Barton: to be William Travers. amined touching Ballard.

Thomas Peneavel. Nicolas Marwood; a danPeter Pencavel. gerous person.

Gratian Brown. Edward Chester.

Rare Emersham, a lay Jesuite Nicolas Horner.

Richard Webster.

These persons are seminary priests, being taken upon the seas, or in prison, at the time of the statute, and in danger of the law.

John Marsh. David Kempe.

John Vivian. Thomas Haberley.

Thomas Layton. George Stocker.

William Parry. Walter Blunt.

These persons were reconciled to the pope of Rome before the statute, and are dangerous persons; refusing to take the queen’s part against the pope’s army, and refuse to take the oath given in leets: which every subject should take, being above the age of twelve years.

Robert Standen. Richard Waldern.

Roger Yardley. Rob. Bellamie.

Richard Sampson. Thomas Briscoe.

These recusants will not take the queen’s part against the pope’s army; and yet have taken the oath in the leete.

Rob. Jackson. Roger Astel.

Richard Wakefield. John Beckensal.

John Bradstock. John Launder.

John Gray. Richard Randal.

These persons are only recusants.

Anthony Snape. Stephen Cheston.

Thomas Cavet. John Tucker. Francis Bastard.

George Napper. William Green.

Francis Erman. Elizabeth Sherwood; her Tho. Edmunds. son is a seminary priest.

Tho. Pert. John Eliot.

John Rayson. William Bray; a common

NUMBER 67.

A paper concerning the superiority of bishops: put into the hands of sir Francis Knolles by some unknown person: and by him delivered to the lord Burghley, Jan. 1588. HIEROM, upon the Epistle to Titus, chap. 1. declared, that m the antient time of the church an elder and a bishop were all one. And that because it should not be thought he meant a community in name only, and not in charge and authority, adding these words, Communi presbyterorum consilio ecclesiae regebantur, he shewed the occasion how it happened afterwards, that one in every church had superiority over the rest of elders.

But yet to put men out of doubt that this superiority was not God’s institution, he concludeth in this manner; Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fuerit esse subjectos ; ita episeopi noverint se magis consuetudine, quam dispensationis dominicae virtute, presbyteris esse majores.

As much in substance, tho’ not so largely, he delivered in an epistle which he writeth to Evagrius. And Cyprian, long before that Jerom lived, in sundry epistles, sheweth that he is of the same judgment.

Such again as before this latter age travailed to discover how unjustly the pope usurped his authority, began at this point, as a necessary foundation to ground the discourse. The book intitled, Defensorium Pacis, written in defence of Lewis the emperor against the pope, with sundry other, will witness that I say true.

The learned of this latter time call this superiority in bishops humanum institutum, as Calvin in lnstitutionibus, Musculus in Loc. Coremunibus, Beza in Confessionibus, Hemingius in Epistolis, Zanchius in Confessionibus, Antonius Sadelius ad repetita Turriani Sophismata.

Lambertus Danaeus, making three sorts of this function of bishops, according to the diversity of times of the church, and naming one sort divinum, the other sort humanum, the third satanicum, he placeth in the second rank the moderate superiority, which the church, to avoid some confusion and schism, and so for necessity sake, was induced to bestow upon one in every church: having before described that to be the divine function which was one with the rest of the elders, and common in one equal authority with them. The third sort he maketh that which exceedeth the bounds of necessity, and destroyeth the policy of the Holy Ghost in church government. Such as the bishops of Rome of long time have usurped.

NUMBER 68.

The examinations of divers persons about the printintg press of Martin Matprelate : and of the books so printed. Feb. 15. 1588. apud Lambhith in com. Surf.

THE EPITOME.

SIR Rich. Knightly in his examination confessed, that at his house at Fausley, a book called The Epitome was printed. The printing press brought to his house there by Jeffs, a tenant of his son. From whence the press was carded to his house at Norton about Christmas last, [1588.] And touching the author of the book, he knoweth not, unless it were Penry.

Who came and moved him, that he might have a room in his house, to print a little book to that which he had before made, concerning the unlearned ministry of Wales. He likewise said that Waldgrave was the printer. And further confesseth, that Newman, the cobler, had his livery and conizance, and that Stephen his servant carried the press and letters from Norton to Coventry, to the house of John Hales, esq.

THE SUPPLICATION.

Mr. Hales being examined saith, that sir R. Knightlyshortly after Christmas [88] sent him a letter by Waldgrave, requiring this examinate to suffer this bearer to have room in this examinate’s house in Coventry for a time. And the said Hales, upon the receit of that letter, did admit Waldgrave to his house at Coventry, and delivered to him the keys thereof. And was afterwards brought by Penry to the place where the press stood. And after printing received a book, called The Supplication for the parliament.

MINERALS.

Henry Sharpe deposeth, that the press settled at Hale’s house, Waldgrave there printed three books, viz. the Mineral Conclusions, the Supplication to the parliament, and Have you any Work for the Cooper?

MARTIN JUNIOR AND MARTIN SENIOR.

Appeareth by Roger Weekston, gentleman, his confesSion, that his wife moved him, that Hodgkins might do a piece of work in his house; which he saw not, but heard afterwards, that Martin Junior and Martin Senior were printed there in a low parlour of his house.

