PREVIOUS CHAPTER - NEXT CHAPTER - HELP - GR VIDEOS - GR YOUTUBE - TWITTER - SD1 YOUTUBE APP5-1 — Dr. Cottisford became rector of Lincoln College March 2, 1518, continued such till January 7th, 1538, and died in 1540: he was appointed Commissary by archbishop Warham, the chancellor, in room of Dr. Musgrave, the preceding Commissary, who died in August A. D. 1527: Dr. Martin Lindsey, fellow of Lincoln, acted till Michaelmas, and Dr. Cottisford took the oaths of office December 7th following: he continued Commissary during the remainder of Warham’s life, and resigned his office to the Proctors August 26th, 1532. (See Wood’s “Fasti Oxonienses,” editions by Gutch and Bliss.) The above date of Cottisford’s appointment to be Commissary is important, as contributing to prove that the persecution of Garret and the other Reformers at Oxford happened in the year 1528. (See p. 421 of this volume.) APP5-2 “Which Frith…went over the sea.” ] — As Frith was not released from prison till August 1528 at the soonest (for it was after the death of Clerk, Sumner, and Bayly in that month, see the previous context), and Garret was abjured by the cardinal the following November (see vol. 4:p. 608), it is evident that he did not flee to the continent till about that time; so that if he were absent two years, he could not have returned to England till toward the close of 1530. APP5-3 . “For exhibition of the prior of Reading (as is thought), and had the prior over with him.” ] — This prior of Reading was strongly suspected of heresy at the time that Garret was in trouble at Oxford, as will appear by one of the letters printed from the Public Records at the end of this Appendix, No. VI. He was in consequence imprisoned, and the following extract from the Wolsey Correspondence, in the Chapter House, vol. 5. No. 102, shows the probable period and occasion of his release. Stephen Gardiner, then secretary to the king, writes to Wolsey, September 7th, 1529: — “The King’s Highness willed me to write unto your Grace, that suit being made unto him in favor of the prior of Reading, who for Luther’s opinion is now in prison and hath been a good season at your Grace’s commandment, that unless the matter be most notable and very heinous, he desireth your Grace, at his request, to cause the said Prior to be restored to liberty, and discharged of that imprisonment.” APP5-4 “Leonard Cox.” ] — A native of Caerleon, Monmouth, studied at Cambridge, and became a popular philological writer under Henry VIII., from whom he had a house at Reading and a yearly pension of 10l. He traveled much on the Continent, and formed there an extensive acquaintance. He defended the doctrine of justification by faith in Christ. He was intimate with Erasmus, and translated ‘his paraphrase of the Epistle to Titus into English, and was yet living in the reign of Edward VI. His “Arte or crafte of Rhetoricke,” printed in 1524, was dedicated to Hugh Farringdon, a patron of critical studies and the last abbot of Reading. APP5-5 “The first occasion of his writing was this.” ] — The matter, from hence to the top of the next page, will be found in Hall’s Chronicle, anno 26 Henry VIII. APP5-6 “The whole effect of which disputation consisted specially in these four points.” ] — The substance of this account, is extracted, from the Preface to Frith’s “Boke answering unto M. More’s letter. By the following copy of a portion it will be seen, however, that Foxe has paraphrased the statement (as he has also Frith’s letter to his Friends, p. 11), apparently to render it clearer or less assailable: - “I chaunced being in these partyes to be in company wyth a Chrysten Brother which for his commendable conversacion and sober behavyoure myght better be a Byshoppe than many that were myters, if the rule of saint Paul were regarded in their election. This brother after moche communicacion desired to know my minde as touching the sacrament of the body and blonde of our Savior Chryst. Whiche thing I opened unto hym accordynge to the gyft that God had geven me. First I proved unto hym that it was no artycle of oure faythe necessarye to be beleved under payne of dampnacyon. Then I declared that Chryste had a natural bodye even as mine ye (saving synne), and that it could no more be in two places at ones, then rayne can. Thirdlye I shewed hym that yt was not necessarye that the wordes shulde be so understonde as they sownde. But that yt might be a phrase of scrypture, as ther are innumerable. After that I shewed him certein such phrases and maner of speakinges. And that it was well used in our Englyshe tongue. And fnally I recyted after what maner they myght receyve ye accordyng to Chrystes institucion, not fearyng the frowarde alteracion, that the Prests use contrary to the first forme and institucion. “When I had suffycyentlye publyshed my minde, he desyred me to entitle the somme of my wordes and write them for him because they seemed over large to be well reteyned in memorye. And albeit I was loth to take the matter in hande, yet to fulfyl his instaunte intercession, I toke upon me to touche thys terryble tragedye, and wrote a treatyse, which besyde my paynfull impresonment is lyke to purchase me most cruell death; which I am ready and gladde to receyve wyth the spyryte and inwarde man (although the flesh be frayle) when so ever it shall please God to lay yt upon me.” From the edition “newly revised,” printed in the yeare of our Lord 1548. APP5-7 “Celarent.” ] — See the Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 573. APP5-8 — Vide Aug. de utilitat, poenitent, cap. 11. APP5-9 “The first St. Augustine declareth in these words writing against Faustus.”] — Lib. 19. cap. 11. APP5-9A “After this they alleged the place of St. Augustine, ‘He was carried in his own hand.’ “ ] — But this language is owing to Augustine’s misconception of the meaning of the Greek translation of the Psalms. “Mirum est adversarios malle Angustini verba in absurdissimum sensum (ut infra patebit) violenter detorquere, quam eis commodam et cum caeteris ejus hypothesibus consentaneam interpretationem tribuere. Augustinus enim ad hanc applicationem deductus est ex linguae Graecae imperitia. Nam in libro primo Regum ubi de Davide agebatur, versio Septuaginta interpretum legebat parefe>reto ejn tai~v cersi Augustinus autem cum prae linguae ignorantia legeret auJtou~ , pro aujtw~n nec sciret quid parafe>resqai apud Graecos significaret, erronee sic vertebat, ferebatur in manibus suis . Colligo jam summum Augustiniani loci: Dominus ferebat corpus suum, cum diceret, hoc est corpus meum : hoc est, ferebat illud quodammodo ; id est, ferebat sacramentum corpotis sui , id est panem ferebat in manibus . Quid hoc in rem adversariorum? “ De Eucharistice sacrament, auth. Edm.
Albertino (Davent. 1654) pp. 653-4, 657. See vol. 6 infra, p. 496.
Augustine in Psalm 33 enar. 2. Section 2, writes, “ipse se portabut quodammodo.”
APP5-10 “Then they alleged a place of Chrysostome.” ] — De Poenit.
Hom. 9 tom. 11 p. 412, edit. Paris, 1834. “Locum tum a Perronio saepissime tum ab aliis adversariorum magna cum exultatione objectum, velut primarium…Sed intoleranda prorsus est, aut eorum supinitas, Graecum Chrysostomi textum consulere negligentium, aut inscitia non intelligentium, aut fraus dissimulantium. Primo enim pauca sana in illorum versione. Sic reddendus erat ex Graeco Chrysostomi locus: Ne, quod panis est, aspicias, ne, quod vinum est, arbitreris. Non enim ut caeteri sibi in secessum abit. Absit: ne id putes. Sicut enim cera igni apposita nihil scoriae ejicit, nihil excrementi (hoc est tota comburitur et in ignem vertitur), sic et hic puta mysteria consumi cum corporis substantia . Deinde illius sensum mirum in modum depravant. Nam quando Chrysostomus ait, ne, quod panis est, aspicias ; mens ipsius nullomodo est, panem non amplius esse; sed, etsi panis sit, non ad eum tanquam ad panem, sed tanquam ad sacramentum, esse attendendum: In signis enim inquit Augustinus (De Doctr. Christ. lib. 2. c. 1) ne quis attendat quod sunt, sed potius quod signs sunt . Nam haec loquendi formula apud Chrysostomum usitatissima est, qua dicit non esse aspiciendum quod aliquid est, non negans id esse, imo contra supponens esse, sed prohibens tantummodo sub tali ratione intueri.”
Albertinus de Eucharistiae Sacram. (Daventriae, 1654) p. 576. See also Cranmer’s Works, vol. 2. p. 341.
APP5-11 “One doctor Cook.” ] — This was Dr. Laurence Cooke, who succeeded the late Dr. Forman October 31st, 1528, as rector of All Saints Honey Lane, but resigned in June 1537, when Garret succeeded as rector, and remained such till his martyrdom in 1540. (Reg. Stokesly and Bonner.) See Foxe’s Life of Frith, prefixed to his works, and the note infra on p. 427.
APP5-12 “The rigorous proclamation above specified.”] — See vol. 4. pp. 666, 667.
APP5-12A “Jeffery Lome, sometime porter to St. Anthony’s school.” ] — For “porter” read “usher,” ostiarius being the Latin: Todd Johnson derives usher from huis , Fr. a door. St. Anthony’s school was in Threadneedle-street, where the French church formerly stood, now the Hall of Commerce: it rivalled St. Paul’s school in reputation: Sir Thomas More was educated there. The following Articles are abbreviated from the Tunstall Register, fol. 136 verso; the full Articles and Recantation are printed from the Register among the Documents at the end of this Appendix.
APP5-13 “John Raimand, a Dutchman.” ] — Mr. Anderson, in his “Annals of the English Bible,” London, 1845, vol. 1:p. 163, thinks, that for “Raimund” we should read “Ruremonde ,” a considerable town in the Netherlands, the birthplace of Mercator, and probably of this printer and his brother Christopher; his name is given by Panzer and Le Long as Hans van Roemundt. Thus Christopher Endhoven, the printer at Antwerp, was doubtless named from Endhoven, another considerable town in the Netherlands. This John Ruremonde is probably the Dutchman, whom Robert Necton deposed in the spring of this year (see Strype, 1. ch. 8) had sold him 200 or 300 English Testaments about Christmas before, but was then in the Fleet.
APP5-14 “Roger Whaplod .”] — See the Appendix to vol. 4 noteon p. 197, line 11 from the bottom. His name also occurs in a Document at the end of this Appendix, No. 4.
APP5-15 — John Tyndale was the younger brother of William Tyndale: he was joined in the same penance with Thomas Patmore, draper, mentioned at p. 34: see the note hereafter on that page.
APP5-16 “William Stacy, Tyler.”] — An early and zealous promoter of the Gospel: see vol. 4:pp. 585, 681, and the bottom of this page.
APP5-17 “Lawrence Maxwell, Tyler .”] — This Maxwell is in all the editions called Taylor or Tailor: but it is evident that the a has crept in by mistake: see Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 585.
APP5-18 “What became of him,” etc.] — Philip was detained in prison by Stokesly till the year 1534. in that year, taking advantage probably of the feelings excited among the people by the death of Frith, he complained to the House of Commons against Stokesly, who refused, however, to appear at their bar: this led to the statute of 1534 (see pp. 45, 66, of this volume), which abolished that of 2 Henry IV., empowering the bishops ‘ex officio’ to commit to prison persons suspected of heresy. Not only did Philip thus escape, but Thomas Patmore, who had been confined as long, obtained a commission from Audley, Cromwell, and Cranmer, to inquire into “the injurious and unjust dealings” of both More and Stokesly. Philip’s Articles and Petition are printed from the Chapter House Papers, at the end of this Appendix, No. 2.
APP5-19 — Foxe’s account of William Tracy will be found in Hall’s Chronicle. The disgusting treatment of Tracy’s dead body is referred to by Pilkington, in his Sermon before the University of Cambridge, as related infra vol. 8 p. 292. A letter of his son, complaining of the shameful indignity, from the State Paper Office, is printed among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 3 Chancellor Parker, who was ordered to raise and burn Tracy’s remains, was the same individual before whom Tyndale was convened ten or twelve years before, and “rated by him as though he had been a dog.” (See p. 116 of this volume.) Tracy’s will was likewise condemned under the common seal of the University of Oxford, Jan. 28th, 1531 (Gutch’s Fasti Oxon. vol. 2 p. 51).
APP5-20 — Here ends the passage from Hall.
APP5-21 “About six weeks before Master Bilney was attached.”] — See Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 642.
APP5-22. “Ye use to go on pilgrimage to our lady of Grace, of Walsingham.” ] — “So superstitious, so weak and credulous were the commonalty, that they believed (as they were then imposed upon and taught) the Galaxias , or what is called in the sky the Milky-way , was appointed by Providence to point out the particular place and residence of the Virgin beyond all other places, and was on that account generally in that age called Walsingham-way; and I have heard old people of this country so to call and distinguish it some years past.” (Blomefield’s Norfolk, vol. 9 p. 280.)
The people” wyll make comparysons betwene our lady of Ipswyche and our lady of Walsyngam. As wenynge that one ymage more of power then the other; which they wolde never do, but yf in stede of our lady they put theyr truste in the ymage selfe. And the people in spekynge of our lady; Of all our ladyes sayth one, I love best our lady of Walsyngam. And I sayth the other our lady of Ipswyche. In whiche wordys what menyth she but her love and her affeccyon to the stocke that standyth in the chapell of Walsyngam or Ipswyche.” (Sir Thomas More’s Dyaloge, book 1 chap. 17.)
APP5-23 . “Thomas Patmore, draper.”] — The following passage from the Foxian Papers, Harl. MSS. No. 425, fol. 15, is worth recording here: — “There were, soon after the coming over of the New Testaments in English, translated by William Tyndale, which he sent to his brother John Tyndale, a merchant, apprehended the said John Tyndale and Thomas Patmore, a merchant, and a young man that dwelt about London Bridge, by the bishop of London, and brought before Sir Thomas More, being the Chancellor, and by him committed to ward.
After, they were brought forth before the lords in the Star Chamber, and there were charged with the receiving of Tyndale’s Testaments and divers other books, and delivering and scattering the same abroad in divers places of the city of London; which they confessed, and therefore had judgments — That they should be sent to the Counter of London, and there to remain until the next market-day, and then each of them to be set upon a horse, and their faces to the horse’s tail, and to have papers upon their heads, and upon their outward apparel, that is to say, upon their gowns and cloaks, to be tacked or pinned thick with the said New Testaments and other books. And at the Standard in Chepe should be made a great fire, whereinto every of them should throw their said books; and farther, to abide such fines, to be paid to the king, as should be assessed upon them; which penance they observed. This is extant to be seen in the records of the Star Chamber.”
In the margin of this MS. is the following notandum: — “A foul faute, page 1195, for this some 18 thousand 148 pounds and 10 pence, ye have printed 148 pounds and 10 pence” — referring to the sum which the clergy of the province of York fined to the king for being in the premunire. Strype mistook this for the fine imposed on these three prisoners; and others, following Strype, have reckoned their fine at 200,000l. apiece. From Foxe’s own account, at top of next page, it seems the fine was left for the bishop to fix, for Patmore was fined 100l. by Stokesly.
APP5-24 — The brother here alluded to, was Thomas Philip: see the note before on p. 30. Patmore was restored to his living.
APP5-25 — This Christopher cannot be either of the printers mentioned in the note on p. 27 for Christopher Ruremonde continued in business till 1541; and it is not likely to have been Endhoven.
APP5-26 “The child bishop, called St. Nicholas.” ] — See vol. 7 p. 596, note (7); also vol. 1. p. 86; vol. 8 p. 222.
APP5-27 “For saying that Bilney was a good man,” etc. ] — See Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 643, line 33. This Lobley is also mentioned at pp. 386, 410, of this volume, and at p. 586 of vol. 4.
APP5-28 “William Smith, Tailor.” ] — See vol. 4 p. 681.
APP5-29 “Bilney preached true at Wilsdon.” ] — “I herde ones when I was a chylde the good Scottyshe Freer father Donolde, whom I reken surely for a saynt, if there be any in heaven. I herde him preche at Paule’s cross that our lady was a virgin; and yet at her pilgrimage he made many a foul meeting. And so loud he cried out; ye men of London gange on your self with your wives to Wyllesdon in the devyl’s name, or else keep them at home with you with sorrow.” — (The objector in Sir Thomas More’s Dyaloge, book 1 chap. 17, fol. verso.)
APP5-30 Foxe says “A. D. 1534; “ but Hall, whom Foxe cites for his authority, places all this correctly under the 23d of Henry VIII., and Jan. 15th 23d Henry VIII. would be A. D. 1532. The fact is, that the Parliament, which met January 15th A. D. 1534, consummated the measures initiated in that which met Jan. 15th A. D. 1532. (See Parry’s Councils and Par]laments of England; and all the Historians.) Foxe himself indicates the progressive nature of the measure both here and at p. 66, where he refers to this passage. Hence “1534” has been changed in the text into “1532,” though this change renders the words immediately preceding (“next or second year following”) inaccurate, for they respect the last date mentioned, i.e. 1533 but Foxe expressly quotes Hall, 23 Hen. VIII.; and lower down in the page he says that the king married Lady Anne Bullen” in this present year,” an event which happened about November 1532.
APP5-31 — Foxe here represents Henry as having obtained the opinions of the Universities on the subject of the Divorce before ever he applied to the Pope; but he represents the case differently, and no doubt more correctly, at pp. 50, 54, 56, where it is expressly shown that he applied first to the pope in 1528, and to the Universities in 1530.
Cranmer is commonly said to have suggested the application to the Universities when the king was at Waltham, in August 1529; and the Instruments sent by the Universities, printed by Burner in his Records, are all dated within the year 1530 (see the note infra, on p. 56). The king early obtained the opinions of some divines, English and foreign, in favor of the divorce, and in his speech at Bridewell, Nov. 8th, 1528, he expressly mentions this circumstance, but makes no allusion to the Universities (see pp. 48, 49 of this volume). Cavendish, indeed, in his Life of Wolsey, claims for his master Wolsey the honor of having suggested the application to the Universities; but as he goes on to state the production of their replies before the Parliament, which did not take place till the year after Wolsey’s death (see p. 56 of this volume), it is probable that Cavendish has confounded the opinions of the foreign Universities with those of the Divines, the obtaining of which might have been suggested by Wolsey. Collier embraces Cavendish’s account, but one of his reasons for so doing has no force (see the note infra on p. 56).
APP5-32 — Respecting this embassy of Gardiner and Foxe to Rome in the spring of 1528, see more at p. 656 of this volume, and vol. 4 pp. — 608, and Appendix on p. 681.
APP5-33 “Sent Cardinal Campeius (as is said) into England, joined with the Cardinal of York.” ] — See vol. 4 p. 608, and the note thereon in the Appendix. Campeius arrived in London, according to Hall, Oct. 9th, 1528. A commission was first given to Wolsey to try the cause, dated “Orvieto, Id. April. pontif, anno quinto,” i.e. April 18th, 1528: a joint commission to Wolsey and Campegio was given the same year, dated Viterbo, 6 Id. Junii, i.e. June 8th, 1528; both of which documents are printed in Rymer.
APP5-34 “These twenty years almost.” ] — The Queen also presently says — “I have been married to him almost twenty years.” As they were married June 7th, 1509, and the present month was November, these speeches were made in 1528.
APP5-35 — Foxe here expressly asserts, that Henry did not apply to the Universities till after his application to the Pope: see the note on p. 47.
APP5-36 — Rymer gives a royal license to the legates to proceed with the cause, dated “Windsor, May 80, an. Regni vicesimo primo:” i.e. 1529:
Foxe is therefore mistaken in dating this 1530. There is some difficulty in making out the exact truth as to all the circumstances of the Process before the legates, the accounts vary so much. In the Addends to his History, Burner corrects some things in his previous Account of the Process: he considers that he had followed too implicitly the historians of the time, and states that he had subsequently obtained from Dr.
More, Ep. of Ely, a great collector of Records, a sight of the original Register of the Commission, attested by the registrar and the clerk of the court. From this source he has made several corrections of his former account. Foxe’s narrative is chiefly taken from Hall.
APP5-37 “I personally to appear, or by their proctors.” ] — Foxe, in all the editions except the first, here says, “As cited by Dr. Sampson to appear;” as if Dr. Sampson were appointed to serve the citation both on the king and queen: whereas it appears from the Register of the Commission in Burner, that the bishop of Lincoln was appointed by Campegio to summon the king, and the bishop of Bath and Wells the queen; and that the king appeared by two proxies, Dr. Richard Sampson, dean of the Chapel Royal, and Mr. John Bell. Hence the reading of the. first edition is retained.
APP5-38 “The king came to the court, and the queen came also.” ] — the original Register (quoted by Burnet in his Addends) states that the king never appeared in person at all, and the queen only the first time, June 18th, so that all these speeches must be invented by the historians.
The Register states that the cardinals rejected the queen’s appeal on the 18th June, and pronounced her “Contumax;” but gave her till June 21st, when, for non-appearance they again pronounced her “Contumax,” and gave her till June 25th, when she sent her appeal in writing, which is extant: whereupon she was a third time pronounced “Contumax,” and proceeded “ex officio” to frame 12 Articles, on which they examined witnesses at successive meetings of June 28, July 5, 9, 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, and 23, on which last day Campegio adjourned, for the Roman Harvest Vacation, to October lst. — A citation of the queen is given in Rymer, dated June 26th: and in another document printed by Rymer, dated July 1st, eight bishops approve of the proposed inquiry.
APP5-39 . “The first bull granted by Julius II.” ] — This Bull, or rather Brief (for such was its real character, and this is one proof of its forgery), was alleged to have been discovered in the papers of D. de Puebla, Spanish ambassador in England when the marriage took place. (See Burner, who shows its want of genuineness.) There is a copy of it among the Records at the Rolls House.
APP5-40 — See the Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 632, line 30, for explanation of “St. Asse.”
APP5-41 “From week to week protracted the matter till toward the end of July.” ] — Foxe’s text has, “from month to month protracted the matter till the month of August.” But in the first edition, from which the words are quoted, Foxe is taking a general and brief survey of the whole process from beginning to end: as here introduced, the words must be taken to describe a particular and somewhat advanced stage of the business; so that they require modification, otherwise they would render the present narrative inaccurate.
APP5-42 “Insomuch that Charles duke of Suffolk,” etc.] — Burnet (Addenda) says that the original Record of the Trial states what noblemen were present each day, and does not mention the presence of the duke of Suffolk or of Wolsey on this last day. Burnet, therefore, doubts the accuracy of this representation.
APP5-43 — Foxe misdates this “A. D. 1530.”
APP5-44 — The Emperor was gone to be crowned at Bologna. A commission to these ambassadors is in Rymer, dated “London, January 21st, anno regni vicesimo primo;” i.e. A. D. 1530. It calls Stokesly bishop elect of London. He was enthroned July 1530.
APP5-45 “A proclamation of the king,” etc. ] — This proclamation of Henry’s is properly dated September 16th, 1530 (see Hall and Stow): it was issued in consequence Of Henry’s finding that the Pope was unwilling to decide for the divorce, for fear of offending the Emperor.
His ambassadors had been therefore acting with decision, and intimating that the patience of the English was exhausted, and the king would take other measures’ Henry, expecting daily an excommunication or interdict to be launched against him, issues this proclamation, to prevent its coming into the kingdom. (See Rapin and Burnet.)
APP5-46 — The determinations of these different bodies are given in Rymer, Anne Dom. 1530, indictione tertia: — Angers, dated May 7:
Paris, May 23: Bourges, June 10: Paris, July 2d: Tholeuse, September 17th: Ferrata, September 24th: Padua, September 22d. If produced in March, it could not be earlier than 1531: the only apparent exception as to the year in which they were furnished, is in the case of Orleans, the instrument from thence being dated April 5th, 1539. Collier seizes on this as an argument against the truth of Foxe’s story about Cranmer, infra, vol. 8:p. 6, which relates to August 1529; more than four months after the apparent date of the Orleans instrument. Collier on this ground prefers the statement of Cavendish, attributing to Wolsey the original suggestion of applying to the Universities. The date of the Orleans instrument however is only an apparent exception to that of the other; for at that period the year in France commenced at Easter (see Nicolas’s Chron. of Hist.), and Easter fell in 1530 on April 17th, so that April 5th previous would be set down to the year 1529.
APP5-47 “Bourges in Berry.” ] — Bonner in his letter to Cromwell uses this same phrase at p. 159 of this volume. Foxe here reads corruptly “Bourges or Berry.”
APP5-48 “The first day of September, being Friday.” ] — A very curious document relative to this affair, among the Chapter House Papers at the Rolls House, is printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 4 it is a formal presentment by the Attorney-General to Sir Thomas More of sundry clergymen and laymen as having been concerned in opposing the bishop of London on this occasion: Foxe’s account is taken from Hall, and is substantially correct, though the document in question gives a more detailed and probably more accurate account.
APP5-49 — Sir Thomas Pargitor is mentioned in the list of mayors in Maitland’s London as elected 1530, so that he would be in office September 1531.
APP5-50 — This short paragraph of two lines is put in by the Editor, in order to affix the true date to the transactions mentioned in this and the next page, which otherwise would be undated: for it has been deemed advisable, for the sake of rendering Foxe’s narrative clearer, to transpose a considerable portion of his text from this place to p. 66, where it will be found, beginning Mention was made a little before, and ending “queen Anne his wife “in p. 68. This parliament of adjourned May 14 th to February 4th, 1533, and that session adjourned April 7th to January 15th, 1534.
APP5-51 — This oath, as to the exact language of it, bears the construction above put upon it by the king, which seems to have been first suggested to him by Cromwell (see p. 367 of this volume.) Bossuet, however, contends (Hist. Var. c. 7, p. 286), that he and every French bishop took that oath with a mental reservation, limiting it to spirituals: this may serve to account for Cranmer’s having taken such an oath, especially when he added a formal protestation limiting the oath, which Bossuet, however, deems “fort inutile.”
APP5-52 “The oath of the clergy to the king.”] — Archbishop Warham recorded in his Register a protest against the king’s proceedings, February 9th, in which he says that whatsoever statutes had passed or were to pass in this present parliament, to the prejudice of the pope or the apostolic see, or that derogated from or lessened the ecclesiastical authority or liberties of his see of Canterbury, he did not consent unto them, but disowned and dissented from them.” (See Wilkins, in. p. 746.)
APP5-53 — Sir Thomas More resigned the chancellorship May 16th, 1532, when the king (on the 20th) committed it to Sir Thomas Audley, with the title of “Lord Keeper; “ and in September, when a new seal was given him, it was still with no higher title. Sir Thomas More continued to act as a law officer through the rest of the year, and the title of “Lord Chancellor” was not transferred from him to Audley till January 26th of the next year, when Audley delivering the seal to the king, he kept it only a quarter of an hour, and then returned it to him with the title of Lord Chancellor. (Rymer, vol. 14 p. 446.)