UDAL. DEMONSTRATION. DIOTREPHES.

Henry Sharpe deposed, that Penry (which appears to be a principal dealer in all the acts every where) told him, that Udal was the author of the Demonstration of Discipline.

Tomkyns [a printer] also deposed, that he believed Udal was also the author of the dialogues called Diotrephes, because in a catalogue of such books, as is said, Udal had made, this examinate saw as well the said dialogue as the Demonatration mentioned. And that Udal resorted sundry times to Mrs. Crane’s house at Mowsely while Penry and Waldgrave were there.

Stephen Chatfield, vicar of Kingston, deposed, that before the coming forth of the first Martin, he saw in Udal’s study certain written papers, importing such matter as is contained in the libel; and saith further, that about a fortnight before Michaelmas, 88. the said Udal, in conference with this examinate, said, it were best for the bishops not to stop his mouth; for if they did, he would then set himself to writing, and give such a blow, as they never had the like in their lives.

Udal himself confesseth, that some things contained in the first Martin proceeded from his report, but saith, he knoweth not how it came in writing. And yet being asked, whether he made not collections of some things that are contained in that book, and whether he did shew those his collections to Mr. Field [a puritan minister] and Mr. Chatfield, or to either of them, saith, that he did. He said further, that he told Mr. Chatfleld, that if the bishops restrained him and others from preaching, then they would give them occasion to employ themselves in writing the more against their government.

Henry Sharpe [a bookseller] saith, that Waldgrave printed at Mr. Hale’s house, first, the Mineral Conclusions, that came forth Febr. the last, [88 ;] next, The Supplication, which came forth in Midlent; and afterward, the book, Have you any Work, &c. that came forth about Palm Sunday. And further saith, that of the first sort of books Waldgrave sent to this examinate a thousand to be bound for him; of the second sort, Newman brought him the like number; and of the third, Newman brought him about 700.

And the said Sharpe deposed, that in Easter week last, Waldgrave told him that they all were dispatched; and the mill was not then going: for that was the phrase of their printing. And further said, that he would no longer deal in that course. for that he had gotten Mr. Cartwright’s Testament against the Jesuits; which, he said, he would print in Devonshire.

Henry Sharpe deposed, that after Waldgrave departed, Penry procured Hodgkins (now prisoner in the Tower) to supply Waldgrave’s place in printing; and saith, that within a fortnight after Midsummer last, this examinate found Hodgkins at work in Weekston’s house, printing of MartinJunior and Martin Senior; and working there privately under the name of an embroiderer.

Hodgkins, and Symms, and Tomlyn, Hodgkins men, confess, that beginning to print the book called More Work for the Cooper, in Newton Lane, near Manchester, they had printed thereof about six a quire of one side before they were apprehended. They also deposed, that Hodgkins told them, the next book, or the next but one, which they had to print, should be in Latin, [which perhaps was Disciplina Sacra ;] and that there was another parcel of More Work, &c. which should serve them to print another time: for this was but the first part of the said book: and the other part was almost as big again.

Symms deposed, that while Hodgkins, himself, and Tomlyn were coming up to London, Hodgkins told him, that notwithstanding their press and letters were taken, yet, said he, we have, as you know, a press at Mr. Weekston’s, and some letters; and also two sorts of letters at a merchant’s house in London, which were bought of Waldgrave.

Humfrey Newman [a secret disperser of these books] used to resort to sir Ric. Knightlies house; first in a green coat and a green hat; and within a short time after did wear sir R. Knightlies livery.

Mrs. Crane, called before the commission to be examined upon these matters, refused to answer upon oath to any question, either concerning her self, for that, as she said, she would not be her own hangman; or concerning others, for that she could not in her conscience be an accuser of others.

To this Mrs. Crane’s house in London Waldgrave brought a case of letters.

And a load of stuff was laid in her house at Mouldsoy, (at the request of Penry,) wherein those letters were. While the load of stuff remained at Mrs. Crane’s house, Penry and Waldgrave continued thereabouts three weeks after Midsummer, 88. and were thereabouts Michaelmas following.

And that Mr. Udal, late preacher at Kyngston, resorted there sundry times to the same house; printing, as the examinate saith, some books there.

NUMBER Causes considered in proceeding against Mr. Digby, fellow of St. John’s college, Cambridge, in order to his deprivation: and moving thereunto. Which were offered by Dr. Whitaker, the master, to the lord Burghley and the archbishop, visitors of that college. 1. PREACHING at St. Maries, he so commended voluntary poverty, as that Dr. Fulk, preaching in the same place, confuted him shortly after about the same point, being a popish position. 2. He inveighed in open disputa tion against Calvinism, as against schismaticks. 3. Sir Birch, a known papist, persuaded one Mr. Heyward, a gentleman’s son in our house; whom he would have induced to popery, with this reason, among others, that Mr. Digby, and some others of account in our house, were so. 4. Sir Smith (who lately fled from our house for religion) confessed to Mr. Palmer, that he was encouraged in his religion by Mr. Digby and others. 5. The confession of another unto our master, under his hand writing, that Mr. D. was such an one. 6. Mr. Higgins, a senior of our house, reported unto Mr. Palmer, that he moved Mr. Constable, the same Mr. Higgins pupil, to some points of popery. And Mr. Constable confirmed the same unto the said Mr. Palmer of late. 7. He preached out of Esdras, [3. c. 4. 4.] gathering papistical notes: as, that Eva should be turned into Ave, and such like. 8. In the time of a sermon and communion he went about fishing openly in the backside with a casting net, with some scholars in his company; even then, when charge was given by authority from above, that whosoever did not communicate, his name should be sent up. 9. He useth to speak dangerously and undutifully, and that openly, of the matters in the Low Countries, and of sir Francis Drake. 10. He liveth familiarly with some known papist in our town, and giveth countenance unto all that are suspected. 11. The common opinion of him abroad doth for the most part condemn him. And divers of our house are ready to depose, that they think him to be a man of corrupt religion. 1. By often putting off his punishment, and other things imposed by the master and deans. 2. He willingly brake a decree made by the master and seniors very lately. 3. He cometh not among the seniors at any time, being sent for by the master, but at his mere pleasure. 4. He doth use to blow a horn often in the college in the day time, and hollow after it. 5. He is scandalous in the college by a public challenge in bills set up in divers places, being flatly forbidden to meddle in the matter. 6. He threatned openly to meet the president in the stocks in the hearing of the scholars, then when in the master’s absence he supplied his room. 7. He openly cried out against the president at the same time, in the hearing of all the company in the hall, in these words, and in this order, and like one in a rage, beating the table with his hands, repeated them often: Qui non distinguit, artem destruit, quam tu non habes, Palmere, dialecticam. 8. He called openly to the scholars, standing round about the fire, and spake thus of the president, (being then also in the room of the master,) because he was not moved with his great words; viz. My masters, mark this man. He hath an Italian trick. He will counterfeit a laughter, when he is most angry. 9. He bragged openly, that he would bring into the hall one that was expelled immediately before, and he would set him down at the table, to see if any man durst do any thing against it. 10. Since his deprivation he chalengeth the right of a fellow, sitting down president, and threatning the officers for denying him his commons. 11. Professing himself to be as much fellow, as the master was master, and more.

For which things, tho’ we might and would have proceeded against him, yet it was thought more convenient, in respect of his credit, to deal with him for the breach of statute, which is now layd against him, than to have dealt for those crimes, for some causes which we spare to speak of.

NUMBER 70.

Articles framed and propounded to Cutbert Bainbrigg ; as collected out of a sermon by him preached at St. Mary’s, Cambridge. Of which the vice-chancellor required him to declare under his oath what he spake publicly. With his answers.

THE articles were, 1. That some seek preferment; themselves pay money for it; and pay their money before hand. 2. That there be, that have a bar, that stands between them and the fire; if need shall be, to strike the fire out of their hand which do bring it. And the bar to be your statutes and positive laws. 3. Extremity used, in execution especially. 4. The fire put out, by stopping their mouths that be bringers thereof. 5. If you mind indeed to awake. [As though he had irreverently reflected upon the sleepiness of the doctors at sermons.] 6. Base eloquence. 7. Ceremonies no sooner spoke of, but snatched at. [Those expressions of fire were in allusion to his text, Luke xii. 49. I am come to send fire on the earth, &c.] That which I spake in my sermon touching these several articles was uttered in these words.

To the first I answer; I said, that the excellency of a public function in the church or commonwealth consisted rather in labour and diligence for the common profit, than in pomp and shew. Our Saviour Christ came into the world, not to be ministred unto, but to minister unto others. And if this rule were observed and kept, men would rather with Moses and Jeremiah come away, when they were called, than seek preferment with such desire, and buy it with their money, when it falleth.

To the second I answer; That principal word in this sentence which importeth most, namely, this word your, I said it not at all. I said, Positive laws and statutes had been abused by men in all ages, to this end, either to be a bar, to keep the fire of the word of God from them, or sometimes to strike it out of his hand that bringeth it. My further explication of my meaning was after this manner, and my words were these concerning this whole matter. “There is not any man that hath wisdom and the fear of God, but he knoweth and will acknowledge, that there mustbe an order both in personis, rebuts et functionibus, both in the church and commonwealth, and will reverence it with all his heart; being one of the most excellent works of God, wherein the beams of his wisdome shine most clearly. And he will acknowledge also the necessity and excellency of these nerves and sinews of wise and wholsome positive laws and statutes; whereby societies are united and knit together, and receive strength and comeliness, and a dexterity to move unto good things. But yet I said, the wise and learned knew and would acknowledge, that tho’ these laws were good in themselves, yet imperfect rules of man’s obedience; and therefore no sufficient bar to keep off this fire, the word of God, which requireth more perfection in men.” My reason to prove that they were imperfect rules of mens obedience was this, because we have not only community one with another, but, as St. John saith, we have fellowship with God the Father, and Christ Jesus; which must be worshipped in spirit and in truth. Wherein the laws of men, acknowledging their imperfection, give reverence and place to the perfect word of God.