APP5-54 — Strype places these preachings in the year 1532. The person presently mentioned, Thomas Abel, was found guilty of misprision of treason in the affair of Elizabeth Barton, the nun of Kent, in 1534 (see p. 63 of this volume), and in 1540 he was executed for refusing to take the oath of supremacy (see p. 438). An Answer to Abel’s book is printed in Strype’s Appendix to his Memorials, vol. 1 No. 39. The King’s Book presently mentioned is different from that mentioned at p. 656, note, which was written before March 1528, at which time it was presented to the pope.
APP5-55 — The time of this marriage has been differently stated. The earliest and most authentic account is that of Cranmer, who in a letter dated June 17th, 1533, says, “She was married much about St. Paul’s day January 25]” and adds he was not resent’ “I knew not therefore [for] a fortennight after it was done.” (Ellis’s Letters, 2:p. 39.) Wyatt, Stow, and Godwin say January 25th. Hall, Cowper, Holinshead, and Sanders, say November 1532; and Foxe follows this date.
APP5-56 “Books of the Germans, as Francis Lambert ‘De Sectis.’ “ ] — Some notice has been taken of this writer in the Appendix to vol. note on p. 558; to which may here be added the following passage of his own writing, describing a few of the circumstances which induced him to enter (as he did, at an early age) into the order of the Observantines: the same means are taken, we are well aware, in our own day to captivate the inexperienced. “Apud Avenionam inclytam Galliarum urbem, me tenello adhuc puero existente, patre defuncto, et Christi Spiritu animum pueri ad meliora solicitante, occurrit externus ille Minoritarum (quos Observantes vocant) splendor, multam sanctitatis speciem habens, quos tales fore interne puerili aestimatione sentiebam. Admirabar in illis tegumentorum decentiam, vultus demissos, oculorum inclinationem, suavissima fictae pietatis eloquia, pedes nudos, sandaliis calepodiisque utentes.
Laudabam in iis gestuum gravitatem, incessum maturum, brachia complicata, exquisitos et eosdem expolitos praedicandi gestus; et similia quaeque. At ignorabam lupinum illud vulpinumque pectus, sub vestimentis ovium latens.” Schelhorn. Amcenitates Literariae (Francof. 1730) tom. 3. pp. 313, 314.
The full title of the particular work here mentioned is as follows: “In regulam Minoritarum et contra universas perditionis sectas Fr.
Lamberti commentarii vere evangelici, denuo per ipsum recogniti,” etc.
Argentorati, 1525. See Freytag’s “Analecta Literaria,” p. 508; and Dr.
M’Cries Miscellaneous Writings,” p. 105. A copy of the work is in Sion College Library.
APP5-57 “About the same time died William Warham,” etc. ] -This paragraph has been brought back here from p. 64, where it stands in Fox quite after date.
APP5-58 “Being after so called by act of parliament.” ] — Foxe says “being then so called,” etc.: but see note infra on p. 64.
APP5-59 “The seventh day of September being a Sunday.” ] (Hall. This is the true date, the original letter to the king announcing the birth (now in the Harleian MSS. No. 283) is dated this day from Greenwich.
Cranmer’s letter to Hawkins misdates it a week later. (Turner.)
APP5-60 “Ye heard before, how the queen, after called princess dowager,” etc.] — This paragraph in Foxe begins thus: “Ye heard before how the parliament had enacted that no person, after a certain day, should appeal to Rome for any cause: notwithstanding which act the queen, now called princess dowager, had appealed to the court of Rome before that act made; so that it was doubted whether that appeal was good or not.” The Act against Appeals, here referred to by Foxe, is certainly placed by him previous to this sentence.’ but being in this edition transposed to its. true chronological, position. (p. 66), the first clause of the above sentence required to be modified. Besides, the sentence clearly involves a self-contradiction; for it states that she appealed to Rome “notwithstanding” i.e. in spite of, and therefore after the Act restraining Appeals; yet it is presently asserted that she appealed “before that Act made.” This latter statement is correct, for Katharine appealed in June 1528 (see p. 51): but the first Act restraining Appeals was the result of this 1533, 24 Hen. VIII. cap. 12; it was not, however, confirmed till the following year, by royal letters patent dated July 9th, 1534 (see Rapin and Burnet). The Act for calling Katharine “princess dowager” was not passed till 1534, Statutes 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 22.
APP5-61 . “This divorce following after the new marriage. ] — It seems probable that the private marriage of Anne Bullen was preceded by a private divorce of Catharine. (See Turner’s Hist. of Hen. VIII. 2:p. 333, note.)
APP5-62 “Mention was made,” etc.] — The entire passage, from hence to “queen Anne his wife” in p. 68, is brought hither from p. 58. (See the note above on that page.)
APP5-63 — The occasion of this Act, in restraint of the persecuting power of the bishops, is explained in a previous note on p. 30, line 17.
APP5-64 “Queen Anne his wife.” ] — Here ends the passage brought from p. 58: see last note.
APP5-65 “An Act,” etc.] — This Act is given in the Statutes at Large, cap. 1; it was passed in the parliament which sat November 3d-December 18th, 1534. The penalty annexed to the breach of this Act is given at p. 114.
The Convocation which sat at the same time before their rising addressed the king, December 19th, through Cranmer, to command all his subjects who had in their possession any books of suspected doctrine, especially in the vulgar tongue, imprinted beyond or this side the sea, to bring them in within three months under a penalty to be limited by him: moreover, that his Majesty would he pleased to decree that the Scriptures should be translated into the vulgar tongue by some honest and learned men to be nominated by the king, and to be delivered to the people according to their learning. A sort of compromise between the two parties.
APP5-66 “The general sentence which is usually accustomed to be read four times in the year.” ] — This is reprinted by Strype, Mem. 1.
Records, No. 46, with this title: “The General Sentence or Curse used to be read to the people four times in the year, Taken out of the Festival, printed by Wynkyn de Worde, 1532.”
APP5-67 — This oath of Stephen Gapdiner is printed in Wilkins’s Concilia; also the oath of Dr. Roland Lee, bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, dated “27 die Feb. Hen. VIII. vicesimosexto.” [-1535].
APP5-68 — The passage here referred to by Tonsall has been interpolated in the papal editions of Cyprian, Romae, 1563; Paris, 1726, p. 195, and Paris, 1836, p. 172, in order to make it support the supremacy of St. Peter, and so (it is imagined) of the bishop of Rome. Baluze intended honestly to have omitted the interpolated words (see notes p. 545, edit. Paris, 1726), but the succeeding Editor replaced them, and cut down Baluze’s notes and altered them beside, before they would suit. See James’s “Corruption of Scripture, Councils, and Fathers,” pp. 75-83, edit. Lend. 1843, for a full account of the original depravation of the passage.
APP5-69 “Wrote to Celestine at that time being bishop of Rome.”] — See Pet. de Marca, “Concordia Sacerdotii et Imperii,” lib. 4. cap. 15, Section 9. See also the narrative of the circumstances here referred to, in vol. 1:of this Edition, p. 32.
APP5-70 “In the general council of Constantinople (the first).] — In Labbe’s collection, tom. 2:col. 948; or, according to the version in Isidore Mercator, col. 958.
APP5-71 — “Pro Ecclesiastes unitatis Defens.” lib. 3. fol. 78 verso, edit.
Argent. 1555. See Turner’s Hist. of Henry the Eighth, book 1. chap. 28, end.
APP5-72 “Yet, notwithstanding his master’s high legacy and commandment, would flee,” etc.] — The circumstance here alluded to is recorded in vol. 1. p. 101. Besides Hegesippus, the authority there referred to, Origen (in Joan. tom. 20 Section 12), quoting the apocryphal book, ‘the Acts of St. Paul,’ introduces one of the expressions made use of in the story, which Ambrose has detailed at some little length (In Aux. Epist. lib. 5. Ep. 32).
But as Basnage remarks: “Ignoseant Ambrosiani cineres, si de hac traditione multi nobis injiciantur sampulli Primum enim trecentis amplius annis igtaota fuit, etsi bene multi martyrii Petrini mentionem moverint. Deinde non satis conspirat cum Scripture: Cum enim imminentis sibi supplicii Petms Christum jam monitorem habuisset, Scio cite futurum ut deponam tabernaeulum beum, sicut Dominus noster Jesus Christus declaravit mihi, nil opus erat miraeulosae et Servatoris et apparitione, et declaratione Fade iterum Romam crucifigi.
Quae si vere est, posterior ille esse debuit, eujus Petaes memrit in ‘Epistola, quae libera non catenafft manu exarata est.” (Annales Politico-Ecclesiastes ad an. 65, Section 3.)
The church of Rome has, as usual, made her use of the tradition (see Cave’s Life of St. Peter, sect. 9, Section 6); and Baronius, with the help of Pseudo-Linus, embraces it manfully — “Traditionis incredibilitatem adauget Baronins, qui Petrum e careere aufugisse scribit: Non deerat, inquit, ad haec praestanda eardris custodum officium Processi et Meartiniani quos Petrus initiaverat sacro baptismate. Fugiebant quidem Apestoll, antecuam raperentur in carcerera.
Inauditum autem est ipsos unquam arripuisse aegam e custodie publicae, quo facto multis offensionem movissent.” (Basnage, ut supra.
See also Tillemont’s Memoires, tom. 1. pt. 2. art. 35, and notes, 12mo edit.)
APP5-73 — Theophylact here copies Chrysostom, Hem. 23 in Rom.
Section 1.
APP5-74 — Fisher and More were attainted for misprision of treason in the parliament which sat Nov. 3d to Dec. 18th, 1534, and executed, Fisher June 22d, More July 6th, 1535.
APP5-75 — See above, p. 6, and vol. 4. pp. 619, 688, 692, for the martyrdoms referred to.
APP5-76 “Gardeviance.” ] — See Appendix to vol. 2. note on p. 279.
APP5-77 — For the Act itself see before, p. 69.
APP5-78 — Tyndale was probably the son of Thomas Tyndale, by Alicia Hunt, of North Nibley, in Gloucestershire, and born about 1484, and therefore about 50 years old at his death. (Anderson’s Annals of the English Bible.)
APP5-79 — Tyndale is supposed to have lived at Sir John Walsh’s for about two years, 1520-1522, at Little Sodbury in Gloucestershire. See the note infra on p. 127, line 25.
APP5-80. “Luther and Erasmus.” ] — Tyndale, however, seems like Zuinglius and Lefevre to have received the light independently of Luther or any other man for in his Exposition of the Epistle of St.
John, published in September 1531, he says, that he had “marked” the disposition of the Romish ecclesiastics to quench the truth “above this dozen years:” which carries us back to 1518 or earlier, when he was a private lecturer in divinity at St. Mary Magdalen’s Hall at Oxford, whence he removed in 1519 to Cambridge.
APP5-81 — The bishop’s chancellor mentioned here was the same Dr.
Thomas Parker who dug up and burnt William Tracybones: see p. 31.
APP5-82 “Especially for the great commendation of Erasmus, who in his annotations,” etc.] — Foxe seems here to have mistaken Tyndale’s meaning in a passage of his Preface to the Pentateuch, where he says, The bishop of London came to my remembrance, whom Erasmus (whose tongue maketh of little gnats great elephants, and lifteth up above the stars whoever giveth him a little exhibition) praiseth exceedingly among other, in his Annotations on the New Testament, for his great learning.” The edition of Erasmus’s Testament here referred to was the fourth, printed at Basil 1527, when Tyndale was already abroad; in which edition, in the 6, Capita Argumentorum,” etc. prefixed to the Testament, for the first time Erasmus mentions Tunstall among his patrons; in the editions of 1516, 1519, 1522, he does not mention Tunstall at all. Tyndale must have been attracted, therefore, by Tunstall’s general reputation, afterward so much enhanced by Erasmus’s notice of him in the Preface to his Testament.
APP5-83 “Humphrey Mummuth.” ] — He has been mentioned by Foxe, vol. 4. p. 617. Foxe has probably derived this portion of his narrative partly from Tyndale’s Preface to the Pentateuch, published 1530, and partly from Munmouth’s Letter to Wolsey, out of the Tower, May 19th, 1528, printed by Strype, Mere. 1:Records No. 89. That letter states that Tyndale resided with Munmouth in London more than six months in the year 1523.
APP5-84 — For “1527” read “1525” (see the note following this).
APP5-85 “At his first departing out of the realm, he took his journey into the further parts of Germany, as into Saxony, where he had conference with Luther,” etc.] — Mr. Anderson, in his Annals of the English Bible (London, 1845, p. 44, etc..), strongly disputes the correctness of this representation, on the following grounds. It originated, he thinks, in Sir T. More’s assertions, sent abroad to damage Tyndale’s reputation. Sir Thomas More, indeed, in his “Dialogue” states, “It is to be considered that at the time of this translation, Hychens [that is, Tyndale] was with Luther in Wittenburg, and set certain glosses in the margin [alluding to the quarto edition] framed for the setting forth of that ungracious sect;” and again: “The confederacy between Luther and him is a thing well known, and plainly confessed by such as have been taken, and convicted here of heresy, coming from them.” The confessions, however, of men under torture, and in danger of their lives, prove nothing; and Tyndale, in his Answer to Sir T. More, pointedly denies it: “And when he saith Tyndale was confederate with Luther, that is not truth.” — It appears from Munmouth’s letter, that, after residing with hint above six months, Tyndale (probably at the beginning of 1524) “made his exchange to Hamburgh,” whence he corresponded with Munmouth “within a year after;” during which interval Luther was engaged in his violent controversy with Carolostat, and would not be likely to harbor any man who, like Tyndale, would perfectly differ from him on the Eucharist. From Hamburgh he proceeded to Cologne, probably about April or May f where he was joined by William Roye, a friar observant of the Franciscan order at Greenwich, who became his amanuensis. Here he printed, first the Gospel of St. Matthew with a Prologue, and the Gospel of St. Mark; also Luther’s Preface to the Epistle to the Romans, which had been translated into Latin by Justin Jonas in 1522-3, and therefore Tyndale did not necessarily translate it from the German, as Bishop Marsh has said; moreover, Tyndale added to the original nearly half as much more.
He then proceeded with a quarto edition of the New Testament with marginal glosses, and had proceeded as far as sheet K, when the work was stopped by John Cochlaeus, who gives a full narrative of the affair in his Corn. de Actis et Scriptis Martini Lutheri, Mogunt. 1549, or Cologn. 1568, pp. 153-156. From Cologne Tyndale and Roy e contrived to escape with the sheets already printed to Worms, where they finished the quarto edition of 3000 copies with glosses within the year 1525 (Anderson, p. 63). Only a fragment of this quarto edition is known to exist, containing, however, the title-page and Prologue: it came to light in 1835 at Mr. Rudd’s, the bookseller of Newport Street, London. At the same time he set about an octavo edition without 9losses, which had been read in England as well as the quarto early in 1526. (Id. pp. 65, 66.) Only two copies of this are known to be extant: see Appendix to vol. 4:notes on pp. 617, 667.
Mr. Anderson (p. 153) cites, in confirmation of all this, a letter from Dr. Robert Ridley to Henry Golde, chaplain to archbishop Warham, at Knoll, Feb. 24th, 1527 (Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5:fol. 362, b), and another from Nixe, bishop of Norwich, to Warham, dated Hoxne, June 14th, 1527. (Cotton MSS. Vitell. B. 9:fol. 117, b).
While, therefore, it is probable, in Mr. Anderson’s opinion, that Luther and Tyndale met at some time, it could hardly have been prior to the first publication of his Testament in 1525. Moreover Tyndale, in his reply to More’s Dialogue, positively says, “And when he saith Tyndale was confederate with Luther, that is not truth.”
Lastly, it seems very doubtful whether Tyndale understood German, and could have translated from Luther’s German. George Joye (Anderson, p. 397), when he had picked a quarrel with Tyndale, says, “I am not afraid to answer Master Tyndale in this matter, for all his high learning in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, etc.” And Herman Buschius told Spalatinus, “Wormatiae sex mille exemplaria Novi Testamenti Anglice excusa. Id operis versum esse ab Anglo, illic cum duobus allis Britannis divertente, its septera linguarum perito, Hebraicae, Greecae, Latinae, Italicae, Hispanicae, Britannicae, Gallicae, ut quamcunque loquatur, in ea natum putes.” (Schelhorn, Amcenitates Literaria 3, 4. p. 43].)
APP5-86 . “A customer” ] — in the customs.
APP5-87 — This “servant” who accompanied Phillips was one Gabriel Donne, or Dunne, a monk from Stratford-le-Bow abbey, who had proceeded as a student to Louvain. See two letters of Thomas Theobald, dated Antwerp July 31st, 1535, to Cromwell and Cranmer (Cotton MSS. Galba B. 10:81, 102), which describe the movements of Phillips. His history has been traced out by Mr. Anderson, who shows that he stood proctor for his convent in compounding a dispute between the convent and the vicar of the parish of Westham Feb. 7th, 1517. (Tunstall Register, fol. 145.) He continued for six months at Louvain, aiding Phillips in his persecution of Tyndale, and returned to England in June 1535, when he was appointed by Mr. Secretary Cromwell abbot of Buckfaster, or Buckfastleigh, in Devonshire, worth 1000f marks per annum. He was in St. Paul’s at the convocation of 1536; his name is among those subscribed to the Articles then issued: see Dodd’s Church History. He obtained the prebend of Wilsdon in St.
Paul’s, March 16th, 1541. He was appointed to administer the affairs of the diocese of London on the suspension of Bonner in September 1549, till the appointment of Ridley in April 1550; and died an unaltered man, Dec. 5th, 1558. From his bequests to Trinity Hall, Cambridge, of which Gardiner was Master from 1525 and old Bishop Nixe a great benefactor, we may well conjecture that he was partly educated there, and that he and Phillips were employed by them to circumvent Tyndale.
APP5-88 “Barrois” ] — is Bergen-op-Zoom: it is now much blocked up by the sands of Beveland, but has still a communication by canal with the Scheldt. It gives title to the Marquis of Barough, or Bergen. It is about twenty-four English miles from Antwerp.
APP5-89 “Humanity,” ] — courtesy.
APP5-90 — Vilvorde, Vilvorden, or Villefort, is situate at the confluence of the Senne and Woluwe, half way between Mechlin and Brussels, about eight miles from the former and seven from the latter. The large and strong castle was originally built by Duke Wenceslaus in 1375. It was afterwards employed as a depot for the archives of Brabant, and for state prisoners. It is now succeeded by a large prison and house of correction.
APP5-91 — There is among the Cotton MSS. (Galba B. 10. fol. 60) a letter from Poyntz to his brother John at North Okendon in Essex, who was much about the Court, begging him to exert himself with the king to interpose for Tyndale; it is dated Antwerp, August 25th, 1535, and in consequence of it a letter was written by Cromwell to the marquis of Barough, and another to the archbishop of Palermo, which were sent to Mr. Robert Flegge, a merchant at Antwerp, who acknowledges the receipt of them Sept. 10th in a letter to Cromwell, dated Antwerp Sept. 22, 1535 (Cotton MSS. Galba B. 10. fol. 62).
This archbishop of Palermo was Carondelet, president of the council.
In this letter Flegge states that he had forwarded them to the marquis by Poyntz, as described by Foxe.
APP5-92 — Nineteen men and six women, Hollanders, were arraigned May 25th, and fourteen of them were burnt for heresy, though it was chiefly through the fear of their political influence, as appears by a letter of Henry, written the year after to Germany.
APP5-93 “Achon.” ] — Alkhen.
APP5-94 — Mr. Anderson, in his “Annals of the English Bible,” states that Sir Thomas Poyntz lies buried at the parish church of the family manor, North Okendon, Essex, eighteen miles from London, and gives the following inscription from his tablet on the church wall: - “Thomas Poyntz Armiger (filius Gulielmi Pointz, ad quam post mortera fratris, Joannis, Dominium hujus villae et patronatus Ecclesiae pervenit; qui duxit in matrimonium Annam van Calva, Fillare et unam cohaeredam Joannis Calvee Armigeri nationeq. Germani, ex qua genvit Gabrielero, Ferdinandum, ac Robertum filios, filiamq, unam Susanam. “Hic pro fidelissimo Principis sui servitio, ac ardentissimo evangelicae veritatis professione, vincula et incarcerationes in transmarinis regionibus passus est, adeo ut Caedi jam plane destinatus esset, nisi divina fretus providentia euasione e carcere mirifice sibi prospexisset: in hoc sacedo jam placide obdormit in Domino, anno 1562. R. Reg.
Eliz. quinto.”
He was descended from Drago Fitz Ports, who accompanied the Conqueror into England. While one branch of this ancient family settled in Essex, the other settled in Gloucestershire, and Tyndale commenced his career in connection with the one branch, as he ended it with the other: for Sir John Walsh, where he was tutor, married the daughter of Sir Robert Poyntz, of Iron Acton, Gloucestershire.
APP5-95 — The imperial decree here referred to, issued at Augsburg Nov. 19th 1530, ruled, that no man should be admitted into the judicature of the imperial chamber, without the approval of the Emperor. And the privy council of Brussels had complete sway both in religious and political matters.
APP5-96 — Tyndale was put to death on Friday, October 6th, 1536.
APP5-97 — Tyndale’s imprisonment lasted about a year and three quarters.
APP5-98 — Buckenham, the friar whom Latimer confounded at Cambridge in 1526, was at Louvain at this time, having come from the Black-friars House at Edenborough about Easter before (March 28th); also Phillips, and Donne: see Theobald’s letters to Cromwell and Cranmer (Galba B. 10:81, 102), dated Antwerp, July 31st, 1535.
APP5-99 — Mr. Anderson has traced the course of Phillips till about October 1539; at which time he had fallen into much misery both in mind and estate. See two Letters of Theobald to Cromwell and Cranmer from Padua, October 1st and 2d, 1539 (Cotton MSS. Nero B. 6:fol. 132,120): when it was supposed he was gone to the wars, after selling his cloak and doublet.
APP5-100 — This book of Daye’s is referred to at p. 570, note (1).
APP5-101 — Tyndale’s Practise of Prelates, pp. 485-488, vol. 1. Edit.
London, 1831.
APP5-102 — “Ryselles,” perhaps Brussels: “Lucca,” or Luke, perhaps Laken.
APP5-103 . “George Joye.” ] — See the Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 617. The present passage refers to a proceeding on Joye’s part, which compelled Tyndale to disavow him, as he had previously done Roye.
The widow of Christr. Endhoven at Antwerp undertook to print a new edition of Tyndale’s New Testament; and Joye engaged to correct it from the Vulgate, after his own opinion: this edition was finished in August 1534; the only copy known to be extant is in the Grenville collection. Meanwhile, Tyndale also himself was preparing a corrected edition of his Testament, which was finished in November: it is prefaced by two addresses, in the second of which he gives his name at full length, and warns the public against Joye’s edition, in which he had made many unwarranted and improper alterations of Tyndale’s translation, which was made from the original. Joye wrote an “Apology” Feb. 28th, 1535, to satisfy Tyndale and the public: in this, however, he did not succeed, and Tyndale felt obliged to discountenance him. Joye fell into much discredit with the Protestants for his petulant behavior against Tyndale, nor does his character appear to advantage. Townley makes this remark (Bibl. Literature, vol 2. p. 394). It is not generally known that this Joye was examined before the bishops, the very same day that Bilney and Arthur were see vol. 4. p. 621. This appears from a publication of Joye’s, which is quoted in the British Magazine for January 1846. The extracts there given do not indicate in Joye a very scrupulous veracity, and his behavior to Tyndale might seem to argue a want of strict probity: but it would be unfair to make this a ground of censure on the whole body of the Reformers; for in the present instance he was quite denounced and detested for his disingenuous behavior.
APP5-104 — “N.” perhaps Norris.
APP5-105 — “The Icing being in his jousts at Greenwich.” ] — May 1st.
APP5-106 — This parliament met June 8th, 1536.
APP5-107 . And of Paulus Jovius, that popish cardinal. ] — “Pauli Jovii Novocomensis Episc. Nucerini Historiar. sui Ternports,” tom. 2, p. 898, edit. Lugd. 1561, where he has retailed the customary papal slander about Anne Boleyn, and apparently with improvements. “Joyins was born at Como in Italy A. D. 1483, got a great reputation by his writings, and the bishopric of Nocera; but he was looked upon as a mercenary writer, so that no great credit is given to his histories.
He died the 11th of December, 1552, at Florence, whither he had retired, very much discontented with the court of Rome, because he could not obtain the bishopric of Como.” (Bayle’s Dictionary.) There is a slight mistake in Foxe’s designating him actually a “cardinal,” though he was aspiring to the honor. “Il avait eu la foiblesse de croire des astrologues qui lui avaient pr6dit qu’il serait cardinal: il se lassa enfin d’attendre l’effet deleurs predictions, et quia a cour Romaine en 1549. (Biographm Umverselle, tom. 17. p. 431.) For Cardinal Pole’s gentlemanly remarks, see Turner’s “Hist. of, lie Reign of Henry VIII.” book 1. ch. 28, and note at end; or the cardinal’s own volume, “Pro Ecclesiastes Unitate Defens.” fol. 54 verso, edit. Argent. 1555.
APP5-108 — This Protestation of the king and the council against attending the council of Mantua was published in 1537, as the king himself intimates at p. 255, in the opening of a similar document referring to the Council of Vicenza: both together were published the following year. (See the note hereafter on p. 255.) “Hujus Anglorum oppido commemorabilis declarationis mentionem passim faciunt scripores. Sleidanus, lib. 11. p. 320 [vol. 2. p. 99, edit. 1785]; Suavls Polanus, Hist. Cone. Trid. p. 72; L. Surlus in Comment. rerum ab an. 1500 gestarum, p. 304; Pallavicinus in Hist. del Concilio di Trento, tom. 1. edit. Romans p. 369 [lib. 4:cap. 7, Section 1]; Lud. Jacobi in Biblioth. Pontif. p. 474; et alii. Nemo, amen unus earn integraro, quod sciam, exhibuit. Impressa quidem est tum temports Wittebergee, 1537, apud Joh. Luft, sed ejus exempla ita evanuere, at mihi quidem neque vel unitum usurpare oculis, vel, ubi aliquod lateat, indagare licuerit.” Hase in the “Bibliotheca Bremensis,” Classis V. p. 508, 1721; where the Declaration is reprinted, and also in Gerdes’s “Historia Reformationis,” vol. 4. p. 173, among the Documents.