My exhortation, which sheweth my purpose herein, was this, that men, when they are reproved for their sins, should not regard so much how to quit themselves before men, and by positive laws, tho’ this sometimes be needful, (if the quality of his fault require such a purgation,) but rather enter into their dark chamber, in the silence of night, when the cogitation of mens hearts ascend, and when their reines chastise them, and try how all things stand in the court of conscience, and by the tryal of this fire, the word of God. Much less should they be means to strike the fire out of the hand which bringeth it, and requireth more perfection in man than the law of man can give. Offences indeed against positive laws must be punished, least others, by too much lenity, be encouraged to do evil: but with great regard, especially if he be a minister that offendeth, upon whom many depend. Then a care must be had that the church be not deprived of this excellent treasure of the word, which the Lord hath committed unto him.

For the Lord maketh much account of one soul. And how many souls may be won by a few sermons !

To the third I answer; I do not affirm that extremity that was used in executing of laws. It seems, that these that secretly accuse me did take this article out of these words, which I used, speaking of the causes of contention in societies, when young men offending by ignorance, or for want of experience, should hear of their superiors only words of authority, This I will do, because I may do it, either by general laws or local statutes; and never hear this in love, This we ought both to do by the law of God. I said it caused young men to note and reprehend many things in their superiors, which otherwise in charity they should and ought to tolerate and pass over, remembring the great burthen that lyes upon them which are in authority, and have government, tho’ it be but over a few; which no man knoweth, but he that standeth under it; and therefore many things should be tolerated in them by love. But I said, this could hardly be performed towards them, when they dealt extremely with others their inferiors. And this I said was the cause of the beginning and continuance of contention.

To the fourth I answer; I had neither these words of putting out the fire, nor stopping their mouths.

To the fifth I answer; I said thus, directing my speech to the doctors, If you desire indeed (I speak it with reverence) that they should awake from their sleep, (meaning the townsmen,) if you would have them forsake the works of darkness, and that Christ Jesus may be heard, provide that Christ Jesus may speak more often unto them.

To the sixth I answer; These were my words: I said, I did not speak against good eloquence, because of all temporalgifts to men, there were none more excellent in it self, none more profitable to humane society in the church and commonwealth: but against the ridiculous eloquence used of some in these days, which consisteth more in leaping at the letter, than substance of the matter, and which disgraceth the majesty of the word of God. Neither did I speak it, as tho’ I should be able to give instruction unto others how they should preach: but they must give me leave to note that which sometime had offended my self. And it might be a note of remembrance to put them in mind of that which a grave and learned father had spoken of the same thing not long before.

To the seventh I answer; I said I could not sufficiently marvail at these men, which hearing ceremonies spoken of generally without distinction, would snatch at the word to make some action of trespass. Whereas the Lord himself had spoken against idle and unprofitable ceremonies in the Psalmes and prophets. CUTHB. BAINBRIGG.

NUMBER 71.

Francis Johnson’s account of his sermon, preached at St. Mary’s, Cambridge, Jan. the 6, 1588, upon 1 Pet. v. 1-4. The elders which are among you I exhort, who am also an elder, and a witness, &c.

Against which sermon were divers articles framed, and propounded to him. Of which Mr. Vice-chancellor and Dr. Perne, with other heads, required him to deliver under his oath what he spake publicly.

THE articles. 1. The necessity of elders. 2. This form of government commanded. 3. No other to be allowed of. 4. Neglect hereof cause of ignorance, &c. 5. We have not this discipline; and the reason why. 6.

Ministers should keep continually at their charge: university ease, quiet, wealth, the cause why some do not continue. 7. That there should be equality among ministers and elders: which the popish hierarchy and all of that sort so dislike of. 8. Amaziah forbad Amoz to preach at Bethel. 9.

Ours do not exhort to feed, but stay them that would.

That which I spake in my sermon touching these several articles.

Touching the first, I did prove by divers reasons, which follow in the answers to the other of the articles, that as the church to whom Peter wrote, and the other churches then fully established, had, for the instructing and governing them, this one uniform and prescript order by the teaching and ruling elders; so also that the same still by the word of God are necessary for the teaching and ecclesiastical governing of the churches of God.

Touching the second, upon that place of Paul to the Corinthians, where having spoken of the ordinances appointed to them, and of the officers of the church, and of prophecy, &c. he then concludeth, If any man think himself to be a prophet, or spiritual, let him acknowledge that the things that I write unto you are the commandments of the Lord. Upon this I said, If they be the commandments of the Lord, then, till a repeal be shewed, we are so to hold them.

Touching the third, speaking of elders, I asked, Seeing God hath set these in the church, who hath authority to set them out, or others in? For they were not appointed for a little time only, or a few years, but to continue to the end of the world: which we see in the strait charge which the apostle gives to Timothy: for the keeping of the commandment given him unrebrakeable, and without spot, is not unto the time only of peace, or of having Christian magistrates, but until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ. And if any ask how Timothy could possibly do this, Paul shews in the next Epistle, that what things he had heard of him, he should deliver the same to faithful men, which were able to teach others also. Where we see, that the apostle’s desire was, that the commandment and charge should be known and obeyed in the ages following. And our Saviour Christ also plainly requires the same, in that after his commission and charge given to the apostles for teaching, baptizing, and the observation of discipline commanded, he promiseth his presence with them to the end of the world. Now the apostles (as it is said of David) served their time only, and dyed. So that he did not give that commission and charge to the apostles only, but to all his faithful ministers to the end of the world; with whom, obeying this commandment, he promiseth still to be present.

Touching the fourth, speaking of the necessity of the elders, I said, I doubt not in the fear of God to affirm, that the want of these (want of the ordinary means appointed by God) is the cause of ignorance, atheism, idolatry, profanation of the sabbath, disobedience to superiors, &c. too lamentable experience proves it.

Touching the fifth, having proved the more special necessity of teaching elders to be had in several congregations, and that the only means of salvation appointed by God is the word preached, I said, that it would be objected against this, that there are not enough fit and sufficient to this purpose. To which I answered, first, That so many as are fit are not employed. Secondly, I asked where the fault was. Answering, that it was not in the Lord, which is most ready, his church being his city, to set watchmen upon the walls of it: and being his flock, to give pastors to feed it with knowledge and understanding. And indeed shall we think that God is not as able and willing to furnish men with his spirit of wisdome, understanding, and knowledge, for the work of the ministry of the gospel, as he was to furnish Aholiab and Bezaleel for the work of the tabernacle, and Hiram for the temple? Yes, doubtless he is still the same God, able and as willing. But the fault is in our selves. And I think I may in this case say, as Paul saith in another, We are not kept strait in God, but we are kept strait in our own bowels. Our hearts are set on the pomp of this world, and on courts. And of this work it is noted as a special furtherance of the tabernacle, and of the wall built about Jerusalem, their heart was to the work.

My exhortation therefore in the Lord is, that all in their places would set their hearts to further this work. And if you do indeed desire that men should be awaked out of their sleep, and stand up from the dead, that Christ may give them light: that they should cast off the works of darkness, and put on the armour of light: then in the fear of God labour by all means of petition to God, and of supplication to them in authority, that Christ Jesus may be heard in our congregations.

Touching the sixth, after proof that the elders were to be with their special flock, and to feed them, over whom the Holy Ghost, by the mediate calling of the church, had made them overseers: because that as Christ had purchased them, so also he would have of the elders, whom he had set over them, an account for their souls. In application I exhorted those that had such special flocks committed to them, and yet lived still among us here, [in the university,] that they would enter into their chambers, and herein examine their hearts before the Lord. And if university ease, quiet, wealth, or any other sinister thing were as dear unto them as father and mother; yet in this case of the glory of God, for the feeding of his people committed to them, to say with Levi, I know you not. Yea, if they were as dear as the parts of our own bodies, yet to follow Christ’s counsil, rather to cut them off, than with them to be cast into hellfire.

Touching the seventh, I said, That if Peter had had such authority as the papists think he had, he might well have used it here, in urging and commanding these elders unto that, unto which as a fellow elder he doth exhort them. The elders which are among you I exhort: yea, that he was so far from thinking himself the chief of the apostles, as that here he calleth and accounteth himself a fellow elder with the ordinary elders of the several congregations. Yet the pope and the popish hierarchy esteem otherwise both of him, touching his superiority over the rest of the apostles, and of themselves, to be BB. of bishops. But we are to like of a godly equality.

Touching the eighth and ninth, speaking of that that the apostle Peter exhorted the elders to feed the flock, which depended on them, I shewed, that as it was the duty of all Christians, so also of the ministers of the word of God, to exhort and stir up one another. And that this practice of the apostle did condemn them that are so far from exhorting others to feed, as that they stay those that would feed. The Spirit of God hath noted it, as a thing to be taken heed of, which we read of Amaziah, that he forbade Amoz to prophecy at Bethel. We are rather to follow the example of James, and Cephas, and John; of whom it is set down by the Spirit of God, that they gave the right hand of fellowship to Paul and Barnabas; joyning and strengthning themselves to the work of the ministry. That his own company should preach to the Gentiles, and the other to the circumcision.

NUMBER 72.

A note of such matters as do appear against Mr. Edward Crofts, upon examination of one Smith, a conjurer, and others after named; concerning the procuring the death of the earl of Leicester by conjuration. JOHN SMITH examined saith, that at such time as sir James Crofts was committed, this examinant being at Charing Cross, Mr. Crofts desired this examinant to help him, that he might know who were his father’s friends.

And this examinant bade him set down the names of the council: and Mr. Crofts gave him the names of 8 or 9. And this examinant told him, that the earl of Leicester was his enemy; but whom else he doth not remember.

After the earl was gone into the country, one came into Mr. Crofts house, and said, that one of the queen’s physicians was come up from the earl, who did report that he was sick. And this examinant said, Yea, the Lord help him: for he is sick indeed. And now the bear is muzzled, who was Mr. Crofts’ enemy.

That Pillis his wife did say, that the earl was not dead. No? said this examinate. Then I will be hanged.

That he told George Lewis, that Mr. Crofts and all his kindred were beholden unto him: for their great enemy was dead; meaning the earl of Leicester. Anne Pilly said the same. And further, that when Crofts had given Smith the names of all the council, Smith went up into Mr. Crofts chamber, Mr. Crofts staying beneath. And within a whistle after, Smith came clown and said, that the earl of Leicester was sir James Crofts great enemy. That shortly after the earl was gone out of town, Smith said, the bear was muzzled; and holding a glass of water in his hand, said, that if he were by the earl, and yet have a thousand pounds, he could save his life; yet, and yet, and yet. That when it was reported that the earl was dead, she said unto Smith, that the earl was not dead: then let him be hanged. Which speeches did make her verily believe that Smith did kill the earl.