APP5-109 — For “twelfth,” Foxe improperly reads “second:” see Henry’s History of England, and Tindal’s note in Rapin.
APP5-110 — On “crowns of the sun” see the Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 446, to which may be added the following: a Royal Proclamation of July 6th, 17 Hen: VIII. (1525) fixed the Gold Crown of Soleil at 48. 4d., not Soleil at 4s. August 22d, 1526, the Crown de Soleil was raised to 48. 6d., and a new coin of the same value was ordered, called the Crown of the Rose. November 5th, the Double Crown of the Rose, value 5s., was ordered to be struck. (Annals of the Coinage, by the Revelation Rogers Ruder, vol. 2. pp. 419-421.) The treaty alluded to in the text will be found in Rymer, dated 18 Feb. 21 Hen. VIII. i. e. A. D. 1530: the document mentions “57,368 coronarum auri de sole et soliderum,” as the sum to be paid.
APP5-111 — These Injunctions were the result of a Convocation which met June 9th, 1536, and rose July 20th. See other proceedings of it at p. 378. It was opened by a singularly bold sermon from Latimer.
APP5-112 . “Item, that every parson,” etc.] — Dr. Jenkyns (Remains of Cranmer, vol. 1. p. 200) observes, that this “Item” is not found in the official copy in Cranmer’s Register, nor in Wilkins’s Concilia, nor in the folio editions of Burnet; and therefore concludes that it is an interpolation. Mr. Anderson (Annals of English Bible) observes, on the inconsistency there would be in abolishing all the holidays in harvest, and specifying St. Peter’s ad Vincula (August lst) as a day for carrying out the present injunction: he adds, moreover, that it would be impracticable, for the Convocation did not rise till July 20th. Mr.
Anderson is of opinion that there was no order for placing the English Bible in the churches before Cromwell’s second set of Injunctions, issued Sept. 1538 (see p. 168 of this volume): there was an injunction issued by Cranmer in the preceding summer within the diocese of Hereford through the chancellor, sede vacante, but nothing sooner. If the present “Item,” however, be still deemed genuine, it must refer to Coverdale’s Bible, finished October 4th, 1535. (See note infra, on p. 410, line 8.)
APP5-113 — “N” is for “Natalis,” or the Nativity. This is the first order for the public use of the English Bible on record, and must have had reference to Matthewe’s Bible, which was licensed by the king the: !previous year at Cromwell’s instance. Coverdale’s Bible was two inches less in height, and “the Bible of the largest volume in English seems distinctly to refer to Matthewe’s.
APP5-114 “Maunds full.” ] — The same word is used in the Rhenish translation, edit. of 1582, in Matthew 16:10, “Neither the seven loaves, among route thousand men, and how many maundes you tooke up.”
APP5-115. “Luther’s books…I say indeed that! have had of them.” ] — Sir Thomas More complains bitterly of the large circulation of such publications: “Of these books of heresies there be so many made within these few years what by Luther himself, and by his fellows, and afterward by the new sects sprongen out of his, which like the children of vippara would now gnaw out their mother’s belly; that the bare names of those books were almost enough to make a book, and of every sort be some brought into this realm and kept in huker muker by some shrewd masters that keep them for no good. Beside the books of Latin, French, and Dutch, in which there are of these evill sectes an innumerable sorte, there are made in the English tongue, first Tyndale’s New Testament, father of them all by reason of his false translating:
And after that the five books of Moses, translated by the same man, etc. etc. “Which books all be it that they neither can be there printed without great cost, nor here sold without great adventure and perill; yet cease they not with money sent from hence to print them there, and send them hither by the whole fattes full at once, and in some places looking for no lucre, caste them abroad by night,” etc. — (The Confutation of Tyndale’s Answere — prented at London by W.
Rastell, 1532, sig. Bb. 11.)
APP5-116 You shall find in a work called “Psegmata Chrysostomi.” ] — This was a small selection, the contents of which may be seen in Harles edition of the Biblioth. Graeca of Fabricius (tom. 8:p. 571), from the works of Chrysostom; and might perhaps in the present day have been termed the Flowers of Chrysostom: the title is: — Jo.
Chrysostomi Psegmata quaedam a Jo. Ecolampadio in Latinum conversa cure annotatt.; Basileae, 1523. See Panzer’s Annales Typogr. vol. 6. p. 239.
APP5-117 “Likewise did St. Jerome, I wot not in what place.” ] — In the Epist. 76. Tranquillino, tom. 2. p. 252, edit. 1616.
APP5-118 “Unio dissendentium.” ] — This work is again mentioned in p. 189, and the note in Appendix to vol. 4. p. 667.
APP5-119 “Unio Dissidentium.” ] — See last note, and the note in Appendix to vol. 4. p. 667.
APP5-120 “A book called Manuale Augustini.” ] — This book or treatise is quoted by some few writers of the church of Rome as of authority; but even the Editors of Louvain have placed it in their Appendix, as interpolated: see Cooke’s “Censura quorundam Scriptorum,” edit.
Helmstadt, 1683, p. 355.
APP5-121 — See the note on vol. 4. p. 364.
APP5-122 — Fill up thus: — “Solus Deus remittit peccata” [Ambros. de Spir. sanct, lib. in. cap. 19]. “This saying is taken out of Peter Lombard” [Sent. lib. 4. Dist. 18] “and cited in the Decrees [De Poenit.
Dist. 1. Section 51.] APP5-123 “Without any sending us…to St. James in Galicia.” ] — See The legend of St. James the patron of Spain in Dr. M. Geddes’s Miscellaneous Tracts, vol. 2. pp. 210-220: That the reader (he writes) may not think that this story is believed no where but in Spain, he must know that the truth of St. James’s body being at Compostella has been confirmed by the Breves of several popes: and who, having granted the same Indulgences to those that go thither in pilgrimage, as are granted to pilgrimages to Jerusalem, the Western Christians were, by those Indulgences, set on flocking from all parts to Compostella in vast multitudes, to the great benefit of the distressed Spanish kings: for though the reports of St. James’s own personal military feats against the Moors may not be very certain, certain it is, that his pilgrims did both with their purses and persons do the Spaniards great service against those Infidels, and, the truth is, that was the great design of that pious’ fraud.
I shall here enumerate only the absurdities expressed in this Legend, which are plain indications of its being a foolishly framed, though cunningly devised fable. “As, first, St. James’s going to the Blessed Virgin to have a license from her to do what Christ had commanded him. “Secondly, the Blessed Virgin, in whom no grace shone more illustriously than a profound humility in the sight of God, requiring him to build his first church in Spain to her honor. “Thirdly, St. James’s having sailed round Spain before he landed in it. “Fourthly, his having raised an old heathen prophet to life, who had been dead and buried near six hundred years. “Fifthly, his having built a church in Spain within ten years after Christ’s ascension; with the whole story of the jasper pillar; and which story, is so firmly believed, that, to this day, there is no lady so famous over Spain and Portugal for working of miracles, as our Lady of the Pillar. “Sixthly, the marble ship his body was carried in from Joppa to Galicia. “Seventhly, there being a king of Galicia at that time. “Eighthly, his fighting against the Moors, armed cap-a-pie, and mounted on a prancing white palfrey. “Ninthly, the yearly tribute of an hundred Christian damsels paid by the Spaniards to the Moors. “Tenthly, St. James’s head having been sent from Jerusalem to the king’s daughter, and by her sent to Compostella, above one thousand years after he was killed. His head is likewise at Brags; and if the dean of that church’s word may be taken for it, who showed it me and to some Protestant merchants, it is certainly the true head; more miracles than can be numbered having been wrought by it, as he told us, to confirm its being so.” (See Hough’s “History of Christianity in India,” vol. 2. p. 110; and Maxwell’s “Life of the Duke of Wellington,” vol. 3. p. 29.)
APP5-124 “As sheweth Augustine, or else some other (as I think rather).” ] — It occurs in the treatise of Augustine “De curs pro mortuis agenda,” cap. 13, tom. 6:edit. Benedict. col. 527.
APP5-125 “Origen also — And St. Gregory.” ] — See the passages alluded to in this paragraph, quoted in Chemnitz. Examen Decrett. Cone. Trid. parc 4. Loc. 2. de Imagg. sect. 4. 1. 3; and cap. 3. 10.
APP5-126 — As quoted in Distinct. 43:Section 1, it is, “Praeconis suscepit.”
APP5-127 “More plainly cap. 16. Dist. 18.” ] — These references seem confused and incorrect; query “Causa 16 quaest. 1 Section 19, adjicimus, et in Glossa.” The Gloss of John Semeca on the passage, and part of which seems to be the one alluded to, is: — “Similiter laici praedicant et mulieres de licentia sacerdotis.” The proviso, “except where necessity requireth,” belongs rather to Gratian than to the Decree itself; though it is in some measure borne out by the words of Causa 30 quaest. 3, Section 4.
APP5-128 “The French Bible was translated,” etc.] — “Biblia in Gallicam linguam translata a Guil. le Men and juxta versionem Lat. Petri Comestoris Lugduni centum ferme abhinc annis excusa (proindeque circa annum 1,484) juxta Crucimanum, p. 151 Bibliothecae suae anno 1584 editae. De hac forsan editione loquitur Job. Lambertus in responsione ad 26 articulum episc. Angliae, quam anno 1532. vulgavit, in. qua asserit quinquaginta,” etc. (Le Long. Bibliotheca Sacra, tom. 1. p. 325, edit. 1723.) See vol. 4:p. 486, note in the Appendix.
APP5-129 “Unio dissidentium.” ] — See on this work, the observations in the Appendix to vol. 4:note on p. 667.
APP5-130 — The Gloss upon Distinction 28, cap. 9 is, “hot magis punitur sacerdos qui fornicatur, quam qui legitime contrahit.”
APP5-131 “Also in another place of the law it is written.” ] — Decreti, pars 2 de Poenit. Dist. 1 Section 14.
APP5-132 “Whether in the Decrees, or else the Decretals.” ] — In the Decrees, Distinct. 96, cap. 14, Section 5. In the books “Rituum eccles, sive sac. Ceremoniarum Romans Ecclesiae” (p. 56, edit. Colossians Agrip. 1557), the same doctrine is maintained: “Caesar praevenit ad equam Pontificis, et in honorem Salvatoris nostri J. C. cujus vices Pontifex in terris gerit, tenet stapham quoad Pontilex equam ascenderit,” lib. 1 sect. 5.
APP5-133 “The bishop of Rome lying then at Bologna.”] — See above, p. 53.
APP5-134 — “August 23d” is put in instead of A. D. 1533,” which is erroneous, for Warham died in 1532: and the expression “within short space after” would almost lead one to suppose that “1533” was a misprint.
APP5-135 — In a copy of the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, which we have had an opportunity of looking over (p. 528, col. 2), two lines in the account of Dr. Tailor have been here pasted over; and the following after the word “afterwards” substituted: “again in the time of Q. Mary was deprived being yet unmarried, and ended his life at Ankerwyke.”
APP5-136 Find thus much, hitherto, of Lambert’s articles, answers, disputations, and his condemnation also.” ] — In Foxe this sentence is followed by these words: “Now to proceed further to the story of his death.” Then comes APP5-137 “Also in the book of Questions on Genesis,” [lib. 8:Section 8.] “and in the book upon Leviticus,” [lib. 3. quaest. 57, Section 3.] — The reference to John 18:etc. seems incorrect. Next line but one, “Jerome. in the small Scholies, written upon 1 Corinthians 1.” — This should be apparently 1 Corinthians 10.
APP5-138 “dug. in Serra. de verbis Lucae.” ] — Not Augustine’s, and is placed by the Benedictine editors in the Appendix, tom. 5 col. 152, sermo 84. “Respondeo sermonem hunc [28 de Verb. Domini] Augustini non esse, quod et Estius observavit, sed esse caput quartum.
Lib. 5 de Sacramentis inter opera Ambrosii.” (Albertinus de Eucharistia, p. 657.)
APP5-139 “The burning of Cowbridge.” ] — In the Latin edition, p. 140, Foxe speaks of having been witness to the martyrdom of Cowbridge, or at least contemporary with it. He says it happened “me puero,” and in the margin is the date 1536. See infra, note on p. 455 of this volume.
APP5-140 George Cootes, Cotys. or Cotes, fellow of Baliol, 1522; took his Master’s degree, 1526; afterward proctor, D. D., elected master of Baliol in 1539, and divinity lecturer in 1542; bishop of Chester, 1544; died 1555. (Wood’s Ath. Oxon. Bliss. 2. 763.)
APP5-141 — At Eye in Suffolk was a priory of Benedictine monks, founded in William the Conqueror’s time. (Tanner’s Not. Mon.)
APP5-142 — To this place belongs an account of another martyrdom in London, which Foxe afterwards met with, and is placed infra, p. 654 of this volume.
APP5-143 — Both this document relative to the Council of Vicenza and the former relative to the Council of Mantua (p. 138), were published under the following title: “Henrici Octavi regis Angliae, ad Carolum Caesarera, caeterosque orbis Christiani monarchas, populumque Christianum, Epistola, cum is Vincentiam non sit venturus: additus estet libellus file, quam sup. anno Rex universique Britanniae proceres de Mantuensi Concilio ediderunt; Londini,1538.” They were translated into English the same year. As Foxe does not state any immediate source from whence he derived his documents, the above reference is given. (See Herbert’s Typographical Antiquities by Dibdin, vol. 3. p. 303.) It seems to have been judged expedient to make the continental protestants acquainted with the king’s reasons for declining to attend at Vicenza, which was done in Sereniss. et inclyti regis Angliae Henrici Octavi — Epistola de Synodo Vincentina; at the end Vitebergae, ex officina Petri Seitz, 1539.
APP5-144 — These Injunctions will be found in Bonner’s Register, folio 27, etc.. Foxe omits the preamble, and condenses most of the Injunctions themselves. It is entituled in the margin of the Register, “Proclamatio sine mandatum Regium contra Bibliopolas atque libellos per eos venditos:” and it is dated “Westm. decimo sexto Novembris, anno regni Regis H. VIII. 30mmo.” [A. D. 1538.] Agreeably to this entry, Foxe’s date of these Injunctions, three lines above, “the next year following, which was A. D. 1539,” has been altered.
APP5-145 “The intended marriage of the lady Anne of Cleve.”] — Foxe says “the late marriage,” etc.: but it has not yet been mentioned, nor has the narrative reached that period: it took place January 6th, A. D. 1540.
APP5-146 . “In the year next following, which was A. D. 1539.”] — Foxe says, “In the year next following, which was A. D. 1540.” A parliament did meet in April 1540, but the parliament which passed the Act of Six Articles, about to be detailed, met April 28th, A. D. 1539. Foxe again makes the same mistake infra at p. 398, where his text has again been corrected. The Act of Six Articles is printed at full in the Statutes of the Realm, vol. in. p. 725, entitled “An Act for abolishing of Diversity of Opinions,” 31 Hen. VIII. cap. 14.
APP5-147 — This Oath is in the Bonner Register, fol. 17 verso; whence it is printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 9.
APP5-148 — See a similar passage at p. 362.
APP5-149 . “Who within few days after was apprehended.” ] — This is an error, arising from Foxes having erroneously supposed that the parliament which passed the Act of Six Articles, as just described, sat in 1540 instead of 1539 (see the last note but one): he was not arrested till June 10th, 1540 (see pp. 398, 461).
APP5-150 . “Emissene, comparing a man.”] — These homilies are mistakingly attributed to Eusebius of Emesa. “Eas ipsius non esse inter eruditos constat, Id enim non modo nostri pridem observarunt, sed et ex Adversariis ipsis, Bellarminus, Baronius, Sixtus Senensis, Possevinus et Perronius; tum quia in nonnullis Imperatoris Constantii mentio fiat, tanquam haeretici et crudelissimi , quod convenire non potest Eusebio Emeseno, tum quia stylus omnium Latini authoris sit, ut ex innumeris indiciis cuivis legenti liquido patet, tum propter varias alias rationes, quas apud illos videre est.” Albertinus de Eucharistia, p. 877; who thinks that the various homilies are assignable to different writers. The one quoted from by Foxe is given to Eucherius of Lyons.
APP5-151 “Another of the like standing, calleth Christianus Druthmarus.” ] — A monk of the Benedictine order, whose evidence was said by some Romanists to have been unfairly obtained. “Christianus Druthmarus Corbeiae veteris Monachus scripsit sec. commentarium in Mathaeum, ex quo excerpta quaedam lectu dignissima Mabillonius affert Annal. tom. 2. lib. 33, p. 660. Jacobus autem Wimphelingius Druthmari commentarium cum ejusdem epitome in Lucam ac Joannem edidit in fol. Argentorati opera et impensis Jo.
Gruninger an. 1564. Editio longe rarissima; quo factum, ut Gesnero, Simlero, Maittaire ignorata, ab aliis 5. g. Labbeo, R. Simonio, plane negata, vel dubia reddita. Consulendi de summa raritate Tenzelius in menstruis colloquiis an. 1693, p. 293; Cave, Hist. Lit. part 1. p. 371; Windler de causs, rar. libr.; Schelhorn, Amoenitatt. Liter. tom. 2. p. 429. Druthmari commentaria etiam typis mandata fuerunt a Jo. Secerio, et Menardo Molthero an. 1530, non absque tamen suspicione fraudis et interpolationis in iis quae Eucharistiam spectant, ut contendunt Sixtus Senensis annot, 17. lib. 6. Biblioth. sanctae, et Card. Perronius, lib. 2. de Eucharistia, auct. 125. Vid. Alex. Natalis Hist. Ecclesiastes sec. 9. cap. 3. p. 62. Unde miror, quod Rev. Calmet in Supplem. ad Biblioth. Sen. p. 362 dicat, editionem Hagenoae curatam ab Henrico Mothero (verius Menardo Molthero ), Lutheri assecla, magis aestimari, quam Argentoratensem an. 1514 a Joanne (Jacobo) Wimphelingio ejusdem a catholicae doctrinae recensitam. Quod vero Secerius Lutheranus Druthmarum, quod ad Transubstantiationis dogma attinet, corrupisse a Scriptoribus Pontifficiis, Sixto Senensi, Perronio, Bigneo, aliisque dicatur, Joannes Vogtius — in Catalogo Librorum rariorum, p. 227 [p. 312 edit. Francof. 1793] effraenem calumniandi libidinem appellat. Ego litem hanc nolo facere meam, etc.” (Zeigellaver, Historia Rei literat. Ord. Benedict. (Aug. Vind. 1754) tom. 4. p. 47.)
Wetstein states that he had collated both of the editions mentioned in the previous quotation, and found no material variation between them. (See Fabricii Biblioth. Mediae Latinitat.) See Maitland’s “List of printed books in the Archiep. Library at Lambeth,” p. 368, for some curious information on the very rare first edition of this writer (the existence of which was denied by several Romanists), printed at Strasburg, in 1514.
APP5-152. “The Abbot of Spanheim” ] was John Trithemius.
APP5-153 “For a great jewel.” ] — See a similar mode of expression supra vol. 2. p. 670, line 5.
APP5-154 — Among the Documents printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 5. is a more correct copy of this sermon, taken from a contemporary MS. in the Cotton Collection, for which this edition is indebted to the kindness of Mr. Stevenson, who has also most obligingly corrected the press.
APP5-155 “With a wanyand;” ] more frequently written “with a wanion.”
Nares says that the phrase is of very common occurrence in the old writers, but totally unexplained: he conjectures it to mean “with a vengeance, with a plague.”
APP5-156 “This cowardly recantation of Berengarius.” ] — There was nothing voluntary in this declaration; and it is rather hard to imagine a man ready to profess, what adherents of the church of Rome have actually themselves since declined to stand by. See this proved in Aubertin’s work “De Eucharistia,” p. 951; who, after quoting several Romish writers, and the Glossator too on this very portion of the Canon Law, goes on: — “Verum, confessionem illam per se Berengarius non edidit. Illi a Papa Nicolao et Concilio Romano praescripta est. Judicio ergo Alexandri, Bonaventurae, Gabrielis [Biel], et Roffensis, Nicolaus et Cone. Romanum errarunt in fidei materia.”
The writers mentioned here object to the wording of the recantation, just as the modern priests of Rome wish to abandon the language of the Trent Catechism, de sacram, cap. 4. Section 31.
APP5-157 “Council of Toledo.” ] — Conc. Tolet. 4. cap. 18, held A. D. 633: see Labbe’s Collection, tom. 5. col. 1711.
APP5-158 — This is the fifth article in order, at p. 262.
APP5-159 — These are the third and fourth articles at p. 262.
APP5-160. “Namely, of the Council of Carthage” ] Conc. Carth. 2. cap. 2] “and of Toledo” [Conc. in. cap. 5. A. D. 589, apud Labbe, tom. 5. col. 1010.] APP5-161 “The year of our Savior 1067, at what time pope Hildebrand began first to occupy the papal chair.” ] — Hildebrand, or Gregory VII., did not become actually pope till April 22d, A. D. 1073: he exercised, however, very great influence in the appointment and counsels of the pope for some time previous, as Foxe shows, vol. 2. pp. 96-101, 115; and this is probably his meaning in the words,” began first to occupy the papal chair.” The date 1067 is repeated at p. with reference to the council of Milan, there supposed to have been held under Alexander II., but really under Nicolas II. A. D. 1059. Foxe here also evidently refers to that council, see p. 306, note (1). Under all the circumstances, the date 1067 has been left to stand, though it might well be altered to 1059; for Nicolas II., crowned January 1059, was a pope in whose appointment Hildebrand seems to have had chief influence (see vol. 2. pp. 97, 98).
APP5-162 “The words of the Council of Gangra be these.” ] — “Quod addit Bellarminus, canone quarto non dici Qui uxorem habet , sed Qui uxorem habuit , admodum ineptum est. Unam videlicet depravatam versionem reliquis melioribus versionibus et ipsi Graeco textui absurde praeponit. Tres exstant versiones in tomis conciliorum, antiquae duae et una recentior Gentiani Herveti. Prior antiquarum, quae Dionysii Exigui est, a fonte Graeco deviat, et ad Romanam eorum temporum consuetudinem sive ab ipso Dionysio, sive postea ab alio, accommodata est. Habet autem ita: Qaicumque discernit a presbytero, qui uxorem habuit, quod non oporteat, eo ministrante, de oblatione percipere, anathema sit. Altera antiqua, quam collectores canonum Burchardus (lib. 3. cap. 75) et Gratianus (Dist. 28, Section 15) exscribunt, haec est: Si quis discernit presbyterum conjugatum, tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quod offerre non debeat, et ab ejus oblatione ideo se abstinet, anathema sit. Tertia nova Herveti est hujusmodi: Si quis de presbytero, qui uxorem duxit, contendat, non oportere eo sacra celebrante oblationi communicare, anathema sit.
Versio, quam Bellarminus sequitur, nihili est, et manifesta depravatione sequioribus ecclesiae Rom. consuetudinibus accommodata. Vox autem ipsa [gegamhkw APP5-163 “The sixth council, called the Synod of Constantinople, almost seven hundred years after Christ.” ] — More correctly the “Quinisext” or “Trullian” Council, having been held, A. D. 692, in a palace at Constantinople called “Trullum,” as a supplement to the Fifth and Sixth General Councils. The Decrees of the Trullian Council are printed in Labbe, tom. 6:and the chapters referred to here by Foxe are in cols. 1147 — 1149. The Fifth General Council was held at Constantinople A. D. 553, and the Sixth A. D. 680.
APP5-164 “Because in the order,” etc.] — Though this translation accords with the Latin given in note (2), yet it scarcely represents the Greek with sufficient exactness. Read, “Since we have learnt that in the Church of Rome it has become the rule that all candidates for the office of priest or deacon shall engage that they will have no more connection with their wives, we, following the rule of apostolic piety and order, enact that the lawful marriages of men in orders from henceforth shall stand in force, etc.” And a few lines lower down, for, “And likewise this priest and deacon, etc.” read, “And, in the same way, if any priest or deacon, upon pretense of religion, etc.”
APP5-165 — “Extorter” might be better defined “one who violently takes away.”
APP5-166 “Pope Damasus reciteth.” ] — Most of the names here adduced (if not rather the whole) are long posterior to the time of Damasus.
Ant. Augustinus Archbp. of Tarragons thinks the list has been made up by other writers. See his Dialogi de ernendatione Gratiani , lib. 1. dial. 6. 1. “Cur ergo Damaso tribuit, quae aliorum sunt? Id non Gratiani, sed Paleae erratum esse suspicor, eujus nomen edidit Demochares. Aut si Gratianus id scripsit, ex titulo libri pontificalis Damasi deceptus est.” (P. 63, edit. Venet. 1786.)
APP5-167 — The words “of the flesh” are put into the text from the Latin in the note.
APP5-168 — Bishop Hall, in the 3d Epistle of the 2d Decade, quotes this Letter with the highest commendation, as conclusive proof of priests’ marriage having been so long allowed in the Church, and refers his reader to Foxe for the translation of it.
For this Epistle, and especially his notice of this Letter, he was taken to task by C. E. mass-priest: which called forth his work intituled “the Honour of the Married Clergy.” In Book III. of this treatise, and sections 2, 3, 4, 5 he takes up the subject of this Letter at large. In the course of his remarks, Bishop Hall speaks in the warmest terms of approbation of Foxe and his “Acts and Monuments.”
APP5-169 “Canon Apost. 5.” ] — Cabassutius is so much offended at the clearness of the sentence against the celibacy of the clergy (Notit.
Ecclesiastes p. 9, Lugd. 1690), that he thus evades the Canon: “verisimiliter fuit olim ab haereticis vel schismaticis confectus.” But Bellarmine’s argument is more ingenious: “Adde quod iste ipse Canon pro nobis facit; nam Graeca vox, pro qua habemus religionis , est eujlabei>av , quae cautionem proprie significat. Itaque sensus est, episcopus aut presbyter nequaquam praetextu cautionis uxorem abjiciat; id est, ne curam uxoris dimittat eo praetextu quod tenetur ab ea se continere.” (De Cler. lib. 1. cap. 21.) However, the cardinal’s proposed translation is reckoned among “corruptions” by Dr. James; and religionis is the accredited term, and that used in the version of Dionysius Exiguus. Gibbings’ Roman Forgeries and Falsifications (Dublin, 1842), pp. 104-5.
APP5-170 — Foxe’s reasoning seems to prove conclusively, that the Nicholas to whom the letters are addressed was Nicholas II., pope A.
D. 1059. If so, we must look for some author contemporaneous with that date. The date assigned to Udalric in this note comes nearest, but. does not reach it by 100 years. The following observations of Eccard on the subject are worth recording here: - “Eadem (epistola) jam olim in Catalogo Testium Veritatis Flacii, in Antilogia Papae, et alibi, sub nomine Udalrici Episcopi Augustani impressa est. In veteri Epistolarum Ecclesiasticarum collectione Msta, quae in regia bibliotheca Hanoverae reperitur, ejusdem initium hoc est: Nicolao domino et patri, pervigili S. Romanae ecclesiae provisori, G. solo nomine Episcopus amorem ut filius, timorem ut servus: Nicolaus II. Papa an. 1058 electus et an. 1061 mortuus concilium an. Romae celebravit, in quo clericorum conjugia prohibuit. Et hac occasione Epistola, de qua agimus, conscripta est. Sed diu ante, anno nempe 973 jam obierat Udalricus Episc. Augustanus, ejusque, aetate nulla de conjugiis Clericorum quaestio mota est. Episcopum vero in Germania nullum Udalrici nomine sub Nicolao II. invenias, multo minus Augustanum. Suspicor hinc, hominem veteris literas ducendi rationis ignarum cum G. invenisset, id V. esse putasse, et Udalricum interpretatum; cum vero Udalrico Episc. Augustano nullus hujus nominis celebrior esset, eidem Epistolam hanc oscitanter adscripsisse, et asseclas hinc plures ea in re accepisse. Codex vero Hanoveranus clare admodum G. habet: et fuere Nicolai II. Papae tempore duo Episcopi satis clari, quorum nomina ab ea liters incipiunt. Gundacarus nempe Episcopus Eistetensis, et Guntherus, Cancellarius Regius et Episcopus Bambergensis . Hic Henrico IV. Imp. addictus erat; et Bambergenses scriptores eum virum in omni scientiarum genere versatum, rarae eloquentiae laude celebratum, ac literis tam divinis quam humanis eruditum appellant , id quod in authorem Epistolae ad Nicolaum Papam quadrat. Unde etiam huic eidem illam adscribendam esse non immerito censemus.” (Corpus Historicum medii aevi — a J. G. Eccardo (Lips. 1723), tom. 2 praef, p. 3, and coll. 23-27: see also Gerhardi Confessio catholica, p. 817, etc. Francof. 1679.)
APP5-171 “In his synod at Rome.” ] — A. D. 1063, cap. 3, in Labbe, tom. 9 col. 1176. Foxe’s text reads erroneously “of Mantua.”
APP5-172 “Writing to Otho, archbishop of Cologne in the Council of Mantua.” ] — “Anno, archbishop of Cologne, proposed the assembling of a council, in order to put an end, by that means, to the schism [between Alexander and Cadolus the anti-Pope]. The proposal was not at all relished by Alexander; but being persuaded by his friends to agree to it, a council was appointed to meet at Mantua, [A. D. 1067], and the Italian bishops, those especially of Lombardy, were invited to it.
Cadolus was particularly summoned; but he did not appear. The Council, however, met at the time appointed, and it being made plainly to appear that Cadolus had been preferred to the see by dint of money, his election was declared simoniacal and null, and he forbidden, on pain of excommunication, to exercise thenceforth any pontifical, episcopal, or sacerdotal functions. Alexander, too, was arraigned of simony, but having denied the charge upon oath (which he at first showed himself averse to, as inconsistent with the dignity of high Pontiff), his election was declared canonical, and he acknowledged by the whole Council for lawful Pope.” (Bower’s History of the Bishops of Rome, vol. 5:p. 230; and Pagi Crit. in Baron. an. 1064.) See Appendix to vol. 2 note on p. 100.
APP5-173 “Notwithstanding the constitution of pope Leo,” etc.] — Foxe’s text has “according to:” but the Latin in note (2) is “post,” i.e. since, in spite of, notwithstanding.
APP5-174 “The gloss…reporteth, that ‘this institution of penance.” ] — It would be more accurate to say, that this is among the suppositions of the Glossator, John Semeca, part of whose words are: — “vel forte tunc non erat,” etc. Decret. pars 2 de Poenit. Dist. 1 Section 1.
APP5-175 “The wise Athenians made a decree, when the city of Mitylene,” etc.] — See Thucydides, lib. 3. capp. 36-49.
APP5-176 “As Latimer, Cromer, Shaxton.” ] — “Audio viros excellenti doctrina et pietate praeditos, Latimerum, Saxtonum, Cromerum, et alios, teneri in custodiis: quibus opto animi robur dignum Christianis.”
In the Epistolae Melanctonis, Wittemb. 1570, p. 53, the reading is — “Latimerum, Sextonum, Cramerum:” in the Melanctonis Opera, Witeb. 1601, tom. 4 p. 837, “Latimerum, Saxtonum, Cromerum.” The London edition of Melancthon’s Letters, 1642, and the recent edition Halls Sax. 1836, vol. in. col. 806, give “Latimerum, Saxtonum, Cranmerum.” It seems not improbable, however, that “Cromeum” may be the true reading; for Dr. Crome, as well as Latimer and Shaxton, fell into trouble through the Act of VI. Articles. (See notes infra, on pp. 537, 547.)
APP5-177 . “The gloss of Samosatenus.” ] — Paul of Samosata. See Euseb.
Hist. Ecclesiastes lib. 7 cap. 27; and S. Basnagii Annales Politico- Ecclesiastes ad an. 264, Section 5.
APP5-178 — “Common Place” is probably for “Common Pleas,” APP5-179 . “Also for the second conviction or attainder, they so provided, that, the next year following,” etc.] — Foxe seems to have supposed that this: Act of 32 Hen. VIII. chap. 10, relaxing the severity of the Act of Six Articles, applied only to Section 20 of that. Act, relating to concubinary clerks; but it also recites, and clearly includes in its provisions, Section 5, relating to married clerks. The Act of Six Articles is printed in the “Statutes of the Realm,” tom. 3. p. 740; and the Act for moderating its severity, 32 Hen. VIII. chap. 10, is at p. 754.
APP5-180 “It was declared before.”] — See p. 264.
APP5-181 — See a similar passage at p. 264.
APP5-182 — Shearman or Shyreman, i.e. a clothshearer, as Cromwell himself explains it at p. 392.
APP5-183 “To take the assay.” ] — See Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 589.
APP5-184 “Erasmus’s translation.”] — See vol. 4 p. 681, note in Appendix, and p. 423 of this volume.
APP5-185 — About twenty monasteries were suppressed for this purpose, a list of which is given by Strype. The papal bulls and the royal letters authorizing the dissolution, are printed in the Appendix to Fiddes’s Life of Wolsey. See also Wilkins’s Concilia, in. p. 705, etc.
APP5-186 “Whereof before ye may read more at large.” ] — Foxe here puts this erroneously to the year 1530; perhaps Cromwell’s advice might have been first tendered in that year. (See before, p. 56.)
APP5-187 “He was constituted also vicegerent to the king.” ] — The appointment is preserved in the Cotton MSS., Cleop. F. 2 fol. 131, and printed in Burner, Collier, and Wilkins, in. p. 784. Its proper date is July 18th, 1535 (Stowe and Collier). It gave him rank next to the king himself, it made him Superior of all the monasteries, and in the king’s absence he might preside in the Convocation. It was after this that he sent out the Visitors to inspect and report on the Abbeys. He was also “vicargeneral.” The offices of vicargeneral and vicegerent, however, were distinct, as Burnet informs us: Cromwell was only vicargeneral for two years; by this office he had no precedence, nor authority over the bishops.
APP5-188 “Full of all feditie.” ] — Though the monastic institutions, by putting an unnatural restraint on human nature, tended to produce, and notoriously did produce everywhere, such results as are here hinted at, yet it is not improbable that, the dissolution of the monasteries being resolved on, persons were ready, in hopes of reward, to make depositions before the Visitors, which were devoid of truth. See the note on this passage in Wordsworth’s Ecclesiastical Biography, London, 1839, vol. 2 p. 235.
APP5-189 — See vol. 2 p. 262; where Foxe is right. Neubrigensis, lib. 3. cap. 8, says, “Ex abbate Fordensi episcopus Wigorniensis factus.” M.
Westm. also says that, in the year 1181, “Baldewinus Abbas Fordenisis, Cisterciensis ordinis, successit Rogerio Episcopo ad Ecclesiam Wigorniensem.” Baldwin is reckoned by Foxe 41st archbishop, vol. 2 p. 718.
APP5-200 — The results of this Convocation, which sat from June 9th to July 20th, 1536, may be seen at pp. 164-168. See the note on that passage.
APP5-201 — This story of Frebarn is placed by Foxe to the year 1538; but as Maitland’s History of London makes Sir William Forman mayor, and William Wilkinson and Nicholas Gibson sheriffs, in 1538; and the year then ran on to March 25th; it is evident that the ensuing narrative belongs to 1539, according to modern computation. Dr.
Wordsworth observes (Eccl. Biog. vol. 2:p. 262, note), that “this story was associated with many serious and interesting considerations, which, in the age when it was written, would exempt it from the charge of trifling and levity to which it may now seem liable.” See examples of this given by Dr. Wordsworth.
APP5-202 — “Michael Lobley” is no doubt the person mentioned before at p. 38, and vol. 4 p. 586; and perhaps at p. 412 of this volume.
APP5-203 — There were several chapels formerly on the north side of St.
Paul’s cathedral, pulled down in Edward VI.th’s time.
APP5-204 “Overthrown at Garigliano.” ] — This was in 1503, when the marquis of Saluzzo, who commanded the French troops, sent to enforce the claims of Louis XII. on the throne of Naples, was defeated at the passage of the Garigliano, and his army utterly dispersed by the Spaniards, under the command of Gonsalvo de Cordova. (Wordsworth.)
APP5-205 “The Rood of Grace.” ] — A celebrated image at Boxley Abbey, in Kent. See Burner and Wordsworth, and note infra on p. 407.
APP5-206 “Blood of Hayles — proved to be the blood of a duck.” ] — This was one account current among the people: the commissioners, however, sent to examine into the pretended miracle at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries, state that it was clarified honey, “which being in a glasse, appeared to be of a glistering redde, resemblyng partly the color of blod.” See Wordsworth’s Eccl. Bingr. and Latimer’s Remains (P.S. Ed. Index); also p. 406 of this volume, note.
APP5-207 “Over and besides,” etc.] — See supra, p. 265.
APP5-208 — Foxe’s text erroneously says “A. D. 1540.” The same error has been corrected before, at p. 261.
APP5-209. “On the 10th of June.” ] — Foxe says, “In the which month of July:” this accords with Stowe, but is wrong. The Passage of the Lords’ Journals runs thus: “Hodie Vicesgerens Regius supra dictus, Comes Essex, in hora pomeridiana, per Dominum Cancellarium et alios dominos de Arcano Domini nostri Regis Consilio, ex Palatio Regio Domini Regis Westm. hora tertia pomeridiana super accusationem Laesae Majestaris missus est in Arcem Londinens.” Tytler and Lingard follow this date; but Hall, Stowe, Herbert, Foxe, Burnet, Collier, Mackintosh, and others, are wrong. Cromwell’s name, indeed, remained on the roll till June 18th, the day after his attainder, when it was struck off; but he is never marked “p, ” present, after the 10th of June.
APP5-210 — The Bill of Attainder was introduced June 17th, but not finally passed tilt June 29th.
APP5-211 — Foxe misdates Cromwell’s death “A. D. 1541,” here and at p. 519, and elsewhere.
APP5-212 — See before, the note on p. 397.
APP5-213 “For the rode of grace.” ] — This rood used to perform at Boxley in Kent. “It chaunced (as the tale is) that upon a time, a cunning carpenter of our country was taken prisoner in the wars between us and France, who (wanting otherwise to satisfy for his ransom, and having good leisure to devise for his deliverance) thought it best to attempt some curious enterprise, within the compass of his own art and skill, to make himself some money withall: and therefore getting together fit matter for his purpose, he compacted of wood, wyer, paste and paper, a roode of such exquisite, art and workmanship that it not only matched in comeliness, and due proportion of parts, the best of the common sort; but in strange motion, variety of gesture, and nimbleness of joints, passed all other that before had been seen: the same being able to bow down, and lift up itself, to shake and stir the hands and feet, to nod the head, to roll the eyes, to wag the chappes, to bend the brows; and finally to represent to the eye both the proper motion of each member of the body, but also a lively, express, and significant shew of a well-contented or displeased mind,” etc. (Lambard’s Perambulation of Kent, pp. 182, 183.)
APP5-214 — Foxe’s account of the printing of the Great Bible is so confused, that it has been deemed advisable to rearrange his materials.
This simple expedient, which has already been adopted with the best effect in previous cases, has the effect of rendering the present text much more accurate and intelligible.
APP5-215 “Thomas Matthewe’s Bible.” ] — In this Bible, the whole of the New Testament was Tyndale’s version, and the Old to the end of Chronicles also some other parts: the residue Rogers supplied, having Coverdale’s sheets before him. ‘This left the press in June or July 1537. Grafton embarked his all in the book. The bishops appear to have been disputing at London over the framing of the book called “The Institution of a Christian Man,” or “the Bishops’ Book.” In August the bishops dispersed to avoid the plague, which was raging in London, and Cranmer repaired to Forde, in Kent. Thither Grafton, on his arrival from the Continent, followed the archbishop, and obtained from him a recommendation to Cromwell, dated Forde, August 4th, and stating that he liked it better than any translation which he had yet seen, and begging him to procure the king’s license for it. The matter quite succeeded, for we have a most joyful letter of thanks from Cranmer to Cromwell, dated Forde, August 13th, and another dated August 28th. Grafton obtained the monopoly of it, and reimbursed himself. The terms in which Cranmer expresses his thanks to Cromwell imply, that such a Royal countenance of the English Scriptures had never before been obtained; which confirms the correctness of the criticism offered in the note on p. 167, on the supposed license to Coverdale’s Bible.
The following Documents, bearing on this subject, have already been printed: - 1. Cranmer’s two letters to Cromwell, thanking him for obtaining the king’s license. Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5:fol. 292, 329; and Jenkyns’s Cranmer’s Remains, 1. p. 199. 2. Richard Grafton’s Letter to Cromwell, London, August 28th, presenting him with six copies of the Bible, and thanking him in the highest terms. Cleop. E. 5. folio 330; Anderson’s “Annals of the English Bible.” 3. Richard Grafton’s Letter to Cromwell, petitioning for the exclusive sale of his Bible for three years; and that every curate should be ordered to have one, and every abbey six copies; dated 1537. Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5, folio 325; Strype’s Life of Cranmer, Appendix, No. 20.; and Todd’s Cranmer, 1 pp. 216, 220. 4. A Declaration to be read by all curates upon the publishing of the Bible in English. Cleopatra E. 5, p. 327; and Strype’s Life of Cranmer, Appendix, No. 23. 5. Cromwell’s Letter to the Bishops, enclosing the said Declaration.
Strype’s Memorials, vol. 1 p. 307, sub. a, 1538, from the same source as the Declaration.
APP5-216 . “Concerning the printing whereof, here followeth the story.” ] — These words are put in by the Editor, to establish the connection between what precedes and what follows: for in Foxe’s original text, the whole of the previous statement is introduced much later. The present arrangement is much clearer.
APP5-217 “About the time and year when; Edmund, Bonner,” etc.] — It has been necessary to substitute in this sentence “archdeacon of Leicester” for Foxe’s “bishop of Hereford,” and “bishopric of Hereford” for “bishopric of London; “ and “1538” for “1540.” For Fox, bishop of Hereford, died May 8th, 1538; and Bonner was elected to that see October 20th following, and confirmed Dec. 17th. (Richardson’s Godwin). He thanks Cromwell, however, for his appointment as ambassador to France, and to the bishopric of Hereford, in a letter dated Sept. 2d. (See p. 150 of this volume.)
This portion of Bonner’s history is before referred to by Foxe, at pp. 149, 160, 161, in a manner which implies the correct chronology.
APP5-218 “To imprint the Bible in English within the University of Paris.” ] — The following documents, bearing on this Paris impression, are important. 1. The King’s Letters Patent to Grafton and Whitchurch, for printing the Bible in English, dated 13 Novembris, Tricesimo primo Regni (1537): Rot. Pat. 31 Hen. VIII., and Burnet’s History, vol. 1. Records, No. 15. 2. The French King’s License to Richard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch to print the English Bible in Paris. Cleop. E. 5, p. 326; and Strype’s Life of Cranmer, Appendix, No. 30. This is conjectured by Mr. Anderson to have been issued about May 1538. 3. A letter from Coverdale and Grafton to Cromwell, Paris, 23d June, 1538. “After moost humble and hartie commendacions to your good Lordship. Pleaseth the same to understand, that we he entred into your worke of the Byble, wherof (accordynge to our moost bounden dutie) we have sent unto your Lordship 2 ensamples; one in parchment, wherin we entend to prynt one for the Kinges Grace and another for your Lordship; and the second in paper wherof all the rest shalbe made; trustynge that it shalbe not only to the glorye of God, but a synguler pleasure also to your good Lordship the causer therof, and a generall edefyenge of the Kynge’s subjectes, accordynge to your Lordshipe’s moost godlye request. For we folowe, lot only a standynge text of the Hebrue, with the interpretacion of the Caldee, and the Greke, but we set, also, ill a pryrate table, the dyversite ofredinges of all textes, with such annotacions, in another table, as shall douteles delueidate and cleare the same; as well without ally singularyte of opinions, as all checkinges and reprofes. The prynt, no doubt, shall please your Good Lordship. The paper is of the best sorte in France. The charge certaynly is great; wherin, as we moost humbly requyer your favorable helpe, at this present, with whatsoever yt shall please your good Lordship to let us have We be dayly threatened, and look even to be spoken withall, as this bearer can farther enforme your Lordship: but how they will use us as yet we knowe not,” etc. (Gov.
State Papers, 1. p. 575.) 4. A letter of Coverdale’s to Cromwell, dated 9th August, 1538, states that the work was going forward, and sends some sheets by the hands of Sebastian, a servant of Cromwell. (Ibid. p. 578.) 5. Another of Sept. 12th, states that the “Bible goeth well forward, and within few months will draw to an end by the grace of Almighty God.” (Ibid. p. 589.) 6. A letter from Coverdale, Grafton, and Grey to Cromwell, sends further specimens of the Bible, and explains certain marks. (Ibid. p. 578.) 7. A Letter from Cranmer to Cromwell, 14th Nov. 1538, says: — “ My veray singuler good Lord. After my mooste hartie commendations theis shalbe to signifie unto your Lordeship that Bartelett and Edward Whitechurche hath ben with me, and have by their accomptes declared the expensis and charges of the pryntyng of the Great Bibles: and by thadvise of Bartelett I have appoynted them to be sold for 13s. 4d. and not above. Howbeit, Whitechurche informethe me, that your Lordship thinketh it a moore conveniente price to have them sold at 10s. a pece,” etc. (Ibid. p. 589.) 8. A letter from Coverdale to Cromwell, Paris, Dec. 13th, 1538, sending over the portion then printed by the hands of Bonner, bishop of Hereford. (Harl. MSS. No. 604, p. 98.) 9. The Prohibition of the French Inquisitors, dated December 17th, 1538. (Strype’s Life of Cranmer, Appendix 30.)
APP5-219 — From the Prohibition of the French Inquisitors it appears, that the French printer was named Francis Regnault.
APP5-220 “A New Testament in English and Latin.” ] — This was of Coverdale’s translation in parallel columns with the Latin Vulgate. It was printed at Paris under Coverdale’s eye by Grafton, and under what circumstances, is explained by a letter of Grafton’s to Cromwell in the Gov. State Papers, vol. 1. p. 591.
APP5-221 “Leaving behind them all their Bibles,” etc.] — It is the opinion of Mr. Todd, that “the proprietors lost few copies of the impression:” for notwithstanding the delay of getting over the French types and presses and printers to London, the whole was finished there in April next. It appears also from Coverdale’s letter to Cromwell, only four days before the seizure, that the sheets then printed were for safety sent over to England, and the Bible only wanted the finishing of the last sheet.
APP5-222 “Place de Maulbert “ ] — is near the Rue des Anglais.
APP5-223 “Printed out the same Bible in London.” ] — The following observations on this Bible will be acceptable to the reader. The title of it ran thus: - “The Byble in Englyshe, that is to say the content of all the holy scrypture, bothe of ye olde and newe testament, truly translated after the veryte of the Hebrue and Greke textes, by ye dylygent studye of dyverse excellent learned men, expert in the forsayde tonges. “Prynted by Rychard Grafton and Edward Whitchurch. Cum privilegio ad imprimendum solum 1539. The ende of the new Testament, and of the whole Byble fynished in Apryll. Anno 1539. A dno factu est istud.”
This, though sometimes called the first edition of Cranmer’s Great Bible, should rather be called Cromwell’s, for he was the patron of the undertaking. “It was printed in April of the abovenamed year, and differs from all the subsequent editions, occasionally in the text, but more especially in the woodcuts having small side ornaments affixed to them, which are wanting to the same cuts in the edition of 1540. It may be known also by the cut prefixed to the fifteenth chapter of Job, which represents musicians annoying a saint. This cut, as well as the eight which form the border to the title-page of the New Testament (peculiar also to this edition), seems to have been taken from some old Missal. The ornamented Capital D prefixed to the twelfth and sixteenth chapters of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, but inverted to form a C, is also found in this edition only. Like all the editions of Cranmer’s Bible, it has the singular mistake in the heading of the 39th chapter of Genesis, where Pharaoh’s wife is substituted for Potiphar’s.” (Extract from the late Revelation R. H. Barham’s letter to Mr. Grenville, giving a description of the copy in St. Paul’s.)
APP5-224 . “Printed sundry impressions.” ] — There was a first impression published April 1539, being probably those sent over by Coverdale previously; and a second about November or December, with Cranmer’s Preface of the next year’s edition, which Preface was certainly finished Nov. 14th, 1539. For an account of the numerous impressions of this Bible in 1539, 1540, 1541, see Anderson’s” Annals of the English Bible.”
APP5-225 “While the said Bible was in printing.” ] — This can only be understood correctly of the Edition of 1540, commonly called Cranmer’s Bible.
APP5-226 — Stokesly, bishop of London, died Sept. 8th, 1539, and Bonner was elected October 20th, and confirmed Nov. 11th: installed at St. Paul’s April 4th, 1540. (Register, and Richardson’s Godwin.)
APP5-227 — Grafton was perhaps at Paris at this time, endeavoring to recover the Bibles from the French king, as described a few lines before and at the top of next page. Bonner’s oath is given above at p. 162, in which he speaks of himself as elected and confirmed bishop of London; it must therefore have been taken after Nov. 11th, 1539.
APP5-228 “Lobley” ] — is perhaps the same individual as has been already mentioned at pp. 38, 386, and vol. 4. p. 586.
APP5-229 “After this the bishops,” etc.] — Foxe seems to have imagined that the printing of the English Bible ceased on the death of Cromwell in July 1540: and hence, perhaps, being puzzled with the dates of the documents just given from the edition of 1563, he omitted them in all subsequent editions: but it is a remarkable fact, that after the death of Cromwell the king, determined to have the Bible go forth, made Tunstall bishop of Durham, and Heath bishop of Rochester, put their names to the next edition, finished in November 1541. This was the last printed in that reign: but even then, the reason why no more were printed in Henry’s reign seems to have been, not the opposition of the bishops, but that the market was sufficiently supplied; for though the Convocation which met January 21st, 1542, attempted to get the English Bible handed over to the bishops for their revision, and it was ultimately (through Cranmer’s contrivance) referred to the Universities; yet they did nothing in the matter; and as if in contempt of the bishops, the king granted[to Anthony Marler an exclusive patent, dated Westin. March 12th, 1542 (Rymer), to print the Bible for four years. Mr. Anderson computes that 20,000 copies had been now printed, and that a large stock must have remained on hand, which would pretty well supply the wants of the next four years: besides which, many thousands of the New Testament were still printing.
Some cheek was put on the public use of the Scriptures by the parliament in January 1544 (see p. 527 of this volume), but no steps were taken to prevent the printing of them.
APP5-230 — Grafton and Whitchurch both appear to have been troubled between 1541 and 1543: see p. 444 of this volume.
APP5-231 — The “three hundred pounds” seems an exaggeration. Grafton gave his bond for 100 pounds (equal to 1500 pounds now). Prynn’s MS. Inner Temple. Whitchurch may have been punished as well.
APP5-232 — Bonner’s return home is placed by Foxe, at p. 162, in February 1540.
APP5-233 “The King’s Brief,” etc.] — The following is the original Latin, from the Bonner Register, folio 21: - “Henricus Octavus dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Rex, fidei defensor, dominus hiberniae, et in terra supremum Caput Anglicanae ecclesiae, Reverendo in Christo patri Edmundo London Epo. ejusve in Absentia vicario suo in spiritualibus generali Salutem. Vobis mandamus quod immediate post receptionem praesentium in singulis ecclesiis cathedralibus et collegiis ceterisque ecclesiis tam paroch. et capellis quam aliis quibuscunque infra dioc. et jurisdictionem vestras ex parte nostra publicari et solempniter denunciari faciatis quoddam decretum per nos de advisamento Consilii nostri conceptum et factum, quod vobis per latorem praesentium in quibusdam schedulis papyro impressis et huic brevi annexis vobis mittimus; mandantes praeterea quod immediate post publicationem et pronunciationem dicti decreti per vos sic factas dictum decretum super hostium cujuslibet ecclesiae vestrae dioc. predictae, ut subditis et legiis meis plenius apparere poterit, poni et affigi faciatis. Et hoc sicut nobis inde respondere volueritis diligenter fieri curetis. Teste meipso apud West. 7 die mensis Maii Anno Regni nostri Tricesimo tercio. Lucas.”
This Brief is followed in the Register by the Decree itself, dated the day preceding (May 6th, 33 Hen. VIII.); of which a copy will be found, Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5. fol. 337; and Burnet, Records, book 3. No. 24; and Wilkins, 3. p. 856. The churches were all to be provided with their Bibles by the Feast of All Saints next coming. From the Minutes of the Privy Council (London, 1837, pp. 185, 186), under date April 25th, and May 1st, of 33 Hen. VIII., it appears that the present Decree was issued at the instance of Anthony Marler, merchant and Haberdasher of London, who had been at the expense of an edition of the English Bible, finished April 1540, with a prologue by Cranmer, a copy of which on vellum, presented by Marler to Henry, is now in the British Museum.