That Mr. Crofts writ certain names, and sent them by her to Smith. And within four or five days after, she fetched the writing from Smith again, and said, that all those whom he had crossed were Mr. Croftes friends, and the rest were his enemies. And that he should make choice of the earl of Ormund, Richard Aubrey, and sir Martin Furbished [Furbisher.] For they would travail for his protection.And next, to deal with the lord chancellor [Hatton.] One Pulman told George Lewis, that was examined, that Smith willed Crofts to give him the names of all the council, and he would tell him which were his father’s friends: which was done. And he pointed out his friends and enemies. After which Mr. Crofts came to Smith, and said, Now Leicester goes a journey into the country. And Smith said, He doth indeed, but shall never return: and said after, that he had muzzled the great bear: and said, that if he might have a 1000l . he could help him yet, and yet, and yet. And a little while after he said, that all the world could not help him.

And the next news came that he was dead. And so Pulman said that the said earl was made away by witchcraft.

That Smith called Mr. Crofts a lyar, a forsworn man, and a dissembler, with other shameful words. But Mr. Crofts replied very gently, saying, that his life lay in Smith’s hands. And Smith told this examinant [George Lewis] that Mr. Crofts and all his kin were beholden to him: for their great enemy was dead. And the other matter might have been brought to pass, if the party had lived.

NUMBER 73.

The lord treasurer Burghley’s letter to Mr. Dyer, the queen’s agent in the parts of Germany, signifying the queen’s invitation of sir Edward Kelly; labouring, his coming into England, to give his service to the queen.

Sir, AT one time I have received your two letters; the one of the 15th, the other of the 16th. By both which I perceive you hold fast your first opinion of sir Edward Kelly, namely, as you write, for that worthy truth in him at the highest point that hath been before by you reported; and thereto you add in the same letter, that for his perfect love towards her majesty you think there cannot be found better in any man; move me to expect certainly by your means a perfect resolution in sir Edward K. without all scruples to return to his native country; to honour her majesty, as a loyal natural subject, with the fruits of such great knowledge as God hath given him.

And thereby to yield her some aid to withstand her enemies, to maintain her crown in glory, and generally to comfort all her good subjects, by making them to live under her majesty in security; yea, in triumph over their enemies.

And what greater worldly felicity can any man that ever was born in any country deserve to have? And if his knowledge be as certain as you make it, and his dutiful love be thereto joyned, what would you have me think could stay him from coming hither, to attain to this felicity in his own country. All other imagined stayes of bruits carried thither of evil speeches here, or of disgraces uttered against him, yea, or of mortal threatnings, as you write, that come hither every fortnight, ought not to stay a man of his valour from the honouring of his sovereign; whom all princes honour; yea, whom the grand seignor, who despiseth thers, hath reverence for her princely virtues and royal acts; but to contemne all flying rumours, in respect of the estimation of such a princess as the queen is; of her very divine nature almost ready to reward, yea, to honour knowledge in any person, according to the measure thereof. And such account ought he to make of her majesty’s princely assurance, as never was stained with any breach of promise to them that deserved her favour. And if I knew not to whom I did write, that have had so long experience of her rare vertues and most princely condition, I could use many arguments to move any man never to mistrust her favour, her maintenance, and rewarding of any such as should do her any service, according to the value thereof.

And seeing you are fully persuaded of the inestimable value of his service, and by my confident opinion of your wit and affection, I doubt not but you are able to persuade him to remit himself to her majesty’s protection against all impediments that seem to arise of light and very false rumours carried thither; the falshood of some of them being by me even at this present discovered, that my lord chancellor shewed me in a letter from you brought with mine. Wherein you writ, that sir Edw. K. is informed that my lord chancellor hath uttered divers reproachful speeches even afore her majesty; whereof my lord is notably wronged. For on my faith I never heard my lord use any evil words of him: and he himself, upon the receit of your letter, hath and doth avow it upon his faith and honour, and so hath protested afore her majesty; and that he never uttered any reproachful words, either afore her majesty or out of her presence. Which also her majesty in my hearing hath confirmed, never to have heard his lordship to have depraved him. And this report being so notoriously false, I see not but he may mistrust the rest. Tho’ I think some may befound in some sort true, by these two sorts of men, as in some part I my self have in way of argument heard uttered. One sort seeming to think the action impossible to perform, which is reported of sir Edw. K. conceive that they which make report of their own excellence by setting transmutation of mettals into gold by him, do notwithstanding contend with the reporters that they are deceived; and so may be to us. Even the wise senate of Venice were the last year notoriously deceived by one that made profession of such a science; yea, that was honoured of the whole state of Venice for the same.

And indeed there are many, and not unwise, that do, without malice to sir Edw. K. utter their opinions by speeches in condemnation of him. And yet I am sure, if they shall at any time by demonstration see the effect of his knowledge proved, will honour him, and think that country blessed that have such a member.

There are, I think, some others of another condition, that percase have no dutiful mind towards her majesty and their country, that would not sir Edward Kelly should return to benefit her majesty and the realm; and such cunningly to utter reproachful speeches, both against his person and his knowledge, of set purpose to be heard by his friends here; from whom it is likely such reports be brought. But, Mr. Dyer, against these obstacles one only remedy resteth; which is the princely authority of her majesty, which you may assure him, if he shall return, and yield to her majesty the fruits of that knowledge which you affirm he hath, shall yield to him all kind of contentation for his credit and estimation, and ability to live here in his native country, as far forth as any other prince, to whom he is a stranger by birth, can or will give him.

To conclude with you: if by these and such like reasons you cannot persuade him to come hither, then one of these two things, according to my present opinion, which I have, must needs follow; either that I must certainly think that he cannot perform that which you conceive of him, but that by some cunning, or, as they say, legerdemain, both you and all others have been deceived, as the wisest in enice were the last year: or else I must in my heart (which would be most loth to do) condemn him, as an unnatural born man to his country, and a very disloyal subject to a most vertuous godly lady, his sovereign.

While I was writing this letter, report was brought to London by one Kelly, that once served Mr. Vicechamberlain, and came from Staden, that sir Edw. K. and you were stolen from Prage; which, he saith, was told him by a Scottish man that came from Prage; with much more circumstance, as the bearer hereof, your servant, can at length tell you. But until I was better advised to see the unlikelihood of the reporb comparing the same with your last letters, I did stay to end my letter one or two days; but your servant being to return, I did not defer it any longer, having only one thing whereof to remember you, which is, that if you cannot obtain sir Edw. Kellies return personally, yet that you would, for maintenance of your credit, procure some small, tho’ very small portion of the powder, to make a demonstration, in her majesty’s own sight, of the perfection of his knowledge.

But if I might have my wish, next to his own coming home, I wish he would, in some secret box, send to her majesty for a token some such portion, as might be to her a sum reasonable to defer her charges for this summer for her navy, which we are now preparing to the sea, to withstand the strong navy of Spain, discovered upon the coasts between Britain and Cornwall within these two days. But wishers and woulders were never good housholders. And so I end with my most hearty commendation, hoping to receive some comfortable answer to this long letter. From the court at my house at Theobalds, where her majesty hath been already ever since Monday this of this month, and I think departeth not until Thursday.

Which time I could be contented might have been tripled, so I had but one corn of sir Edward Kellies powder.

NUMBER 74.

A letter from an English merchant lately at Prague, to Mr. Edward Wotton, concerning, seizing sir Edw. Kelly, and committing him to the castle at Prate, by a special commission from the emperor; with the causes thereof.

TO Prague I came on the 28th of April, making my journey so as I might fall in with the end of the Leipsig mart At my first coming, I was advertised that there were many English in the town. Upon which I meant not to discover my self, fill I had sounded out what they were, the state they bear, and what course they took. Word was given me, that one Mr. Dyer was in sir Edward Kellies house, and another page with one of the Lees in the town, and two or three other captains; which departed, as I was enformed, that day to Norinberg: I did think the next day to offer my duty to Mr. Dyer. In mean while happened this alteration. His majesty [the emperor] on the last of April, about twelve of the clock, sent the most part of the gentlemen of his guard, and the other, down from the court castle to sir Edward Kellies house, with commandment to bring him up bound, the cause concealed: the house chosen, as it was thought, that he might be taken at dinner. And because it seemed somewhat a hard proceeding to enter the house of a consillor of estate with the guard alone, they had joyned unto them the captain and lieutenant of the castle, provost of the town, and secretary in the state of Bohemia.

The officers coming in, found him not there; but, as some said, upon intelligence from a secret friend in the court, departed a little before; which, by reason of the little distance between the court and sir Edward’s lodgings, (being no further than from Boughton house to the vineyard,)was unprofitable, especially being not able to go. So that some time must be spent in the preparation of an horse or coach. Others said, that he was departed the night before: which indeed was the right truth; tho’ done so secretly, as his own family was kept from it. The officers finding not the principal, seized on the accessaries; bound his servants, and led them up to prison in sight of the whole town: sealed up the doors of every chamber: used chief extremity on his brother: not without speech that he was tortured; which yet was false. Mr. Dyer with his servant was commanded to keep the house, until further hearing of his majesty’s pleasure. Some say he kept in upon his own wisdom and judgment; which the secretary of Bohemia told me himself. But I dare not affirm it; because I hear of persons in great authority the contrary. It may be, he was only admonished, without commandment or charge: and thence it arose.

His majesty, advertised that he was gone, is said to have cursed in the Dutch manner; gave forth present order to have the highways set: places suspected to harbour him were searched in the town: a post dispatched toward the earl of Rosemberg, his patron, with a letter from the emperor of these contents, that if he came unto him, he should deliver him upon his allegiance to the crown of Bohemia.

The tumult being over, what should be the cause, was the next question.

To be weighty and hainous it was conjectured, because it was contrary to the emperor’s humour, and course of his house of Austria, to procede in criminal matters either so violently or so generally. That it touched the emperor’s own person was manifested by keeping it close, at least by interpretation received no otherwise. The causes given forth were these: some said it was for debt, which, tho’ it were probably spoken, because I find the supputation of his debt in the town to arise to 32 thousand dollars, which he oweth to two Colen merchants that trade with jewels; yet did two reasons make evidently against it. First, because he was known to have much more in present money and lands than his debts came unto; and no entry or distrainment heard of upon his unmoveables, which, according to the process of that crown, ought to have been in the case of debt.