It would be a mistake, however, to suppose, as Foxe’s statement would incline one to suppose, that this was the first royal decree in favor of the Scriptures in English; a previous one was issued Nov. 13th, 31st Hen. VIII. (A.D. 1539) in favor of Cranmer’s Bible: which is printed in Burnet’s Records.
APP5-233A — Strype, Memor. book 1. chap. 3, shows from a MS. in Pembroke College, that George Stavord, or Stafford, of Durham, was a B. A. of that college in 1515, and became a fellow: ordained deacon at Ely 1517: he was proctor and University preacher 1523: reader in divinity, 1524, for four years together: was noted to be the first who read lectures out of the Scriptures, whereas before they were read only out of the Sentences. He became B. D. 1530. His books were given to the college library.
APP5-234 — Barnes’s first Gospel sermon was preached Dec. 24th, 1525. (See Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 621.)
APP5-235 — Shrove Tuesday in 1526 fell on Feb. 28th. (Nicolas’s Tables.)
APP5-236 “And please your grace.” ] — “And” is for “an’t,” an it, i.e. if it.
APP5-237 . “Before the cardinal.” ] — Foxe, in his edition of Barnes’s works, alluded to p. 570, note, says, before the said bishops and abbot.
See Appendix to vol. 4. notes on p. 608.
APP5-238 “Prisoner at the Austin friars at London.” ] — On this part of Barnes’s history, see Appendix to vol. 4:notes on p. 681.
APP5-239 “Perit [periit? ] memoria ejus cum sonitu.” ] — A quotation from the Latin Vulgate, Psalm 9:7.
APP5-240 “Dr. Barnes…Epinus…sent…as an ambassador.” ] — This embassage was in 1534, though Epinus, who was the first Reformed superintendent at Hamburgh, did not join them till the following year.
See “Memoria Jo. Epini, auctore Arn. Grevio,” Hamb. 1736 Preface, and p. 21; and Seckendorf’s “Comment. de Lutheran.” lib. 3. pp. 88, and 113.
APP5-241 “Dr. Barnes, with his brethren.” ] — The brethren alluded to were Garret and Jerome.
APP5-242 — Dalaber’s account of Garret is here given exactly as it stands in the Edition of 1563; in the subsequent editions it appears materially altered in some parts, in substance as well as phraseology; as Foxe, however, states at p. 427, that Dalaber died in 1562, it is plain that these alterations could not have had his sanction.
APP5-243 “In the yeare of our Lord God a. 1526 or thereaboute.” ] — The date of Dr. Cottisforde’s appointment to be Commissary (see note supra on p. 5), and the papers relative to Garret printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 6., prove that the ensuing narrative belongs to the year 1528: one of those papers, however, dated February 26th, 1528, states that Garret had been at Oxford about the preceding Easter (April 21st, 1527); which agrees with Dalaber’s statement near the bottom of p. 425, that he had known Garret almost a twelvemonth: but if he came in February of that year, as Dalaber here seems to state, it would be called 1526, as the year ran on to the 24th of March.
Dalaber’s narrative, so punctiliously exact in this particular, appears not so exact in speaking of the proctors; for it would seem from his account as if Ball and Cole had been coproctors in the same year: whereas it appears from Wood’s “Fasti Oxonienses” (Bliss’s and Gutoh’s editions) that Simon Ball of Merton College was elected proctor with Thomas Byrton of Cardinal College, late of Magdalen, April 11th, 1526, 18 Hen. VIII.: and that Arthur Cole of Magdalen College was elected proctor with Richard Logan of Oriel, May 7th, 1527. Hence it would seem that Simon Ball was proctor when first Garret came to Oxford early in 1527, and Arthur Cole when the subsequent events happened in the early part of 1528, for Cole’s successor was chosen April 22d, 1528.
It appears from the same authority, that Garret was admitted B. A. sometime in 1517, 9 Hen. VIII., and Fooke’s Letter at the end of this Appendix states him to have been now fellow of Magdalen College.
APP5-244 “Because the scholars in Alborne Hall were all arceturs.” ] — Arcetyr, a learner or a teacher of art. Arcetyr, or he that lernethe or techethe arte. Arcista — Promp. Parr. MS. Harl. 221. Bouther’s Glossary, edit. 4to. The work here quoted in MS. has been printed by the Camden Society, Lond. 1843, vol. 1. p. 14.
APP5-245 “Francis Lambert upon the Gospel of St. Luke.” ] — This must have been a rather popular exposition, as Von der Hart mentions a third edition (tom. 1. p. 233), “Fr. Lamberti Avenionensis in Lucae Evang. Commentarii nunc tertio recog.; Argentorati, 1526.” — The Christian Observer for January 1837, has some interesting notices of this adherent of the Reformation. Seckendorf’s Comment. de Lutheranismo, lib. 2. section 8, Section 14 is also worth referring to, as usual. See the note above on p. 63.
APP5-246 “The New Testament of Erasmus’s translation.” ] — Foxe unaccountably omitted the words “of Erasmus’s translation” after the first edition. Erasmus’s Latin Testament was first published 1516.
Respecting this book, see before note on p. 117, and Appendix to vol. 4 note on p. 681.
APP5-247 “All to-tossed;” and p. 425, line 18, “all to-be-dirted;” see Nares’s Glossary, and Appendix to vol. 2 note on p. 382.
APP5-248 — It is to be regretted that Dalaber should have entertained such loose ideas of the duty of speaking the truth, as this passage seems to imply. It is to be remembered, however, that the doctrines of the Romish church, in which the Reformer had been educated, favored lying, and even perjury, when employed in self-defense; and it is the less surprising that some of them continued to act on such a principle, when they were placed in most critical circumstances by their popish adversaries.
APP5-249 — The Garret Papers, printed at the end of this Appendix, show Foxe to be mistaken in saying that Garret was taken at Hinxsey, unless that means that the proctor and his men met him there, and received him at the hands of the Somersetshire officers. The documents at the end of this Appendix afford several notices respecting Garret, subsequent to this his apprehension at Bedminster: we may add to them that Cranmer, in a letter to Cromwell, dated October 8th, 1535, and printed by Todd and Jenkyns from the Chapter House Papers, recommended him to the parsonage of St. Peter’s beside Calais, in preference to the curate of St. Mary’s in Calais, who was a candidate (see note on p. 501, infra). Anne Boleyne also solicited preferment for him. (Todd’s Cranmer, 1. p. 138). It appears, moreover, from the Stokesly Register that he was inducted June 14th, 1537, to the rectory of All Saints, Honeylane, on the resignation of Laurence Cook, the man who forbade the people to pray for Frith at his martyrdom. “Tho.
Garret, alias Garrard, A.M. admiss, ad eccl. Omn. Sanctorum Honylane, Lond. 14 Jun. 1537, per resign. Laur. Cook. Ric. Benese ad eandem 15 Oct. 1540, per attincturam Tho. Garrard, ultimum Rectorem, qui propter haeresim nuper attinctus fuit.” (Reg. Stokesly, et Bonner folio 132.)
APP5-250 — These Articles are abbreviated from those in the Register: an exact copy of the Articles is given among the Garret Papers at the end of this Appendix.
APP5-251 “Named John Salisbury.” ] — These words are preceded in the edition of 1563, p. 610, by the following: “now yet living, and dean of Norwich.” John Salisbury, suffragan bishop of Thetford, was made dean of Norwich on the resignation of William Castleton in 1539. He was deprived in the beginning of Queen Mary’s reign, March 1st, 1554. He was restored in 1560, and in 1571 made bishop of the Isle of Man; but held his deanery in commendam with it till his death, which happened the latter end of September 1573, when he was buried in Norwich cathedral. (Le Neve’s Fasti, pp. 213, 214.)
APP5-252 “William Jerome, vicar of Stepney.” ] — Quaere whether this were the same as William Jerome, Benedictine, who with Tho. London a Cistercian, and John Okeley a Carmelite, petitioned for the degree of B. D. March 4, 1530, 22 Hen. VIII., but were all three rejected. (Wood’s Fasti, Bliss.)
APP5-253 — Foxe’s statements are supported by two Documents printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 8.
APP5-254 “The like also did Jerome,” etc.] — Various [recantations of Barnes, Jerome, and Garret are given among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 7.; and Jerome’s Sermon, No. 21. printed from a copy preserved in the Rolls House, but much injured by damp; the skill and perseverance, however, of W. H. Black, Esq., deputy-keeper, have succeeded in deciphering the whole, with very slight exceptions.
APP5-255 “That is only the death of Christ.” ] — “Is” seems a mistake for “doth,” or “by” is omitted after “only.”
APP5-256 — This recantation of Heywood is given in Bonner’s Register, folio 37.
APP5-257 — “And” after “grace” seems redundant.
APP5-258 — As these Commissions have not been printed by Foxe, a specimen is given among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 9., from the Bonner Register, fol. 17 verso, dated Jan. 29th, 1541, which was probably the first issued, and prepared the way, with other measures, for the persecution commenced 1541 (see p. 443): this Commission was reissued March 22d, anno regni 33 [1542], under which date it appears in the Bonner Register, fol. 37, addressed to lord chancellor Wriothsley, the lord mayor for the time being, and the other persons named in this Commission: moreover Henry there styles himself “terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremum caput.” He uses the same style again in a fresh issue of this Commission, dated Greenwich quinto die Januarii, “anno regni tricesimo sexto” [1545], addressed to the same parties as the last (Bonner Register, folio 67); it is immediately followed in the Register by the same brief to Bonner and oath to be taken by the Commissioners, as appear on this page, and at p. 264. The same Commission was reissued, mutatis mutandis, by Edward VI., April 13th, 1547, the first year of his reign: see the note infra on p. 714.
APP5-259 — This Commission is translated from the Latin, which will be found among the Documents, No. 9., also the Oath. Foxe’s translation is a little corrected.
APP5-260 “The year aforesaid, which was 1541.” ] — It is evident, however, that the persecution which commenced this year extended through several years, for the same royal Commission to inquire on the Six Articles was issued in 1541, 1542, and 1543 (see note above on p. 440), and the recantation of Wisdom and Beacon (mentioned at p. 448) took place in 1543 (see Documents at the end of this Appendix): moreover, a proclamation of the king’s council in 1529, given by Foxe, vol. 4, p. 676, from the Tunstal Register, folio 143, was reissued in 1542, called in the Bonner Register, folio 38, “Proclamatio facta per regium consilium contra hereses et alias opiniones dampnabiles;” and this was followed in the same year by a list of books to be searched for by the curates of the parishes, printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 10., from the Bonner Register: Burner prints a part, but only a part, of this list in his Records.
APP5-261 — See the Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 586.
APP5-262 . “Gough the stationer.” ] — He got into trouble in connection with Garret and the circulation of Lutheran books in 1528 see letter of the bishop of London among the Garret Papers at the end of this Appendix. The period here referred to was probably about 1541 for in the Minutes of the Privy Council printed by Government, under date of January 8th, 1541, occurs the following: “John Gough of London, prynter, was sent to the Flytt for pryntyng and selling of sedycyous books.”
APP5-263 — Friar Ward was no doubt the Robert Ward, whose recantation will be found among the Documents printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 11, from the Bonner Register. He has been mentioned also at p. 444. His recantation would seem from the dates of neighboring documents in the Register to belong to the year 1544.
APP5-264 . “John Taylor.” ] — This was the John Taylor, alias Cardmaker, vicar of St. Bride’s, afterwards burned in Queen Mary’s reign. That he was again in trouble for “comforting Dr. Crome in his folye,” appears from a letter of the council to Mr. Secretary Petre, dated May 13th, 1546. See Gov. State Papers, Henry VIII. vol. 1. p. 846.
APP5-265 . “Using these words for the same, ‘Benedicite, Dominu.’ “] — Query, ‘Benedicite Dominum.’
APP5-266 — Robert Wisdome wrote an Exposition of the Ten Commandments, for some passages in which he was imprisoned by. the Council in Lollards’ Tower. He wrote an animated defense from prison, which is printed by Strype, Mem. 1. Records, No. 115. His recantation, with that of Becon and Singleton, is given among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 12. It was made at the same time with theirs, and belongs to the year 1543. This is important, as fixing a point in Becon’s history which has been hitherto in dispute.
Wisdome afterwards became archdeacon of Ely, and one of the famous synod in 1562: he died 1568. (Strype, Mere. book 1 ch. 49.)
APP5-267 “Sir George Parker.”] — In connection with this individual and the accusation against him, may be mentioned a very curious paper among the Records in the Rolls House, never yet printed or noticed; it has been placed among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 13. Sir G. Parker is probably the Parker mentioned in No. 4. of the Documents.
APP5-268 — On “Unto dissidentium,” see the note above on p. 216.
APP5-269 “Alexander Seton.” ] — A commission to try him was issued April 20th, 1540, to the two archbishops and certain bishops, counter signed by Thomas Cromwell. Cranmer Register, folio 69, Collier’s History, vol. 5. p. 84, (London, 1840).
APP5-270 “Huntington.” ] — See p. 539.
APP5-271 “Neither contrary to his advertisements, which he had fixed in print over every Bible.” ] — See a copy of these advertisements among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 14.
APP5-272 — Wood (in the Ath. Oxon. p. 261) says that the alarm of fire at Oxford happened the third Sunday after Advent, 1536. In the Latin edition, p. 139, Foxe speaks as though he had been eyewitness of this ridiculous affair. He there gives it immediately after the martyrdom of Cowbridge, related above, p. 251, and connects it thus: “Sub idem fere tempus quo Oxoniae haec acta sunt, aut non multum secus…” See the next note but one, and another note on p. 461.
APP5-273 “Ambassade of Thomas Wolsey and Laurence the cardinal.”] — See supra, vol. 4. p. 589.
APP5-274 — The Latin edition has it: “Dies erat, ut memini, Dominicus,” p. 140.
APP5-275 “Thus have you heard,” etc.] — The Latin edition has here: “Nec libet fingere; quum supersint adhuc vivi et aujtoptai hujusce fabulae testes, quos nihil impedio quin fingentem coarguant.”
APP5-276 — These Royal letters for the abolition of idolatry are preserved also in the archives of the dean and chapter of St. Paul’s, as addressed to them (Sampson Register, folio 117 verso): that copy corresponds with this given by Foxe, except that in line 3 it reads “have to your bounden duty,” and next line “your people:” there are a few other variations of no importance: it is signed by “William Southampton, Robert Sussex, John Russell, Antony Browne, Antony Wynkfeld, Cuthbert Duresme, John Gage.
APP5-277 — “Relic Sunday” was the third Sunday after Midsummer day.
APP5-278 — For explanation of Sir John Shorn’s boots, see Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 232.
APP5-279 “Portues.” ] — See the note on vol. 3. p. 380.
APP5-280 — Palm Sunday in 1543 fell on March 25th.
APP5-281 “The Thursday after, which was St. Ann’s day.” ] — This serves to fix the date of the martyrdom: St. Ann’s day was July 26th, which by Nicolas’s Tables fell on a Thursday in 1543.
APP5-282 “On Saturday in the morning that the men should be burned.”] — This was July 28th. See the last note.
APP5-283 — About the “poor laboring man,” see p. 523.
APP5-284 — John Butler, the archbishop’s commissary, was the person employed to take down the pope’s bull against Henry from the church door at Dunkirk in 1533. (See above, p. 67.)
APP5-285 — Richard Sampson was consecrated bishop of Chichester June 11th, 1536, and translated March 1542: John Clarke was made bishop of Bath and Wells by a bull dated March 26th, 1523, and died of poison February 1542: William Rugg or Repps was consecrated July 2d, 1536, and died 1550. (Richardson’s Godwin.)
APP5-286 — See p. 522.
APP5-287 — This story about the imposture at St. Nicolas’s is more fully explained in Strype’s Life of Cranmer, p. 88.
APP5-288 “A Dove.” ] — The edition of 1563, p. 657, says, “One called J. Dove, then prior,” etc.
APP5-289 “The said Damlip was sent for to appear before the archbishop of Canterbury.” ] — There is a letter printed in the Government State Papers and Jenkyns’s Cranmer, 1. p. 252, from John Butler, the archbishop’s commissary at Calais, to Cranmer in Damlip’s behalf, dated Cales July 22d: as it speaks of Sunday as July 21st, it was sent in 1538: he runs down the prior and begs that Damlip might be appointed curate of Notre Dame in Calais. — There is also a letter of Cranmer’s to Cromwell enclosing the above, dated Lambeth July 24th, and earnestly recommending that Damlip be allowed to return and preach unmolested. (Ibid.)
APP5-290 “Martyr Cranmer.” ] — “Martyr most meke Cranmer,” Ed. 1563.
APP5-291 . “Damlip had secret intimation from the archbishop of Canterbury.” ] — There is a letter from Cranmer to Cromwell (printed in the Government State Papers, and in Jenkyns’s Cranmer, 1. p. 250) dated Lambeth August 15th; in which Cranmer says that Damlip asserted he only denied “transubstantiation,” but that two friars stepped forward, and declared that he had denied the real presence; “on which he withdrew himself; and since that time no man can tell where he is become; for which I am very sorry, bycause that I think he is rather fled suspecting the rigor of the law than the defense of his own cause. In consideration herof, and to the intent that the people of Calice may he quiet and satisfied in this matter I have appointed two of my chapleins to go thither and preach incontinently: nevertheless, it is thought that they shall do little good there, if the said prior return home again. Cranmer then begs that he may be authorized to detain the prior, and that some other person might be made prior in his room.
Another letter, dated Lambeth August 18th, states that he has got the prior in custody: and thanks Cromwell for his letter to the lord deputy Lisle, and urges him to defend the gospel. (Strype Cranmer, Jenkyns, 1. p. 259.)
APP5-292 . “Were sent over Dr. Champion, doctor of divinity, and Master Garret, who after was burned.” ] — So long back as 1535 Cranmer had in two letters, dated January 22d and October 8th, stated his wish to send two of his chaplains to preach and enlighten the town and marches of Calais. (Jenkyns, 1:pp. 126, 144.)
Dr. Champion was chaplain to the archbishop. There are several allusions to him in Cranmer-letters published by Dr. Jenkyns. On the foundation of the new chapter at Canterbury in April 1542 he became one of the first prebendaries, but died soon after. At his burial, Rafe the bell-ringer of Christ-Church poured hot coals on him in his grave, to the great slander of the said Dr. Champion, as though he had been a heretic worthy of burning. (Strype’s Cranmer, p. 102.)
With respect to Garret, in a letter from Cranmer to Cromwell (Cranmer’s Letters in Jenkyns), dated Oct. 8th, 1535, the archbishop says, “Inasmuch as I am advertised, that the parsonage of St. Peter’s besides Calice is like shortly to be void and in the king’s grace’s disposition, I beseech you either to obtain the same for Master Garret, whose learning and conversation is known to be right good and honest, or else for some other as is so able and willing to discharge the same as he is. Wherein I assure you that you shall accomplish a right meritorious deed before God, and deserve condign thanks hereafter of your prince for promoting of so great a commodity for his realm. And whereas I am informed that the curate of St. Mary’s within Ca]ice intendeth to make suit unto you for the said benefice; I pray you not to regard his suit, for I know that he is nothing meet for that room, specially in this world of Reformation.”
Garret may well be supposed therefore to have had the archbishop’s confidence for such a mission as this; at the same time it is remarkable, that the edition of 1563, p. 658, reads here and a few lines lower “Mayster Hore.” Certain also it is, that Garret was at this time rector of All Saints, Honey Lane, to which he was inducted June 14th, 1537. (See note before on p. 427.)
APP5-293 — Sir Nicholas Carew was executed March 3d, 1539, which was the 30th of Henry VIII. Hall correctly places this event in the 30th year of the king: and Strype gives a passage of a letter from Butler, Ellyot, Partridge, and Traherne to Bullinger, dated March 8th, 1539, in which Sir N. Carew’s repentance in prison is very pleasingly described.
APP5-294 “The Lord,’ symbolum haereticorum.”] — See infra, p. 690.
APP5-295 “And.” ] — Corruption of “an,” old English for “if.”
APP5-296 — Easter in 1540 fell on March 28th.
APP5-297 — In the edition of 1563, p. 665, the name of “John Boote” in this list does not occur; which renders it probable, that Foxe, perceiving the deficiency in the number of names, had endeavored to supply it, but without success as to the thirteenth.
APP5-298 — There has been no mention of any former trouble of this William Stevens; and it is most likely that Foxe has confounded his name with that of William Smith (pp. 512, 513). The edition of 1563, p. 665, says nothing about a previous trouble, but thus introduces the present affair: “And the foresaid William Stevens was by the lorde deputy charged, that he had staied the foresaide Adam Damlip,” etc. and after the words, “he must have been more faulty,” goes on: “and then the said Stevens was first sent over into England, and clapt in the Towre, and afterwarde, to witt immediatlye after the saide commissioners repair unto the kinges highnesse, the said lorde deputye was sent for over,” etc. If Foxe discovered afterwards that Stevens bad been troubled with the others in the first commission, he has omitted to introduce it into the history; but the probability is (as above stated), that he for the moment confounded W. Stevens with W. Smith.
APP5-299 “Knew not B from a battledore.” ] — A proverbial expression for ignorance. See Nares’s Glossary.
APP5-300 “Adam Damlip…again apprehended by the miserable inquisition of the Six Articles,” etc.] — By a comparison of circumstances, it seems that this must have been the inquisition of 1541.
APP5-301 — Easter day in 1543 fell on March 25th, and Palm Sunday on March 18th.
APP5-302 “Saturday,” ] — April 28th, 1543.
APP5-303 — Ascension day in 1543 fell on May 3d, by Nicolas’s Tables; consequently this was May 2d.
APP5-304 — “Heretical” is put in for Foxe’s “seditious,” which is a manifest lapsus.
APP5-305 . “Pardoned by the general pardon,” etc.] — This assertion of the preacher respecting Damlip, also of Foxe himself at line 16, is not correct; for all Sacramentaries, and Damlip by name, were excepted from the general pardon. See Star. 32 Hen. VIII. cap. 49, Strype’s Cranmer, pp. 68, 88.
APP5-306 — Among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 15. will be found an Extract from the Westminster Register relative to this John Athy.
APP5-307 — This recantation of Heywood, dated as Foxe states, is in the Bonner Register, folio 61 the text has been corrected by the Register.
At folio 62 is also the recantation of Robert Ward of Thapstede: for a copy of which see the Document at the end of this Appendix, No. 11.
APP5-308 “Hath without his own diocese.” ] — So reads the Register, correctly: it is singular that all the editions of Foxe read corruptly “within.”
APP5-309 . “In the year aforesaid, 1544,” etc.] — Foxe says “1545,” which needs alternation in consequence of the corrections of previous dates: a few lines lower the same change has been again made.
APP5-310 “The Friday.” ] — Foxe says Saturday: but the next day is said to be Saturday, next page. Gang-Monday was the Monday before Holy Thursday, that week being called “Gang Week,” in consequence of the processions formerly made at that time, and which are still retained in the parochial beating of the parish bounds on Ascension day: “Gang” meant in Anglo-Saxon “to go.” (See Brand’s Popular Antiquities.)
APP5-311 — Respecting Dr. Rugham see Appendix to vol. 4. note on p. 681, from which it would appear that he had known and professed the truth: this will account for his being so easily silenced, next page, by Kerby.
APP5-312 “Disable.” ] — To excuse himself as in competent.
APP5-313 — See Bilney’s use of “collation,” supra, vol. 4. p. 654, also at p. 554 of this vol. lines 1, 3, 5.
APP5-314 “The next Lent following, Dr. Crome,” etc.] — Dr. Crome seems to have been a very prominent preacher of the Reformed doctrines, and to have attracted the notice of the hierarchy on various occasions. It may be useful to draw together the scattered notices of him which have been met with. 1. He was reported to the council for a sermon preached at Aldermary church on Relic Sunday, July 11th, 1529. (See Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 16.) 2. He recanted March 11th, 1530 his Articles are given at the end of this Appendix from the Tunstall Register, and this recantation is referred to vol. 4. p. 699, December 15th, 1531. 3. He was thought a most excellent preacher by John Periman, 1531. (Vol. 5. p. 32.) 4. He and Latimer are named by Bainham, in 1533, as two of the most scriptural preachers of that time. (Vol. 4. p. 699.) 5. He was reported to the council for a sermon preached at Allhallows Bread Street, July 16th, 1539. (See Documents at the end of this Appendix.) 6. He recanted at Paul’s Cross, Septuagesima Sunday, February 13th, 1541. (Ibid.) 7. Dr. Crome recanted again at Paul’s Cross, Sunday, May 9th, 1546; and in consequence of his having used some mental reservation on that occasion, he was put to a further recantation at Paul’s Cross on Sunday, June 27th following. (Ibid.)
Some letters among the Gov. State Papers, vol. 1 confirm this last statement. Thus, the, Council to Petre, May 11th (p. 844), states that Dr. Crome had been before the council the day previous, “about his misbehavior at Paul’s Cross, contrary to his own promise and the king’s expectation.” “Ye shall perceive that Mr. Crome notith in his aunswer, to be comeforted by non Lasselles, whome we have in examinacion, nat called apon Crome’s detection, but because himself boosted abrode, that he was desirous to be called to the Counscill, and he would answer to the pricke.”
Another letter from the same to the same, May 13th (p. 846), states that Crome confessed to having been tampered with by one Huick, who suggested to him to use a double entendre in reciting the Articles at Paul’s Cross. They expected that same day to have before them “Latymer, the Vicar of St. Bride’s [John Taylor, alias Cardmarker], and summe others of those that have specially comforted Crome in his folye.” Petre same day sends for Crome’s Articles signed by himself (p. 847).
The Council inform Petre May 14th, that Latymer was several times before them the day previous, and confessed to having been with Crome several times since he had been at the lord chancellor’s house, but evaded their questions; when they gave him some interrogatories, to answer in writing while they examined the others; but he refused to proceed because he doubted its being the king’s pleasure, as he had formerly been misinformed by Cromwell that the king wished he should resign his bishopric. At last he answered in much the same evasive way as Crome, and bishop Heath and others were that afternoon “to fish out the bottom of his stomach.” “Lascelles will not answer to that parte of his conference with Crome that toucheth Scripture matier, without he have the king’s expresse commandement, with his protection; for he saith it is neither wisdom nor equitie that he should kill himself.” The vicar of St. Bride’s was “of the same sorte, but yet not so bold as the rest.” “And as to the Scott, he is more mete for Dunbar than for London; for neither hath he any manner of wit, or lerning, mete for a preacher, but is a very ignorant; and hath framed his sayenges after his audience, as, to be rydde, he will saye howe what you wil byd him.”
The following notice of the same matter occurs in a letter from Otwell Johnson to his brother, July 2d, 1546 (MSS. in the Tower Records, and Ellis’s Letters, Second Ser. 2:p. 177.) “Our Newes hier of Dr. Crome’s canting, recanting, decanting, or rather double canting, be thies; that on Sonday last, befor my Lorde Chauncelor, the Duke of Norlocke, my Lord Great Mr., Mr. Riche, Mr. Chauncelor of the Tenths, with the Suthwells, Pope, and other nobles and knightes, and on the other side the Bisshoppes of London and Wourcester, all principal Doctors and Denes, beside grayamesses, and arable of other marked people, the reverent Father just named openly declaired his true measning and right understonding (as he said and according to his conscience) of the VI. or VII. Articles you hard of, as he shuld have done upon the 2de Sunday after Ester, but that he was letted from his said true intent by the persuasions of certain perverse mynded persons, and by the sight of lewde and ungodly books and writings, for the which he was very sorry, and desired the audience to be ware of such books, for under the fayer appierance of them was hidden a daungerous accombraunce of Christen conscienses, and so exhorted all men to embrace auncientnes of catholike doctrine, and forsake new fanggelnes.”
APP5-315 — There is a little ambiguity as to the year in which this first examination of Anne Askew took place, for she herself calls the year 1545, which might mean 1546, as the year ran on to March 24th, and the month she writes of was March. But the alleged recantation, quoted at p. 542 exactly from the Bonner Register, calls it 1544. It is most probable, however, that that is a mistake of the scribe, for Foxe in a paper quoted by Strype from the Foxian MSS. says that Sir Martin Bowes was the mayor of London who examined her, and he entered office November 1545 (Maitland’s London). Foxe after the edition of 1563 altered the date of the Recantation from the Register into 1545, probably because he had ascertained that she was first examined in 1546, and that the date in the Registers was erroneous. Examples of such clerical errors in the Registers are not wanting (see infra, notes on pp. 777, 781.) The first examination of Anne Askewe seems to have taken place March 11th; for she states at bottom of this page that she was committed at the close of her examination to the Compter and remained there “eleven days, no friend admitted to speak with me,” i.e. till March 22d inclusive, for on March 23d her cousin Britain was admitted to see her.
APP5-316 — Bale observes that the design of the papists in proposing to introduce these individuals was, to get some handle from their conversation with Anne Askew against themselves. Huntington has been mentioned at p. 449, as at that time (1543) a papist.
APP5-317 . “Fourthly he asked, if the host should fall.” ] — Upon the mouse-eating see what is to be done, quoted from various writers, in Gerhard’s Loci Theolog; lib. 22. cap. 12, pp. 216, 217, tom. 10. edit.
Tubing. 1762. See also Cranmer’s Works by Jenkyns, vol. 3. p. 124.
APP5-318 — March 23d fell on a Tuesday in 1546, so that the examination before Bonner and her subscription took place on Thursday March 25th.
APP5-319 — The word “lord” is inserted from Bale.
APP5-320 — David Whitehead is probably here meant. He was nominated by Cranmer in 1552, as Whitehead of Hadley, for one of the Irish bishoprics: he is described by Cranmer as “endued with good knowledge, special honesty, fervent zeal, and politick wisdom.” The writer of the Troubles at Frankfort mentions him, Coverdale, and Turner, as “the most ancient preachers of the Gospel, and the most ancient fathers of our country: as from their pens as well as their mouths most of queen Elizabeth’s divines and bishops first received the light of the gospel.” (See Strype’s Cranmer, book 2. chap. 28.)
APP5-321 — These two gentlemen seem to be Spilman and Brittayne, soon after mentioned, and at p. 543.
APP5-322 — This archdeacon was John Wimsley (see p. 543), alias Savage, a natural brother of Bonner’s.
APP5-323 — The Bonner Register has been consulted (fol. 101), and Foxe’s text brought into exact conformity to it. his text in 1563 is much more accurate than in any subsequent edition: the date 1544 is altered after the edition of 1563 into 1545; the bishop of Bedford into the bishop of Bark (who was William Knight); and “Robert Johnson” is “Robert John,” even in the edition of 1563.
APP5-324 — This account of the second examination of Anne Askewe was printed by Bale at “Marpurg in the land of Hessen 16 die Januarii, 1547.” He says in the preface, fol. 11, as follows: - “Whose lattre handelynge here foloweth in course, lyke as I receaved it in coppye by serten doche merchauntes, comynge from thens, which had bene at their burnynge and beholden the tyrannouse vyolence there shewed. First out of the preson she wrote unto a secret frynde of hers after thys maner folowynge: I doo perceive,’ “ etc.
From Bale’s account it appears, that Anne Askewe, or Kyme, and her husband were both brought before the council at Greenwich on Saturday, June 19th, and remanded to Newgate.
APP5-325 “The sum of,” etc.] — This examination was on Friday, June 25th. (Bale.)
APP5-326 “My prison-fellows.” ] — See p. 550.
APP5-327 — The following is the passage in Bale’s account referred to in this note: “Concernynge Maister Kyme thys shuld seine to be the matter. Her father Syr Wyllyam Askewe, kngyht, and his father olde master Kyme were suretyroe of famyliarytie and neybers within the countie of Lincolne shyre. Whereupon the seyd Sir Wyllyam. covenaunted with hym for lucre to have hys eldest daughter marryed with hys sonne and heyre (as an ungodlye manner it isin Englande much used amonge noble men). And as it was her chaunce to dye afore the tyme of maryage, to save the money he constrayned thys to supplye her rowme, so that in the ende she was compelled agaynst her wyll or fre consent to marrye with hym. Notwithstandynge the marryage ones past she demeaned her selfe lykea Christen wyfe and had by hym (as I am in formed) children. In process of tyme by oft readynge of the sacred Bible she fell clerelye from all olde superstycyons of papystrye to parfyght beleve in Jhesus Christ. Wherby she so offended the prestes (as is to be seane afore) that he at their suggestion vyolentle drove her oute of hys howse. Wherupon she thought herselfe free from that uncomelye kynde of coacted marryage, by this doctrine of S. Paul 1 Corinthians 7:
If a faythfull woman have an unbelevynge husbande whych wyll not tarrye with her she maye leave hym. For a brother or syster is not in subjectyon to such, especyallye where as the marryage afore is unlawfull. Upon thys occasion (I heare saye) she sought of the law a dyvorcement from hym, namelye and above all bycause he so cruellye drove her out of hys howse, in despyght of Christe’s veryte. She coulde not thynke hym worthye of her marryage which so spyghtfullye hated God the chefe autor of marryage. Of this matter was she first examyned ([thynke) at hys instaunt labor and sute.”
APP5-328 — Sunday, June 27th.
APP5-329 “The Lord strenythen you.” ] — So reads Bale’s text, and Foxe’s of 1563, but the subsequent editions alter it into “us.”
APP5-330 — Anne Askewe’s verses will be found at the end of this Appendix, No. 19.
APP5-331 “Condemned without a quest.” ] — So reads correctly Bale’s text (fol. 33 verso), but Foxe’s in every edition reads “with,” and his margin has “by a quest.” The truth is, that the proceedings against her were illegal, as she ought by the law of 1544 (see pp. 527, 528) to have been tried by a quest or jury of twelve men, any of whom she might have challenged: but she was condemned by the lord chancellor and the council: on which Otwell Johnson writes to his brother July 2d (MSS. in the Tower Records, and Ellis’s Letters, Sec. Ser. 2, p. 177), “On Monday following quondam bishopp Saxon, Mtres Askewe, Christofer White, one of Mtres Fayresons, and a tayliour that came from Colchester or theraboute, wet arraigned at the Guyld Hall, and received thayer judgement of my lord Chauncellor and the Counsail to be burned, and so wet comitted to Newegate again. But sins that tyme, th’aforsaid Saxon and White have renounced thayr opinions, and the talke goeth that they shall chaunce to escape the fyer for this viage.”
APP5-332 — Otwell Johnson, as cited in the last note, thus speaks of this: “The gentilwoman hath ben rakked sins her condempnacion, as men say, which is a straunge thing in my understanding: the Lord be merciful to us all.”
APP5-333 “On Tuesday,” ] — i.e. June 29th, the day after condemnation.
This tallies with a passage in Otwell Johnson’s letter already quoted, dated July 2d, which would be the Friday following the condemnation.
APP5-334 — Nicholas Shaxton, whose recantation is here referred to, had been a man zealous for the truth. He was suspected of heresy by old Nixe, bishop of Norwich (see vol. 4. pp. 650, 680: ) an attestation to his orthodoxy of that date is printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 17. He was made bishop of Salisbury in 1535, but relinquished it July 4th, 1539, when he was imprisoned, and recanted on this occasion with Crome. At the end of this Appendix, No. 17. will be found his Articles and Submission at this time, July 9th, 1546, from the Bonner Register, fol. 100. One expression of his Submission renders it probable that his solicitation of Anne Askew, and preaching at her martyrdom, were part of the penance inflicted on him; and if so, they become an additional confirmation of the supposition that he was martyred in July and not in June. (See the note next following this.) Todd, in his Defence of Cranmer, p. 68, note, mentions a little book intituled, “Confutation by R. Crowley of XIII. Articles, whereunto N. Shaxton, late bishop of Salisbury, subscribed, and caused to be set forth in print the year of our Lord 1546, which he recanted at Smithfeld in London at the burning of Mrs. Askewe.” Crawford attributes the Articles to Gardiner.
APP5-335 “About the month of June.” ] — But Otwell Johnson’s letter of July 2d implies that they were not then executed. See the notes preceding this, on p. 547. Bale also, in his preface to the first examination, folio 3 verso, says that it was “in the yeare of our Lorde 1546 in Julye:” and at folio 5, “about the 25 yeare of her age, with in companions.”
APP5-336 — This queen was married July 10th, 1543, just before the martyrdom of the three Windsor men.
APP5-337 “The Sunday before Anne Askew suffered.” ] — That would be July 11th according to Stowe’s reckoning, who places her martyrdom to Friday, July 16th.
APP5-338 . “A Proclamation for the abolishing of English Books, after the death of Anne Askew, set forth,” etc.] — This Proclamation is recorded in the Bonner Register, folio 91, intituled, “A proclamation devised by the kinge’s highnes with thadvise of his mooste honorable counsell to avoyde and abolyshe such Englyshe bookes as conteyne pernicious and detestable errours and heresies, made the 8 day of Julye, the yere of the kinges majesties mooste gratious Reyne.”
APP5-339 — Foxe has evidently taken the List in the text from the Bonner Register, folio 87, where it appears preceded by a certificate of Bonner to the Privy Council (printed at the end of this Appendix, No. 18.), of his having burned the afternamed books at Paul’s Cross in sermon time, agreeably to the Proclamation. As the Proclamation of July 8th, 1546, is not recorded in the Register till afterwards, Foxe has expressed a doubt to what Proclamation reference is made; but the date of the certificate clears up that point. Foxe’s List has been collated with that in the Register, and presents some variations. In the Register, the books of each author are connected together by a bracketline running down the margin, and the author’s name is written outside the bracket; the Editor has consequently introduced the authors’ names into the margin of this edition from the Register. [The Editor has placed the names of the authors in the margin of this and the next two pages, between square brackets, to indicate that they were put in from the Register; but has subsequently observed, that they are introduced by Foxe himself in his first edition.] Again, from the “Abridgement of Unio Dissidentium,” mentioned near the bottom of p. 567, to the end of the List, the arrangement of the works is different from that in the Register, Foxe having collected together those works which he knew to be the production of the same author; whereas the Registrar, in several cases, has put a long line after the work, as not knowing its author.
Thus the four works mentioned next after the “Unio Dissidentium” are placed in the Register next after “The Image of a very Christian Bishop, etc.” near the end of the List. The names of” Melancthon,” “Luther,” and “Urbanus Regius,” in p. 568, are put in by Foxe; “T.
Solme” is called “Thomas Solme” in the Register; also, the last three works of Tyndale are in the Register mentioned after the “Image of a Counterfeit Bishop,” in p. 568; and they are there followed by “A booke in Artycles againste the Christian Religion made by Robert Barnes abovenamed,” which Foxe has moved back to stand with Barnes’s other works.
APP5-340 — It is observable, that Foxe says little or nothing about Coverdale’s translation of the Bible: it was the first ever printed, and was finished October 4th, 1535. It would appear probable, from Mr.
Anderson’s statement, that this translation had not the confidence of the Reformers. The following is an outline of Mr. Anderson’s statement.
There is a letter from Coverdale to Cromwell, in the Cromwell Correspondence in the State Paper Office, quoted at length by Mr.
Anderson, dated August 27lb, 1527, from which it would seem that Coverdale had entered into friendly relations with Cromwell, and even a state of subserviency, which effectually screened him from Tunstall, Stokesly, and More, though his name was shown up to them in (see p. 40 of this volume). Foxe, indeed, says, at p. 120, that Coverdale met Tyndale at Hamburgh, and assisted him in retranslating the Pentateuch, from Easter (April) to Dec. 1529; but that seems improbable. There is another letter of Coverdale’s to Cromwell, dated The Augustines, May 1st, printed by the Government Commissioners (see Gov. State Papers, 1. p. 383), in which Coverdale begs for books, and says he has begun to taste of Holy Scripture, and adverts to some proposal made to him by Cromwell on Easter even in Master Moor’s house, most likely Sir Thomas More’s. The Government Commissioners date this May 1st, 1532: it might have been in 1531; and then we may suppose that Cromwell and More, who had been enraged at Tyndale’s version in 1530, might have formed a scheme, of getting a rival translation made by Coverdale. In the preface to his Bible he says that he was desired, anno 1534, to set forth (i.e. print) it: which further implies, that his work, which Cromwell had suggested at More’s house and patronized, was then completed. Coverdale’s Bible was finished printing by October 4th, 1535; but the preface concluded with an allusion to Queen Anne., which, as she fell into disfavor and was executed in May 1536, would not do. The title-page, therefore, was reprinted, and. the year altered to 1536. The Convocation, however, in June of that year, virtually expressed their dissatisfaction with both Coverdale’s and Tyndale’s translations, by peritioning the king, , That he would graciously indulge unto his subjects of the laity the reading of the Bible in the English tongue, and that a new translation of it be forthwith made for that end and purpose.” It appears, however, that two editions of Coverdale’s Bible were printed by James Nicholson in 1537, and both “Set forth with the Kynge’s most gracious license.” A letter from Coverdale to Cromwell proves that Cromwell had obtained the license for him of the king. But, meanwhile, Rogers had been engaged in preparing the new folio Bible of Tyndale’s translation, on the Continent, under the title of Thomas Matthewe. This at once engaged Cranmer’s, and through him Cromwell’s and the king’s, favor; and the Protestants generally were already prepossessed in favor of anything of Tyndale’s. From this time Coverdale’s translation fell into the shade. It is very inferior to Tyndale’s, particularly in rendering metanoina “penance” or “amendment,” and several similar renderings. Soon after this, Coverdale was engaged to correct the 2d edition of Matthewe’s Bible; and now, in 1546, we find his own Bible at the head of a prohibited list.
APP5-341 — The whole of this Document in the original occupies eight closely printed skins of parchment, beginning at folio 188 of the Warham Register, whence it is printed in Wilkins’s Concilia, 3. p. 727.
Only a portion of it is given here the remainder of it will be found infra, vol. 7:pp. 498-505, where internal evidence shows its date to be May 24th, 1530. Latimer replied to it in a letter to the king, dated Dec. 1st, 1530 (vol. 7. pp. 506-511). Mr. Anderson (Annals, 1250) cites a letter to Warham from old Nixe, bishop of Norwich, dated Hoxne, May 14th, only ten days previous to this document, pointing out to Warham the extreme danger from the quantity of heretical books imported, and the necessity for suppressing such as held these erroneous opinions, “for if they continue any time, I think they shall undo us all.” (Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5. fol. 360.)
APP5-342 “The law maketh us to hate God.” ] — In the edition of 1583, and all subsequent, “hate” is corrupted into “hear.”
APP5-343 “And thou have wherewith”] — i.e. “if.”
APP5-344 — Foxe here calls Tunstall “bishop of London,” and Gardiner, “bishop of Winchester;” whereas at the time this document was published by the bishops they occupied the offices, which are introduced into the text on the authority of the document itself, which is given by Foxe infra, vol. 7. pp. 503-505. Tunstall was translated to Durham, March 25th, 1530. (Godwin, Richardson’s Ed.)
APP5-345 “Tarry thee:” ] — see this active use of “tarry,” in vol. 3. p. 278, Appendix; and vol. 4. p. 654.
APP5-346 — “More places” will be found in the extract from the Registers given below, vol. 7. p. 498.
APP5-347 “The shrouds.” ] — Also called “the crouds,” supposed by some to be a corruption of “crypt.”
APP5-348 “Let him read the story of Merindol and Angrogne.” ] — In addition to the works pointed out in the note and Appendix to vol. p. 474, see “Histoire de Execution de Cabrieres et de Merindol, particulierement deduite dans le Plaidoye qu’en fit l’an 1551, par le command du Roy Henry II. et comme son Advocat Gen. en cette cause, Jacques Aubery [the Aubrius mentioned in vol. 4. p. 503], Ambass. extraord, en Angleterre, l’an 1555; a Paris, 1645.”
APP5-349 “The story of Cochleus against the Hussites and Lutherans, with the preface,” etc.] — There is some little confusion and mistake here; we should read, “and his Appendix to the work of Conradus Brunus the lawyer subjoined to the same.” The latter work is entitled “De seditiosis libri sex — auth. Conrado Bruno Jurecons. Jo. Cochlrei de seditiosis Appendix triplex, contra quosdam rebelles hujus temporis., ex officina Ft. Behem typog.; Moguntiae, 1550.” Cochlaeus compliments the Senate of Venice (p. 283) on its zeal in burning, what it was instructed to consider, heretical books: — “multa volumina, novis haereticorum fermentis infecta, quae Gallicus quidam Bibliopola spe lucri furtim invexerat, bonorum vero virorum indicio detecta, publice sunt jussu et authoritate vestra combusta. Si hoc salubre ac necessarium prudentiae atque diligentiae vestrae exemplum secutae fuissent multae in sacro Romano imperio praeclarae alioqui et opulentae civitates Germanicae, facile potuissent ea evitare incommoda, quae multis jam annis summo cum detrimento Republicae suae pertulerunt.”
APP5-350 — Supra p. 565, the Proclamation is dated July 8th.
APP5-351 — It is Norman Gurlay, vol. 4:p. 579.
APP5-352 . “Convinced” ] — convicted of error.
APP5-353 “Known by the Englishmen.” ] — query whether we should not read “by the Scots.” See the conclusion of Borthwike’s answer.
APP5-354 “St. Bernard also writeth., as is this his saying.” ] — But the sentences do not stand in the order, nor continuously, as they here happen to be given. The former sentence taken from the treatise “De Consideratione,” is in lib. 2. cap. 6, Section l0; the latter, after “for,” in lib. 1 cap. 6, Section 7.
APP5-355 “Possessions, lands and rents of the church.” ] — “The granters of that vast extent of territory, which could scarce satiate ecclesiastical cupidity, included the most fertile half of Scotland,” (p. 369.) “In general the blandishments of the priests were so successful, that every religious house possessed lands more or less, not only in their own vicinity, but throughout the whole of Scotland. Travellers taken sick, or on a visit, were waylaid by the ghostly fathers, who, with their ready instruments of moral compulsion, effectually unloosened the hold of the unfortunate proprietor, of the humble croft which his father had left him. The monks of Melrose had territories in the counties of Berwick, Lanark, Haddington, Ayr, Peebles, Roxburgh, Durafries, Selkirk, Kinross, and Perth; and property in the towns of Leith, Edinburgh, and Glasgow; together with possessions in England.
Nay, so extensive was their gripe, that we find annexed to the far distant bishopric of Moray, a small tenement in South Berwick. They, however, were by no means fastidious; they took every tiling which the pious generosity of the faithful chose to shower upon them. The gift of a monk’s hood, of green color, by Mr. Gilbert Beryk, was thankfully received by the. Dean and, Chapter of Glasgow, and a record of it duly inserted in their chartulary.” (Liber Episcopatus Glasguensis, 2 tom. Edinburgi, 1843: Nos. 129, 454. North British Review, vol. 2. p. 372.)
APP5-356 “Which, in these later days they do make of their relics of martyrs.” ] — “The priests of Glasgow appear to have been particularly favored with choice articles of holiness. An inventory of them has been preserved. First, we have a bit of the wood of the Cross; Item, a golden vial, with part of the hair of the Blessed Virgin; Item, a golden vial containing part of the coat of St. Kentigern, and Thomas Becket; Item, in another golden casket, the mouth of St. Ninian; Item, part of the zone of the Blessed Virgin; Item, in a small vial of crystal, part of the milk of the B. V.; Item, a bit of the manger (praesepis ) in which Christ lay; Item, a small saffron-colored vial, the oil which emanated from the tube of St. Kentigern; Item, another casket, with the bones of St. Blasius and Eugenius; Item, part of the comb of St. Catharine; Item, a small bag with part of the sweat of St.
Martin; Item, a precious (preciosa ) bag, with the breasts of St.
Kentigern and Thomas Becket; Item, four other sacks with the bones of saints; Item, a wooden chest with many small relics; and, at last, when the person making the inventory was getting tired of his duty, he sums up the whole with — Item, two linen sacks full of the bones of Kentigern, Tenaw, and different other saints. Can there be a more wretched exhibition of human folly, or the picture of a more debasing superstition?” (North British Review, vol. 2 p. 379.)
APP5-357 “Prest.” ] — See the Appendix to vol. 4; note on p. 372, line 20.
APP5-358 “Fiends (I should say Friars “). ] — On this form of expression see Appendix to vol. 3. p. 319.
APP5-359 “Persecution in Kent.” ] — The ensuing narrative belongs to vol. 4 p. 173.
APP5-360 — The Reverend S. R. Maitland, librarian at Lambeth Palace, informs us, that the second article, as it stands in the original Register, is omitted by Foxe, being as follows: “Item, quod Sacramenta Baptismi et Confirmationis non sunt necessaria ad salutem animae.”
APP5-361 — Mr. Maitland has published at length the processes against these persons, from the Warham Register, in several successive numbers of the British Magazine, from April 1843 to February 1844, from which it appears that the article omitted in reference to John Browne, as remarked in the last note, is also omitted in reference to several of these persons.
APP5-362 “To [go] woolward.” ] — This old penance, mentioned lines and 28 of this page, is described in the Appendix to vol. 2 note on p. 124. At line 16 of this page all the original editions of Foxe omit the word “go.” Mr. Russell’s note may be consulted upon this phrase with advantage. (Tyndale’s Works, vol. 1 p. 510, Lond. 1831.)
APP5-363 — The whole passage from the last paragraph, beginning “In the mean season,” to the bottom of p. 658, belongs to page 68 supra.
APP5-364 — “Expedition” for “expediting.” “Expedition” is the very term used by Gardiner in his letter: that letter is dated Orvieto, March 31st, and contains internal evidence of belonging to 1529; . for Friday is spoken of as March 27th, and the following Sunday is called Passion Sunday, which fell on March 29th, in 1528. (See Nicolas’s Tables.)
Foxe has misdated this embassy “A. D. 1532,” being misled probably by the mention in Gardner’s letter of “the King’s book,” which he hastily assumed to be the book published in 1532 (see above, page 60), instead of that produced to the Pope at Orvieto, March 2d, 1528. (See Gardener’s Letter.)
APP5-365 “With answer also to the contrary objections of Abel and others.” ] — These words should doubtless be expunged. (See last note.) This King’s book was produced to the Pope at Orvieto, March 2d, 1528. (See Gardener’s Letter, alluded to in the text.) But Foxe represents Abel as rising up 1532, and as answered by another King’s book, supra p. 60.
APP5-366 — This bull and the answer belong to vol. 4. p. 279.
APP5-367 “Copy of the Bull of Pope Leo the Tenth, translated from the Latin.”] — Foxe’s translation has been revised and improved.
APP5-368 — A pretty long passage in the original, toward the end of Leo’s bull, is omitted here by Foxe, as unimportant.
APP5-369 “For after the empire was first translated by the church,” etc.] — See Seckendorf’s Comment. de Lutheranismo, lib. 1 sect. 34, Ad. 1.
APP5-370 — Foxe’s Latin has been compared with the copy in Lutheri Opera, Witteb. 1546, tom. 2. fol. 93 verso etc. and corrected.
APP5-371 “The Answer of Luther…translated from the Latin.”] — Foxe translation has been revised.
APP5-372 “The said Eckius is thought to be the apostle of such a goodly bull.” ] — “Secrets quaedam circa Bullae compositionem Pallavicinus aperuit lib. 1. cap. 20, zelum nempe Cajetani, qui licet aeger deportari se in consistorium fecerat; dein rixas mordaces inter Petrum de Accolithis Card. Anconitanum et Laurentium Puccium, Cardinalem Datarium (quorum uterque diversam diplomatis formam conscripserat), aegre ab ipso Pontifice sopitas, qui demuni Anconitani stylum approbavit, sed post quatuor consultationes intra decendium habitas, et a se ipso interpolatum et reconcinnatum.” (Seckendorf’s Comment. de Luther. lib. 1 Section 29, p. 115.)
APP5-373 “Dotipoles.” ] — See Latimer’s Works, vol. 1. pp. 245, (Parker Soc. edit.), and Nares’ Glossary.
APP5-374 . “Idiot huddipeaks.” ] — See Nares’ Glossary; Halliwell’s Archaic Dictionary; Latimer’s Works, vol. 1. p. 136; and “An Almond for a Parrot, being a reply to Martin Mar-Prelate,” edit. 1846, p. 13.
APP5-375 — This appeal of Luther’s belongs to vol. 4. p. 274. For the Latin Appeal, see Lutheri Opera, tom. 1. fol. 231, edit. Witeb. 1572.