Secondly, to the emperor he was known to have owed nothing, nor ever to have put him in any charge, save for coals and house-room. And it was not his majesty’s maner to follow the actions of his own subjects, being princeps and procurator of his people.

Others said, that the duke of Bavaria, exalting the goldmaker of Venice, (whom he executed at Monch the 25. of April,) confessed unto him, that he was sworn in one league unto Mr. Kelly: which the duke signifying unto the emperor, should desire in his letter to have him imprisoned. Of this I can neither find the falshood nor truth.

A third gave forth, that Mr. Dyer had brought unto him the queen’s letter to call him home. Which coming to the emperor’s ears, and his majesty seeking to hinder it, imprisonment was thought for the present time a good means to stay his departure; and afterwards he might be talked further withal. This I take to have been some of his friends invention, to still the people from speaking the worst of him. Whether Mr. Dyer brought them, or no, I cannot say. The French agent hath affirmed it most constantly unto me; as likewise that the emperor was certified. A doctor’s son in the town told me, he knew the queen’s hand, and read the letters, having served sir Phylip Sydney sometime in England: by whose means he came to the sight of such things. I dare not hasten to believe it, till I hear further grounds of truth: because, being letters of secresy, Mr. Dyer, a gentleman of rare discretion, would have handled it so as they should not have come forth, at least be known that he did bring them; which might endanger himself. Till certain advice, I will hold the opinion that sir Edward Kelly had at some time or other vaunted at the table, or in his conversation with others, that the queen had sent for him, as he is a man who taketh, as I hear, a pleasure that princes desire him. Howsoever it be, it is like in this case much to hurt him, the emperor being assuredly informed that he is sent for.

The fourth cause alledged was, that he had at his table spoke perillous words against the emperor and the Poples; which is the second family of Bohemia. Which being the old enemies of Rosemberg, and being at this present the principal officers of that state; as one a privy counsillor, another master of the court, a third land officer, a fourth of them president in the appellation; have prevailed with the emperor to have him imprisoned; so, under pretence of public justice, to revenge their own private quarrel upon the Rossembergs: who have been both the setters up of sir Edward Kelly, and the principal maintainers of him hitherto.

The fifth report was, that his majesty having long had a throbbing of the heart, as it were an hereditary disease from his father, who dyed of it, by which he often falleth into a swound, sir Edward Kelly distilled an oyl for it; which beng sent unto the emperor, and sir Edward’s enemies being by, persuaded his majesty that it was appointed to poison him. Proof was made of the force of it; and it wrought the effect of poison. Some said, the throbbing of the heart was given forth for a colour to hide a more infamous disease: which I leave in doubt. The circumstances beat shrewdly about it.

For the oyl is said to have had the vertue of effecting in favour, or otherwise, according to the quantity. Which for an inward disease soundeth somewhat unprobably.

The last reason of his imprisonment, which I could by any means learn, was, that his majesty, three days before his departure, should have sent for him, to make proof of his art at the court, which one Scoto, an Italian, had disabled him in. Mr. Kelly returned answer, he was sick; and not long after fled. He was taken on the 2. of May at Sobislaus, twelve miles from Prague, a town belonging to Peter, earl of Rosenburgh, as he was in his journey towards William, earl of Rosenbergh. At first he resisted the officer, making answer, he was a citizen of Bohemia and a counsillor of estate. His flight was objected to him: which he denyed, and called it onely a visiting of his patron the earl; which he might do, either secretly or otherwise. A courier was dispatched in post to the court, to know the emperor’s will: who commanded him to be brought to the castle Pirglitz, situate three miles from Prague. Mr. Dyer was, as I take it, on the 11th of May sent for up to the court, with the secretary and another counsillor, that conducted him in good convenient sort home again. Thesecretary I spake withal afterwards, who commended him for his grave behaviour and answers, and added this praise of him, that he had so great a grace in court, as non potuimus ullo modo par referre. Those were his words.

What will be the conclusion, I know not. The action is laesae majestatis: which the emperor intends. To have him openly executed there is no fear, because the earl of Rosenberg will earnestly interpose himself. And in Bohemia it is rule, that his majesty dares do nothing without the earl’s consent, being burgrave of Prague, the immediate person and officer under the crown. If difference should arise between them, the emperor hath cause to think upon his own security, matters going not so, as the people would, in the regiment. Who wait upon such an occasion to work a change in the state. Secretly in the castle it may be done, and the earl not know otherwise than that he liveth, or is dead by disease: almost grown now to be a common practice in the empire, and in the palatine, especially noted that way. This I fear is either clone already, or will be done. His servants shall no doubt be set at liberty. One of them, I hear, was racked. Mr. Dyer at his return from the court, where he made his answers before the counsillors, was not fully free, as far as I could hear, by the French agents means.

It was a great cross that kept me from Mr. Dyer, sir Edward Kelly, and the rest of the English: the action being treason drew the whole nation into jealousy. And for my part, I had rather be quiet and still.