APP5-376 “The Pope’s legate then in Germany.” ] — Thomas de Vio, of Gaeta, Cardinal of St. Sisto; see vol. 9, pp. 269, 270. Ciaeonius remarks, in reference to the Cardinal’s mission: — “Cum nec precibus, validisque rationibus, nec summi Pontificis, ac Imperatoris, aliorumque Christianorum Principum viribus immanem illam belluam ad sanitatem revocare minime posset, re infecta Romam rediit.” (Vitae Pontiff. Rom. et Cardinalium, edit. 1677, tom. 3. col. 391.)
APP5-377 — Mr. Bruce in his Preface to Hutchinson’s Works, edited by him for the Parker Society, has proved the statement in the text to be a libel on Cranmer.
APP5-378 — These Injunctions of Edward VI. have been reprinted by Bp.
Sparrow in his Collection, in Burnet’s History, and in Wilkins’s Concilia, 4 p. 3, both of which copies agree. Several inaccuracies in Foxe’s text have been corrected from those sources. Bonner received these Injunctions with a protest, which is printed in Burner and Wilkins.
APP5-379 “On walls,” etc.] — Foxe omits “on.”
APP5-380 “Bestow much substance…and other like blind devotions.” ] — A clause from the will of Agnes Parker, of Keswick, buried at Cringleford in the year 1505: “Item, I owe a pilgrimage to Canterbury.
Also, I owe to St. Tebbald of Hobbies. Item, to St. Albert of Cringleford three times.” — Another of these middle-age customs was the drinking established for religious purposes. In some cases a wealthy man founded a drinking for the good of his soul, as may be proved by the will of Robert Sygon, of Lynn, and James Cooke, of Sporle, the one dated in 1505, and the other in 1506. Hart’s “Antiquities of Norfolk,” pp. 36, 56; Norwich, 1844.
APP5-381 “They shall not be bound,” etc.] — Foxe omits “not.”
APP5-382. “Thomas bishop of Westminster.” ] — It appears from the Westminster Register, folio 273 (see the note infra on p. 741), that that see was taken out of the London diocese Dec. 17th, an. Hen. VIII. [1540], and restored to it April 1st, an. Edw. VI. 4 [1550]; and that Thomas Thirlby was consecrated bp. of Westminster in Hen. VII.’ s Chapel Dec. 19th, 1540: translated to Norwich April 1st, 1550, and to Ely 1554. The Royal Commission for a Visitation is given at folio verso of the same Register, dated August 10th, 1 Edw. VI. [1547]. The Injunctions in the text are given at folio 265 verso, and Foxe no doubt took them from thence. Several inaccuracies in his copy have been corrected from the Register.
APP5-383 — Foxe reads here, “thrice in the year in other several places of your diocese:” but the original Register says, “thryse in three other generall places of your dioces,” and so it is printed in Wilkins from Heylin’s Hist. of the Reform.
APP5-384 — Foxe reads “visit the churches;” but the Register, “visit the dioceses.”
APP5-385 — The words “the king” are put in from the Register; which also reads, “this city,” at line 4, “their own,” at line 5, and “you, your chancellor,” at line 12.
APP5-386 “The Six Articles.” ] — Though Edward now abolished that cruel Act, yet it is singular that in the Bonner Register, folio 114 verso, is a royal commission for the execution of the statute of VI. Articles, dated Greenwich, 13th of April, first year of this reign, similar to that issued in the preceding reign (see the note above on p. 440). This commission not being noticed by the historians, is placed among the Documents at the end of this Appendix, No. 20.
APP5-387 — This letter missive of Bonner is in the Bonner Register, folio 111, and the Westminster, folio 268.
APP5-388 — This letter of the council is in the Bonner Register, folio 110, and the Westminster, folio 268. Henry VIII. had, so far back as October 1541, issued a proclamation for the abolishing of images. See above, p. 463.
APP5-389 — This letter of the council to Cranmer is in the Bonner Register, folio 112, dated the “21th” of February. Foxe has supposed this a mistake for “11th,” but it is rather a mistake for “21st; “ for Cranmer would certainly not have waited thirteen days before he communicated on the subject to Bonner. In the bishop of Westminster’s Register, appended to Bonner’s, folio 268 verso, the reading is “21 of February,” and so it is in the copy printed in Wilkins (4. p. 22), from the Cranmer Register.
APP5-390 — These letters missive from the Council are given at folio of the Bonner Register, and folio 269 of the Westminster.
APP5-391 — The date of this letter is “11th” in the Bonner Register, but “13th” in the Westminster Register, folio 269, and “thirteenth” in the Cranmer Register, as printed by Wilkins, 4:32. Bonner’s letter to his archdeacon, for the execution of it, is dated “decimo sexto Martii.”
APP5-392 — This letter from the king and his council to Bonner is at folio 219 of Bonner’s Register.
APP5-393 — “To have reformed” is the reading of the Register (folio 112); which Foxe corrupts into “preferred.”
APP5-394. “The reduce of these things.” ] — Probably a mistake for “the redress,” as near the end of the document, the Register apparently, reads “Redube,” which no doubt is a mistake of the scribe for “Redress.”
APP5-395 — This letter of Bonner to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s is in the Bonner Register, folio 219 verso. Wilkins erroneously prints the date “25th of July.”
APP5-396 — Foxe says erroneously, “the 11th day of August,” misled by an incorrect copy of a document in Bonner’s Register. See note infra on p. 762.
APP5-397 “Such stoutness of heart,” etc.] — The remainder of this extract from the first edition will be found also at p. 750.
APP5-398 — These Private Injunctions will be found in the Bonner Register, folio 220 verso.
APP5-399 — “Ryte” in the Register, is “right” in Foxe.
APP5-400 “We of pity, because they were bloody, took them [the Six Articles] away.”] — See the note in this Appendix on p. 714.
APP5-401 “Matter concerning Edmund Bonner.” ] — Burnet gives the whole order of the process, against Bonner,. in almost every thing coinciding with Foxe, and says, “this account is drawn from the Register of London, where all these particulars are inserted. From thence it was that Foxe printed them. For Bonner, though he was afterward commissioned by the queen to deface any records that made against the Catholic cause, yet did not care to alter any thing in this Register, after his readmission in Queen Mary’s time. It seems he was not displeased with what he found recorded of himself in this matter.”
The account in the Register consists of two distinct parts: first, the “Process,” beginning with the points given to Bonner by the king to redress (see p. 745), and running from folio 220 verso to folio 239 of the Register; secondly, at the bottom of folio 239, follows immediately after the conclusion of the “Process” a” Supplement” of five closelywritten pages of the Register, entitled in the margin, “Quidam sermones verba et colloquia habits emissa et hinc inde prolata inter Epm. London et regios [Commissarios] diversis diebus preter ordinarium processum in dictae privationis negotio.” Foxe has, in his account, woven these two narratives together. References to the folios of the two Registers are furnished in the ensuing notes.
APP5-402 “To Cloney.” ] — See supra, p. 695.
APP5-403 “Matters put to Bonner to redress.” ] — These are at folio verso of the Bonner Register.
APP5-404 “Special points,” etc.] — See Register, folio 221.
APP5-405 “The Denunciation,” etc.] — See the Register, folio 221 verso.
APP5-406 — This Commission is at folio 222 of Bonner’s Register, and in Rymer’s Federa.
APP5-407 — Foxe says “Wednesday,” which was the eleventh of September in 1549. (See Nicolas’s Tables.) The original Process and “Supplement” expressly say “Die Martis,” and “Tuesday.” The preliminary account of Bonner’s behavior, on entering, is the first thing given in the “Supplement,” and. is. thus. introduced (Register, folio 239, ad imum). “The talke and communication in substance and effecte hadd and passed betweene the Archebishopp of Canterburie and the bisshopp of London at his firste appearance before hym and other the Commissioners which was in the chambre called the Chambre of presence in the said archiebishop’s house att Lambeth, the Tuesday, being the 10th day of Septembre 1549, and abowte 3 of the clocke after noone as folowith.”
APP5-408 “Such stoutness,” etc.] — We have had this passage already at p. 728.
APP5-409 “Upon Tuesday,” etc.] — Here again Foxe says “Wednesday” The “Process” begins here in the Register (fol. 236 verso), and expressly says “Die Martis.”
APP5-410 — This protestation of Bonner is at folio 222 of his Register.
APP5-411 “Second appearance of Bonner,” etc.] — This is from folios 236 verso, and 239 of the Register.
APP5-412 — See folio 240 of the Register.
APP5-413 — “Wednesday” is substituted for Foxe’s “day.”
APP5-414 — For Bonner’s reply to the Denunciation see Register, folio 222 verso.
APP5-415 “Printed (as he falsely surmiseth) in Zurich by Augustine Fries.” ] — This is the reading in the edition of 1563, p. 700; the printer’s name is corrupted in subsequent editions into “Friers.” But the Colophon of the first edition of Hooper’s treatise (see Parker Society’s edition, p. 96) is, “Prynted in Zurych by Augustyne Fries Anno 1547” Bonner’s Register (fol. 222: verso) reads “Fries.” His next work, “The Answer to Gardener’s Book on the Sacrament,” was also printed the same year at Zurich by the same person (see Parker Society’s edition, p. 98). What reason Bonner had for questioning either the place or the printer, does not appear. Hooper dates his dedication of the second work from Zurich, from which it would seem that he was actually there, and must have known the truth of the matter better than Bonner.
APP5-416 — See Bonner Register, folio 223.
APP5-417 — The numbers “VI.” and “VII.” are prefixed to these two “Items” on this page, on the authority of the Register, fol. 223. Foxe prefixes no numbers in these instances.
APP5-418 — These references are correct, and agree with Bonner’s Register and Foxe’s first edition (1563) p. 701. Some of the numbers are corrupted in later editions.
APP5-419 — See folio 224 of the Register.
APP5-420 — See Bonner’s Register, folio 240.
APP5-421 — The Register distinctly reads the “10th of August,” but Foxe has “11.” which is clearly wrong.
APP5-422 — See for these Articles folio 224 verso of the Register.
APP5-423 — At the close of Article 10. the Register puts a stop after “minority,” and then “Additionall” without any stop, followed in the same line by “11. Item,” etc. So that the word “Additional” is meant to apply to Article 11: this is explained by Bonner’s reply to Article 11. in p. 769.
APP5-424 — See Register, fol. 240.
APP5-425 “The Form and Tenor.” ] — See Register, folios 237, and verso.
APP5-426 — The words “meaning Hooper and Latimer” are in the Register, folio 240 verso.
APP5-427 “Thus,” etc.] — Here Foxe begins his own abstract of what followed, gathered from Bonner’s answers ensuing, and an abstract of them given in the Register, folio 237, and inserted at p. 772, from the first edition of Foxe. So that we have three accounts of the same matter.
APP5-428 “To the Eighth,” etc.] — Foxe in the edition of 1563, p. 705, misnumbers this “To the seventh article:” the Register and subsequent editions are correct.
APP5-429 “To the eleventh Article.” ] — The Register here says “To one Article,” etc.: see note on p. 763, line 18.
APP5-430 — See the Register, folio 237.
APP5-431 “Certain interrogatories,” etc.] — See Register, folio verso.
APP5-432 — The word “in” before the words “the first article” is omitted by Foxe so as to obscure the meaning. The text is restored exactly according to the Register, fol. 224 verso.
APP5-433 — The Register plainly says, “the teenth of Augusta of this,” etc. Foxe omits the word “of.”
APP5-434 — See Register, folio 237.
APP5-435 — It is a pity this passage was retained, as it is the third account given of the same session of the commission (see note above on p. 765).
APP5-436 “A certain Declaration,” etc.] — See Register, folio 232 verso, also Rymer’s Federa.
APP5-437 “The Fourth Session.” ] — See the Register, folio 237 verso.
APP5-438 — One would expect “without the rest of the said colleagues:” but the Register and Foxe say “with.” The Register however says “indicte” instead of Foxe’s “induce.”
APP5-439 — This “matter” is in the Register, fol. 226 verso.
APP5-440 — See the Register, fol. 240 verso.
APP5-441 — See Register, fol. 241.
APP5-442 — The gross words in this line are not in the Register.
APP5-443 — See Register, fol. 237 verso.
APP5-444 — “The Information” is taken from the Westminster Register, which is incorporated with the Bonner Register (see fol. 227 verso).
The words “In the said act and session” are prefixed by Foxe. The Register incorrectly dates it A. D. “1550.”
APP5-445 — See Register, fol. 237 verso.
APP5-446 — See Register, fol. 227.
APP5-447 — “In the said book putten.” (Register.) Foxe reads “put in.”
APP5-448 — See Register, folios 237 verso and 241.
APP5-449 — The “Process” in the Register (fol. 237 verso) calls Robert Johnson “nuncius specialis:” but the “Supplement” (fol. 241) calls him merely “Mr. Robert Johnson, with Mr. Robert Warmyngton,” yet afterwards (fol. 241) calls the one “the bishop’s registrar,” the other “his commissarie.”
APP5-450 — “I am sure,” is the reading in the Register, fol. 241. Foxe reads “I say.”
APP5-451 — These “Interrogatories” are in the Register, fol. 228.
APP5-452 — The Register, fol. 228 verso, says correctly “the 18th day of September,” but adds incorrectly “1540.” Foxe reads incorrectly “the day.”
APP5-453 — See Register, fol. 238.
APP5-454 — This answer of Bonner is in the Register, fol. 228 verso.
APP5-455 — The Register, fol. 228 verso, adds the words “so as I remember.”
APP5-456 — See Register, fol. 238.
APP5-457 — The “Recusation” is at fol. 229 of the Register.
APP5-458 — See Register, fol. 241.
APP5-459 — The word “therein” is put in from the Register, fol. 241, and Edition 1563, p. 716.
APP5-460 “Now in the meanwhile,” etc.] — This portion is taken from the “Supplement” (Register, fol. 241), where it is thus introduced (this introduction is given by Foxe, Edition 1563, p. 716): - “The saynge and exhortation in effecte of the bishop of London to Cuthbert Bourne his Chapleyn, Robert Warmyngton his commissarie, and Robert Johnson his Register, declared to them the said 20 day of September in the Quadrants or voyde place beinge betweene the chambre of presence and the greate chambre of Lambehith immediately before the said bishop was comitted to prisone, and in the tyme that he and thather afarsaid were comaunded to avoyde the Chambre of presence and to stande aparte from the Commissioners, and not to come in agayne untyll they shulde be licensed and called in.”
APP5-461 — See Register, folios 238 and 229 verso.
APP5-462 — “Cum suis juribus et pertinentibus universis.” (Reg. fol. verso.)
APP5-463 — The original Latin of this passage runs thus in the Register, fol. 229, whence Foxe’s text has been a little improved: — “Apostolosque quatenus in hoc casu de jure sunt petendi peto, primo secundo tertio, instanter instantius instantissime, mihi dari fieri tradi et deliberari cum effectu; subjiciens me, statum, famam, opinionem, ac dignitatem meam episcopalem predictam, meumque titulum et possessionem meam in praemissis ac in dignitate mea episcopali hujusmodi, omnesque et singulos mihi in hac parte adherere volentes, protectioni, tuitioni, defensioni et praesidio dicti illustrissimi domini nostri regis, domini mei “Superioris.”
APP5-464 — Both the “Process” (fol. 230 verso) and the “Supplement” (see fol. 241) have this passage, headed in each case thus: “Thees be the woordes and talke in effecte passed betweene Mr. Secretary Smythe and the Bysshopp of London; whereupon he was committed to the Marshalsee 20 Septembris, anna 1549 sub noctem spud Lambehithe.”
APP5-465 — See Register, fol. 238.
APP5-466 “Break up that session.” ] — The following passage from the “Process” (Reg. fol. 238) should be here inserted: — “And after all this the aside judges delegate did then and there charge the said bysshopp that he at this present time did contumeliouslie and unreverentlie (as seemed) behave hymself dyverse wayes towards them, syttinge on the king’s majesties commission, and specially toward the said Sir Thomas Smythe his grace’s secretary, and therefore and for dyverse other contumelious woordes spoken by the saide bysshop they commytted hym to the Marshalsee, the saide Bysshopp at his departynge pratestinge as before.”
APP5-467 — See Register, fol. 241.
APP5-468 — The sixth Action. See Register, fol. 238.
APP5-469 — The second Recusation. See Register, fol. 231.
APP5-470 — Foxe reads “been provoked:” the Register correctly omits the word “been.”
APP5-471 — See Register, fol. 238 verso.
APP5-472 — This Second Appeal is in the Register, fol. 231 verso.
APP5-473 — Foxe’s text reads, “and which remained in their courts:” the Register, “in thactes of this court:” fifteen lines lower Foxe omits the words “more and most instantly:” and in the following line he put “appellatories” for “apostles:” and three lines lower Foxe omits “adhere” and “cleave”: See the document in p. 786; the two mutually explain each other.
APP5-474 — The conclusion of this passage from the Edition of 1563 is imperfect in Foxe: it thus reads in the Register, fol. 231 verso: “to thintente as well ye forebeare to doo further wronge, for respect to his grace to whom I have appealed; and also that I beinge delyvered from you may prosecute my saide recusation and appeal, as appertayneth and to the law ys agreable:” Foxe reads, “least they should do wrong to the king’s grace; unto whom he maketh his appeal,” etc.
APP5-475 — The Letter of Bonner to the Lord Mayor is in the Register, fol. 235 verso.
APP5-476 — The Third Appeal of Bonner is in the Register, fol. 233.
APP5-477 — Bonner’s Supplication to the Chancellor is in the Register, fol. 234 verso.
APP5-478 — See Register, fol. 241.
APP5-479 “Then master secretary Smith.” ] — See Register, folios 239, 241.
APP5-480 — Bonner’s appeal against the sentence is in the Register, fol. 239, and the Sentence itself fol. 234 verso.
APP5-481 — At the end of this Sentence is written in a different hand as follows (fol. 234 verso): “Lecta et lata fuit haec sententia primo Octobris 1549 reg. Regis Edwardi 6 3 in aula manerii Archi. Cantuar. per Archiep. praed. assistentibusque Nicolao Roffensi episcopo, Thoma Smith secreratio regio, et Willielmo Maio LL doctore, prout in folio sequenti p. 2 apparet.”
APP5-482 “This talk finished.” ] — See Register, fol. 241 verso; and two paragraphs lower, “Then Bonner desired,” see folio 239.
APP5-483 — These two Supplications of Bonner are in the Register, folio 232.
APP5-484 — See for this Instrument the Register, fol. 234 verso.
APP5-485 — The king’s brief and the certificate of the council are in the Register, fol. 235.
APP5-486 — Among the list of signatures to the document in the note, Foxe omits “W. Northampton,” and “J. Warwyk,” which are restored from the Register, fol. 235 verso.
APP5-487 — “Fidel,” which is in the Register, folio 235 verso, is erroneously omitted by Foxe.
APP5-488 “That for saying over the fifteen ‘Ooes’ every day once through.” ] — In the “Prymer of Salysburye use set owght along…wyth many prayers and goodly pyctures yn the kalender, yn the matyns off our lady…wyth the 15 oo yn ynglysh neuly enpryntyd yn Paris wythyn the house off Thylman Kerver, 1533,” (fol. 113.) we find the following enormous indulgence coming after the fifteen Ooes of St. Bridget, but referring to some subsequent prayers: “Quicunque in statu gratie existens dixerit devote septem orationes sequentes cum 7. Pater noster et totidem Ave Maria , ante imaginem pietatis; merebitur 56. milia annorum indulgentiarum: quae a tribus summis Pontificibus date fuerunt; videlicet primo a beato Gregorio, XIIII. M. annorum; secundo a Papa Nicolao quinto, 14, milia annorum anno Dni 1454; tertio a Papa Sixto quarto, qui composuit quartam et quintam oratiunculas sequentium suffragiorum, 28, milia armorum, et has indulgentias duplicavit anno Dni 1477.”
In the Salisbury Prymet “newly enprynted at Rowen, 1538 (fol. 67.), the same proposed grants are reprinted.
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS NOW FOR THE FIRST TIME MADE PUBLIC, REFERRED TO IN THE FOREGOING APPENDIX AS ILLUSTRATIVE OF MATTERS CONTAINED IN THIS VOLUME.
NO. 1.
ARTICLES AND RECANTATIONS OF JEFFREY LOME.
From the Tunstall Register, folio 136 verso. IMPRIMIS, that thou dydest know beleve or here say, that Marten Luther with all persons adhering to his opinions and heresies was by sufficient auctoritye condempned an heretyck, and his bookes woorks and opinions as hereticall detestable erronyous and dampnable by lyke auctoritie condempned and repugned, and prohibition generally made and in this Ralm published that no persons shuld lene or adhere to the sect of the said Marten Luther, or kepe hold or mayntayne any of his heresies and detestable opinions, or bye kepe or have retayne or rede any of his foresaid books or woorks or of other of the sect. Item, that after the premises by the knowen thou hast bowght diverse and many books, treaties, and woorks of the said Marten Luther and other of his detestable sect, and specially those books whych be comprysed in a certayne leef of paper wryten with thy owne hand. Item, that thou hast sold, gyven, and dispersed the said books to diverse and many persons within this Realm of England, as well students in thuniversities of Oxforde or Cantabridge as oder both spirituall and temporail religions and sectes, to thentent thereby to have avaunced the said sect errors and opinions. Item, that thou hast had the said books in thy custodie kept retayned and red them and secretly in prevy places and suspect company hast declared and taught heresies and errores conteyned in them. Item, that thou hast in thy owne person folowed avaunced and sett forth the said sect heresies and opinions and also hast movyd stered cownseled, other persons to folow and avaunce the same not only within the citie and dioceses of London, Norwiche, Ely, and Lincoln and thuniversities of Oxford or Cantebrige but also in diverse other places within the Realm of England. Item, that thou hast translate in to Englith certayne leves and chapitors of the worke of Luther ‘De Bonis Operibus.’ Item, that thou hast translate in to English certain queres and chapitors of a book callid ‘Piae Praedicationes,’ whereill divers works of Luther be conteyned. Item, that thou hast affirmed and belevyd that faith only is sufficient without good works to bryng a man to heaven. Item, that men be not bownd to observe the constitutions made by the church. Item, that we should pray only to God and to no saints. Item, that pilgrimages be not profectable for man is soule and shuld not to be used. Item, that we shuld not offre to Images in the church, ne sett any lyghta before them. Item, that no man is bownde to kepe any manner of fastyng days, instytute by the church. Item, that pardons graunted by. the pope or bishop doth not prefect a man.
In the name of God, Amen. I Jeffray Lorn of the parish of Saynct Antony of the diocese and jurisdiction of London, arrested detected and convycted of heresie before you right reverent fathers in God lordes Cuthbert bishop of London my ordinary in this behalf and John bishop of Bath and Wells, to the most reverend father in God lord Thomas of the tytle of Saint Cecyle prest cardinall Archebishop of Yorke primat of England chauncelor of the same and of thapostolique see Legate de latere together with the reverend father in God lord John bishop of Lincoln, commissaries lawfully deputed, here opynly confesse and knowledge that I erronyously and heretycally, contrary to the determination and prohibition of our mother the holy church, after I knew Marten Luther with his adherents and ther books by sufficient Auctorytie was condempned and generall publication and prohibition made that no person shuld lene or adhere to the sect of the said Marten Luther or kepe or rede any of his said books or mayntayne any of his opinions or any other of the same secte, have had bowght sold redde and retayned in my custodie and also dispersed abrode dyverse and many books treaties and works of the said Marten Luther and other of his sect. And also I in my owne person have fordered and avaunced the books and works of the said Marten Luther. Also I translated out of Laten in to Englishe dyvers chapiters of Luthers workys and other wherin certayne works of Luthers be conteyned. And also I have affirmed and belyved that faith only is sufficient without good works to bryng a man to heaven. I have also affirmed and belyved that christen men owght to worship God only and no saynts. And I have affirmed and belevyd that christen men shuld not offer to Images in the church ne set any light before them. And also have said that pardons graunted by pope or bishop doth not profect man. The which my erroneous and hereticall sayngs doyngs forderaunces affirmyngs advauncyngs translatyngs and belevyngs as hereticall dampnable slanderous false and erronyous with the defences and maynteining of the same in speciall with all other heresies in generall here before Almightie God and you my ordinary and commissaries above said in this honorable audience I voluntarily and gladly as a trew penitent person returned from my heresies unto grace utterly renounce forsake and abjure. Promyttyng and I promyse faithfully unto Almightie God our foresaid mother the holy churche and to you my foresaid ordinary and commissares and swere by these holy evangelies and contents of this booke here by me bodily touched that from hensforth I shall never retorne agen to the said heresies or any other dampnable heresies and opinions and never more favor folow avaunce defend reherse forder affirm or mayntayne them contrary to the determination of our moder the holy church nor hide concele or kepe close any such heresies and dampnable opinions nor ther auctors or fautors in tyme to tome, nor be conisant or famyliar wytyngly with any person suspect of heresye, but assone as I shall know any suche persons or there fautors I shall truly and faithfully detect them with ther heresies and opinions to ther ordinaryes for the tyme beyng without any delay. Submyttyng my self mykely lowly and penytently to our moder the holy churche and your correction and desire absolution and penaunce for my said offenses, which I promyse by the vertue of my othe to doo and fulfyll. In wyttenes wherof I have subscrybed this my present abjuration with my owne hand and put there unto the signe of the holye crosse.
Per me Galfridum Lom.
NO. 2.
ARTICLES OF THOMAS PHILLIP, AND HIS PETITION TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS AGAINST THE OPPRESSION OF BISHOP STOKESLY.
From the Chapter House Papers now at the Rolls House, 2d Series, No. 163.
HERE foloweth certayne artycles and interogatories objected, agaynst Thomas Phillype cetecyn of London by Richard Foxford Vicar generall to the reverend fader in God John Bushop of London: and the said Thomas Phillypp his answer to the same made the 4 th day of February.
In the name of God Amen. We, Richard Foxford Doctor of both lawes Vicar generall to the reverend father in God John, by the sufferance of God bushop of London, lawfully procedynge of our mere office agaynst Thomas Phillip of the parish of Sainte Myghellys in the querne of the cetye and jurysdiceion of London laye and objecte ayaynste the all and singuler Artycles folowynge concernyng suspecion of heresye. To the whyehe and every parle of them we requyre A true full and a playne answer by the vertu of an othe theruppon to be geven.
First. that thou art a Christen man And so expressly professid chrystys fayth And the catholyke determynations of our mother chrystys churche concernynge the 7 Sacraments And articles of the fayth.
To thys the sayd Thomas answeryth And beleveth it to be of trewth. Item, we laye and objecte againste the, that thou dyuerse tymes erronyously and dampnably erred and spokyn agaynste the blessed sacrament of thalter sayinge affermyng and belevyng that in the blessed sacrament of thalter is not the bodye of chryst, but only don for a remembrance of chrysts passyon for a signification and token of a better thyng to com.
To thys he answereth and sayth that he doughted not nor he never hard ne 2 rede the contrary, but that our blessed Savior Jhesu chryst did institute the holly and reverend sacrament And he beleveth that the blessed sacrament of thalter is the very bodye of chryst And he never beleved nor sayd the contrarye. Item, we laye and objecte agaynste the that thou haste sayd afterreed and beleved that there is no purgatorye, but that it is only a devise made by prystys to gert mortye to praye for soules And that every soule assone as it departeth thys worlde goeth forth to heven or to hell To thys he answereth and beleveth the artycle not to be trewe, nor any parte therof. And to this he professeth Chrystys fayth and the catholyke determynacy. ons of. our mother chrystes churche. Item, that thou hast sayd affermyd and beleved that a man shoud not goo in pylgrymage, for it is but vayne glorye.
To this he answereth and beleveth thartycle not to be trewe nor any parte theroff. Item, that thou haste sayd affermed and beleved that men be not bound to kepe and observe the faystynge dayes ordered and kept by hollye churche, net to kepe or fulfyull any manet of rowe.
To this he answereth and beleveth thartycle not to be trewe nor any parte therof. Item, that men are not bounde to kepe anny manner of hollydaye excepte sondaye, To this he answereth and beleveth tharticle not to be trewe nor any parle thereof. Item, that thou hast sayd afterreed and beleved that we shuld pray only to god and to: no sayntes, To this he answereth and beleveth tharticle not to be trewe. Item, that thou haste sayd affermed and beleved that a man nedeth not to confesse hym to a prest but only to god.
To this he answereth and beleveth tharticle not to be trewe nor any part therof.
Item that thou haste sayd afterreed and beleved that pardones graunted by the pope are of none effecte.
To thys he answereth and beleveth thartycle not to be trewe nor any parte thereof. Item, [we] objecte and laye to the and agaynste the that thou of longe space haste hade in they kepynge dyverse bokes whiche the haste rede to other persons And in tyme ofsuche redynge thou haste tought and rehersed the artycles afor sayd or some of them; then one and than another as ye have hade your occasion.
To thys he answereth and sayeth he can make no answer howbeit he con resseth that he hath hade the newe testament of the olde translacion in his coustody by the space of 20 yeres taken oute as he sayth of Saynt Jeroms translacion in the whyche he hath rede dyvers tymes. Item, that thou art of the parish of Saynte Myghells in the querne of the eety of London and by reason therof of our Jurysdiction.
To thys he answereth and beleveth that artycle to be trewe. Item, we laye and objecte agaynste the that all and singuler thes premysses be of trewth and openly knowen And that uppon them goyth and raygneth the comen royce and fame aswell within the cetye of London as in other places therabouts.
To thys he answereth and denyeth that he ys defamed And therefore he is not bound to make Answer to the artycles.
Agaynste all these your artycles I professe the fayth of our Savyour Jesu chryste and the catholyke determynacions of our mother chrystes churche.
The ryght worshipfull comense of this Realme in thys present parlyament assembled.
Moste lamentably complayuyng shewyth unto your worshippis your poore suppliant Thomas Phillip cetecen of London, howe that he hath not ceasyd by the space of 3 yeres and more whiche he hath contynued prisonher in the tower of London at all tymes when he myght to complayne his great Injuryes and wronges whiche he hath suffered and as yet sufferyth thorough the unryghtwyse dealynge and judgynge of the reverend fader in god John bushop of London and your sayd orator in his suets hetherto hath byn so fervent or els so delygent that he hath byn thought somwhat importunat and yet hetherto could have no remedye for the same. Notwithstandynge seyng it is not mete that any man whose consiense beareth hym record that he is innocent and faughties in suebe cryroes as ar layd to hys charge shuld thynke or knowledge hymsellf gyltye or faughtye because he is as grevously ponnysshed as though he were faughrye in dede, therfore the sayd thomas thought it verye necessarye at thys tyme to declare and shewe hys greves and wrongys to your worshippys and to beseche remedye for the same, leste yf he dide not he shuld seme other to grant hys imprysonnement to bejuste and dewe to hys deservynges, or els suspecte you of Justys. Wherfore he in hys moste humble wise (as before sayd) shewyth your worshippys howe that before chrystmas was 3 yeres the sayd bushop caused your beadman to be attached by auctoritie of the kyngs statute in the dayes of kynge henrye the 2d 1 made agaynst heretycks, proceedynge as agaynst one defamed or evedently suspected for a transgreassor of the same. And unto hym so attached ministred certayne articles concernynge heresye (as the bushop sayd) affermynge all and every one of them to be trewe and openly so to be knowen, and that uppon the same gooth and comyth the comen voyce and fame of the whyche voyce and fame albeithys lordship could not at that tyme nether at any tyme synce make any maner of lawfull profie, or prove so moche as wone of the sayd articles to be trewe, yet because your sayd supplyant refused then as he yet doth to make abjuracion and so to graunt and confesse hymself an heretyke wherby the sayd bushoppys honnor and name myght be saved whyche shuld otherwise he spotted and stayned as he thynkyth and as the trouth is, yf he shulde seine to have layd the cryme of heresye to any persone and could make no maner lawfull proffe in the worlde, no nat so moche as of the fame or suspecyon of the sayd cryme, but to bryng your supplyant by some meanes to hys purpose of abjurynge did excommunicat hym, yet nether defamed ne suspected nether of any cryme condempned. And yet his Lordship not so contented hath moreover synce untrewly surmysed agaynst your sayd orator that he hath byn a prechar, a teachar, a scolekepar, now at Salysbury, than at Burford, howe here than there, but in treweth he wottyth not where And a reder of dampnable lectures nowe to thes personnes and eftsons to other persons but suefly he wottyth not to whom; Intendyng of lyke to brynge your headmall into obloquy and slander (whiche ys ther caste so to doo) of the comen people whom at the tyme of the sayd attachement he found so clere from all manner Infamys slanders and suspecions that all the people before the sayd bushop showtynge in Judgement as with one voyce openly wyttnessed hys good name and fame to the great reprofe and shame of the sayd bushop yf he had not shamed to be ashamed agaynste whyche surmyses your saide poore orator hath allwayes offered to the said bushop and att this tyme doth allso offer that in case he can by the order of Justys prove that ever he held or defended any erronyous openyons or ever made convyntycle or unlawfull confederacion or ever did teache or instructe any person or persons contrarye to the catholyke fayth of chrystes churche or ever did styre or move the people to sedytyon or insurrectyon contrarye to the pease of our soveraigne lord the Kynge; or ever did shyft or fie froore one dyoces to another or ever did despise or contempne the ecclesyastycalle censures And to make an ende that he ever transgressed the statute made against heretycks, or was defamed or suspected in any poynt of the same statute, hys faught openly declared and knowen he wold not refuse to be comytted to the extremyte of the lawe and to be made an ensample to all other: and although the sayd bushop perchance wold not gladly make suche offer for hys owen parte to hys superyors, whiche have autorite to judge hym as well as he hath to judge your sayd supplyant, yet refused he that and wold nothyng els but that your headman shuld abjure as though there were no defference betewne an innocent and a nocent, betewne one gyltye and one not gyltye. Whereuppon your sayd besechar perceyvynge that the sayd bushop intended nothyng els but to make hym as it were a shep redye in the bochers lesure to slaughter when so ever it shuld please the beeher to send for hym, And allso consyderynge that the sayd bushop or any other bushop of thys Realme hade no auctorite to attache any the kyngs subjects or to judge them in cause of heresye, but only by auctorite of the sayd statute, so that the bushop was in thys cause but an inferyor mynyster to our sayd soyrange lord the kynge of whom he hade receyved suche auctorite to attache or cause to be attached and to judge any the kinges subjects defamed or evedentlye suspected of any creme in the sayd statute contayned And none other, for hys lawfull defense agaynst the iniquite and malyce of the sayd bushop your supplyant made hys apealle unto hys sayd sorerange Lord under whyche apealle on the one side and the sayd sentence of excommunication on the other side geven as ys before rehersyd your besechar hath ever syns stonden: whyche apeale neverthelesse was made before the sayd sentence was geven: wherfore yt maye please you the premysses tenderly considered in your depe Judgements and discrecions, and the afore named thomas Phillip in hys moste humble wise besecheth your worshippes, that ye revved with mercyfull petye, uppon suche hys wofull and myserable estate by reason of hys longe imprmonment Therfore it maye please you to be meanes and intercessors for hym to the Lorde Chauncelor And (yf nede requere) to other the lordes of the kyngs moste honorable courtsell, that your besechar maye obtayne the benefyte of the kyngs wryt caulled corpus turn causa or some other to be awarded by vertu whereof your supplyant may be brough with hys cause before your worshippes at a certayne daye and place apoynted: And in lyke wyse to graunt the kings wret of subpena to be detected unto the sayd bushop or sergant at armes comandynge hym by vertu of the same to apere personally in the same tyme and place apoynted by your worshippes there to make answer to the premysses, before whom it maye be tryed whether your supplyant was at the tyme of hys said attachemerit an offender of the sayd statute of our Sorerange Lordes: or els the sayd bushop an abusar of the same statute. Thus at the reverence of Chryst and in the waye of charyte. And your sayd beadman shall dayly praye to allmyghty god for your worshippes long tendure.
NO. LETTER FROM RICHARD TRACY TO — .
STATE PAPER OFFICE. MISCELL. LETTER. HEN. VIII. VOL. 4, NO. 49. HOLOGRAPH.
YT ys not unknowen to you of my late trouble that I have had touching my fathers testament, and that not only, but also of the greate and abhomynable worldly shame doon unto his kynred in burnyng his roten bones. This shame ys not only to his kynred, but also to alle the gentilmen of the shere, for he had ben High Shirif of the Shire, and also put in greate truste by comission of the Kynge that dede ys, as also of the Kinge that nowe ys. Sir yt ys shewed me that the pryncipall actor therin ys in troble and that he shalbe punyshed therfore. Sir, if the. judgement of the Apostle be used herin, scilicet, quod non solum qui ea faciunt sed etiam qui consentiunt facientibus pari digni sunt pena; yf the comon report be true and also alle lykely presumption, there be certeyn persones consenting to that acte of infamy, by whome if they be founden gilty, as by meanes I thinke they wilbe, by examination of the pryncipall, yt will not only be proffett to the Kynges grace one thousande poundes in thinges that be passed by his owne graunte, whiche if this mater be founden againste theym, may be by his lawes (as I thinke revoked agayne) as also to the shire of Gloucestre greate commodite and proffett; as I can shewe unto Master Crumwell, to whome (as I here say) the Kinge hath committed this mater. Sir I wille not shewe this mater by writing, but yf ye can perceyve that the pryncipall be not of this mater discharged by charter, or in the way of discharge, I wille come to London, if I be able, within 4 daies of Candellmas, and then I wine declare the secrettes of this mater to Master Cromwell if I may speke with hym. Sir, if the mater be not passed remedy to speke therein, I pray you if you have suche acquayntaunce with Master Crumwell to stay yt untille my commyng, and then ye shall perceyve a perfect truthe to be in experience, quod iniquitates sue capiunt impium et funibus peccatorum suorum constringitur.
Proverbiorum 5. Et in laqueo isto quem absconderunt, comprehensus est pes eorum. Psalm 9. Sir I cannot write my hole mynde to you, but I wille for shortnes oftyme pray to God that His wille may be fulfilled, et cum Apostolo 1 Thessalonians 30. ipse autem Deus et Pater noster et Dominus Jesus Christus dirigat viam nostram ad vos, etc., in quo et valeas ex edibus nostris 15 die Januarii.
No superscription. Tuus Ricus Tracy.
The next letter in the volume is from the same, partly addressed to Mr.
Robert Acton, High Sheriff of Worcester, about the ill conduct of the abbot of Hales; but that is in the year 1538. This letter is certainly of an earlier date.
NO. 4.
PRESENTMENT BY THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, 1531.
ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 2D SERIES, NO. 532. To the right honorable Sir Thomas More knyght lorde Chaunceler of England and other lords of the Kyngs most honorable Counsell.
IN right humble wise shewyth unto your honorable lordshippes Cristofer Hales generall Attorney of oure seid Sovereigne lorde for and on the behafe of his highnesse That where at the last convocacion of the Clergye of the Provynce of Canterbery holden at the Cathedrall Cherche of Seynt Paule within your Citye of London the same clergie for dyvers reasonable causes and consideracions them movyng graunted unto oure seid sovereign lorde a Subsidye of one hundred thousand poundes sterlinges payable in certeyn maner and forme specifyed and declared by a certeyn ordynaunce and constitution thereof made in the seid Convocacion And after — that is to say the 26th day of September last past — the reverend Father in God John Bisshopp of London intendyng (as to hym apperteyned) to sett forth the taxacion and colleccion of such portion of the seid Subsydye as is to be reysed and levyed in his Dioces of London according to the effect of the seid ordynaunce and constitucion gave monycion to dyvers Curats and other Stypendary Chapleyns of the seid Citye of London to appere afore hym at the seid Cathedrall Cherche of Seynt Paule there to declare and shewe unto the seid reverend Father the yerely values and profetts of their Churches Benefices and stypends and other thyngs to do concernyug the expedicion of the premysses To thentent that the seid reverend Father as ordynary of the seid Dioces myght truely and indifferently assesse and taxe such so, nes of money as every spirituell persone there shuld and ought susteyne and pay in contrybucion toward the first payment of the seid Subsydye unto the Kynges highhesse as reason equyte and gode conscience requyreth It may please your honores to be advertised that dyvers malefactours, ryotous, sedycious and evyll disposed persons being priests That is to say Sir Willyam Gibson Sir Willyam Stoderd Sir John Smyth Sir John Geffreyson Sir Blag Sir Parker Christofer Sir Willyam Doffen Sir Willyam More Sir Peter Bandewyn Sir Baptiste Sir John Condrey Sir Henry Cox Sir Reynalde Sir Henry Coldcheil Sir Patrik Sir Thomas Kyrkeham Sir Wyllyam Wynsterley Sir Nycholas Wytwange With a grete Nombre of other pristys to the seid Cristofer Hales unknowen of a devyllyshe mynde entent and purpose entendyng to murdre and slee the seid Bisshopp and by that meane and such other conveyaunce as the seid ryotors had imagened and devised thereby entendyd to exchue and avoyde the payment of the seid Sub sydye graunted to the kyngs highnesse as is aforeseid Which riotors and the other malefactors aforeseid for that entent and purpose in most ryottous and rygorus violent maner that they coude devyse the day of August in the 23th yere of the Kyngs most noble reigne unlawefully assembled themselffs togyther at the Conventuall cherche of the Frerys roynors, comenly called the grey Freres within the seid Citye of London there to consult and devyse emong themselffs how and in what manet they myght performe theyre seid myschevous entent And to bryng theire seid unlawefull uncharytable and devyllysshe purpose to effect Which after longe consultacion there had emong them after their facion was concluded and determyned And after that is for to say in the seid 30 day of August the seid Ryottous and evyll disposed persones unlawe fully gatheryng to them dyvers ryottous sedycious and evyll disposed temporail and lay persones that is for to say Henry Parker, Thomas Hannate, Roberte Coke, John Sellynger, Clyfton, Roger Whaplode, Spencer, Phillipes junior, Barnarde, with other Ryotous perons Which ryotours and malefactours aforsaide with Force and Armes that is for to say with Bylles Swords and Buckelers Short daggers and other like wepons invasyff ayenst the peace of our saide Sovereigne lorde at Paules in London aforsaide made an assaulte uppon the seid Bisshopp and other his officers and servauntes And then and there put them in desperation of their lyffs contynuyng their seid unlawefull ryott and assaut unto the seid Bisshoppys Palays at Paulys aforeseid where they contynued by the space of half an howre or ther about And from thens in most riottous maner retourned bak unto the Chapter howse in Paules aforeseid in lyke manet with force and Armys ayenst the peace of oure Sovereigne Lorde forcebly and riottously, and there made a newe Assault and affray uppon the seid Bisshopp his servauntes and officers And than and there put them in despayre of their lyffes In so moche that there the seid ryottous and evyll disposed persones had slayne the seid Bisshopp and his servauntes If that the seid Bisshopp and other his frends and adherents there beyng present with hym had not the soner by gode meanes and polycye asswaged theyre rancour and malyce of the seid Riottors and the other evyl disposed persones aforeseid to the right peryllous example of all other lyke mysdoers and malefactours, yf condigne punyshment be not provyded in this behalf In consideracion wherof yt may please your honors to award severall writts of Subpena to be directed to the seid Ryottors whereby they and every of them may be comaunded to appere afore the Kyngs highnesse And you the seid lordys of his most honorable Counsell in the Starred Chamber at Westmr. at a certavn day under certeyn paynes by your lordshippys to be lymyted to Answere to the premysses, and further to do therin as by the kyngs excellent highnesse and you the seid lords of his most honorable counsell shalbe considered to stonde with reason equyte and gode justice.
NO. 5.
A SERMON TRANSLATED OUT OF LATIN INTO THE SAXON TONGUE, BY ELFRICUS, AGAINST TRANSUBSTANTIATION, ANNO 996. IN DIE SANCTAE PASCHAE.
Foxe’s text collated with and corrected by MS. Cott. Faustina A. 9. fol. 130, a contemporary manuscript.
This Sermon was usual to be read in the Church, here in England in the Saxons Time, Anno 996.
MEN tha leofestan gelome eow is gesaed y.mbe ures Haelendes aeriste. Hu he on thisum andweardan daege aefter his throwunge mihteglice of deathe aras; nu wille we eow geopenian, tharh Godes gife, be tham halgan husle the ge nu to gan sceolon. And gewissian eower andgy.t y.mbe thaere gery.nu aegwaer ge aefter thaere ealdan gecy.wny.sse. ge aefter thaere niwan. Thy. Laes. The aenig tweonunge eow derian maege be tham liflicum gereorde. Se aelmihtiga God bebead Moysen tham heretogan on Egy.pta lande. That he sceolde bebeodan Israhela folce. that hi naman aet aelcum heorthe anes geares lamb on thaethe nihte thae hi ferdon of tham lande to tham behatenan earde. And sceoldon that lamb Gode geoffrian. And syththan snithan. And py.rcan rodetacn on heora gedyrum. And oferslegun mid thaes Lambes blode, etan syththan thaes Lambes flaesc thebraed. And theorfe hlafas mid feldlicre lactucan. God cwaeth to Moysen. Ne ete ge of tham Lambe nan thing hreaw. Ne on waetere gesoden, ac gebraedath hit on fy.fe and etath that heafod. And tha fet. And that innewearde. Ne his nan thing ne belife oth mergen. Gif thaer hwaet to lafe sy, forbaernath that.
Thicgath hit on thas wisan; Begyrdath eowre lendenu. And beoth gesceode.
Eow staef on handa. And etath ardlice, theos tid is Godes faereld; And wearth tha on thaere nihte ofslaegen on aelcum huse geond eal Pharaoner rice. That frumcennede cild. And waes that Godes folc Israhel ahred fram tham ferlican deathe thurh thaes lambes offrunge. And his blodes mearcunge; tha cwaeth God to Moyren. Healdath thisne daeg on eowrum gemynde. And feolsiath hine maerlice on eowrum cynrenum mid ecum bigencge and etath theorfne hlaf symble seofan dagas aet thissere freolstide.
Aefter thissefe daede laedde God that Israhela folc ofer tha Readen Sae. Middrigum fotum. And adraencte thaeron Pharao. And ealne his here samod, the heora ehton. And afedde syththan that Israhela folc feowertig geara mid heofonlicum bigleofan. And him forgeaf waeter of heardum stanclude.
Oth that hi comon to tham Behatenan Ethele; Sume thas race we habbath getrahtnod on othre stowe, sume we wyllath nu geopenian. That the belimpth to tham halgan husle.
Cristene men ne motan healdan nu tha ealdan ae lichamlice, ac him gedafenath that hi cunnon hwaet heo gastlice getacnige. That unsceaththige Lamb, the se ealda Israhela tha ofsnath, haefde getacnunge aefter gasticum and-gyte Cristesbrowunge, se the unsceaththig for ure alysednesse his halige blod ageat; Be tham singath Godes theowas aet aelcere maessan. Agnus Dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, misererere nobis; that is on urum gereorde. 2 thu Goder Lam, tha aetbretst middaneardes synna, gemiltsa us.
That Israhela folc wearth ahred fram tham faerlican deathe and fram Pharones theowte, thurh thaer Lambes offrunge the haefde getacnunge Christes throwunge. Thurh tha we sind alysede fram tham ecum deathe.
And thaes rethan deofles anwealde. Gif we rihtlice gelyfath on thone sothan Alysend ealles middan-eardes Haelend Crist. That lambe waes geoffrod on aefnnunge. And ure Haelend throwode on thaere sixtan ylde thissere thorulde; Seo ild is geteald to aefnunge thises ateoriendlican middaneardes; Di mearcodon mid thaes lambes blode on heora gedyrum.
And oferslegun Tau, that is rode tacn, and purdon swa gescilde fram tham engle, the acwealde thaera Aegyptiscra frumcennedan cild; And we sceolon mearcian ure forwearde heafod. And ure lichaman mid Cristes rode tacne, that we beon ahredde fram forwyrde, thonne we beoth gemearcode aegthaer ge on foranheafode, ge on heortan, mid blode waere drihtenlican throwunge. That Israhela folc aet thaes lambes flaesc on heora Easter tyde, tha tha hi ahredde wurdon. And we thicgath nu gastlice Cristes lichaman, and his blod drincath, thonne we mid sothum geleafan that halige husel thicgath; Thone timan hi heoldon him to Easter tide seofon dagas mid miccum wurthmynte the hi ahredde wurdon with Pharao. And of tham earde ferdon, swa we eac, Cristene men healdath Cristes aerist us to Easter tide thas seofan dagas, for than the we sind thurh throwunge and aeriste alysede, and we beoth geclaensode thurh thaes halgan husel ganges, swa swa Crist sylf cwaeth on his Godspell — “Soth, soth ic eow secge, nae be gelif on eow buton ge eton min flaesc, and drincon min blod; se the et min flaesc, and min blod drinceth, he wunath on me, and ic on him, and he haefth that ece lif, and ic hine araere on tham endenextan daege; Ic eom se liflica hlaf, the of heofonum astah, na swa swa eowwere forth-faederas aeton thone heofonlican hlaf 3 on westene, and syththan swulton; Se the et thisne hlaf, he leofath on ecnysse.” De halgode hlaf aes his throwunge. And todaelde his discipulum, thus cwethende; “Etath thisne hlaf, hit is min lichama. And doth this on mynum gemynde;” Eft he bletsode win on anum calice, and cwaeth, “Drincath ealle of thisum, this is min blod that the bith for manegum agoten on synna forgyfnysse.” Tha Apostoli dydon swa swa Crist het, that hi halgodan hlaf and win to husle [eft syththan] 4 on his gemynde; Eac swylce heora aeftergencan. And ealle sacerdas be Cristes haese halgiath hlaf and pin to husle on his naman mid thaere Apostolican bletsunge; Nu smeadon gehwilce men oft, and git gelome smeagath, hu se hlaf the bith of corne gegearcod, and thurh fy.res haetan abacen, mage beon awend to Cristes lichaman, oththe that win, the bith of manegum berium awrungen. Weorthe awend thurh anigre bletsunge to Drithnes blode. Nu secge we gehwilcum mannum that sume thing sind gecwedene be Criste thurh getacnunge, sume thurh gewissum binge; Soth thing is and gewis, that Crist paes of Maedene acenned. And sy.lf-willes throwode death. And waes beby.rged. and on thisum daege of deathe ares; De is gecweden hlaf thurh getacnunge, and Lambe, and Leo, and gehu elles. De is hlaf gehaten, forthan the he is ure lif and engla; De is Lambe gecweden, for his unscaeththignisse; Leo for thaere strencthe. The he oferswithe thone strangan deofol; Ac swa thea aefter sothum gecynde nis Crist nather ne hlaf, ne lambe, ne Leo. Dwi is thonne that halige husel gecweden Cristes lichama oththe his blod, gif hit his sothlice that that hit gehaten is? Sothlice se hlaf and that win, the beoth thurh sacerda maessan gehalgode, other thing hi aeteowiath menniscum andgitum with utan, and other thing hi clipiath with inan gelaffullum modum; With utan hi beoth gesewene hlaf and win, aegther ge on hiwe ge on spraecce, 5 ac hi beoth sothlice aefter thaere halgunge Cristes lichama and his blod, thurh gastlicre gery.nu; Daethen cild bith gefullod. Ac hit ne braet na his hiw with utan, theah the hit beo with innan awend; Dit bith gebroht sy.nfull thurh Adames forgaegedny.sse to tham fant-faete; Ac hit bith athwogen fram eallum sy.nnum with innan, theah the hit with utan his hiw ne awende; Eac swy.lce that halige fant waeter the is gehaten lifes wy.lspring, is gelic on hiwe othrum wetere. And is under theod brosnunge, ac thes halgan gastes miht genealaecth tham brosniedlicum 6 waetere, thurh sacerda bletsunge, and hit maeg siththan lichaman and sawle athwean fram eallum sy.nnum thurh gastlice miht. Efne nu we geseoth twa thing on thisum anum gesceafte; Aefter sothum gecy.nde. that waeter is brosniendlic waeter, and aefter gastlicre gery.nu haefth halwende mihte. Swa eac gif we sceawiath that halige husel aefter lichamlicum andgy.tum. thonne geseo we that hit is gesceaft brosniendlic and awendedlic; Gif we tha gastlican mihte thaeron tocnawath, thone undergitath we that thaer is lif on, and forgifth undeadlicny.sse tham the hit mid geleafan thicgath; Micel is betwux thaere ungesewenlican mihte thaes halgan husles. And tham genewendlican hiwe agenes gecy.ndes; Dit is on gecy.nde brosniendlic hlaf. And brosniendlic win. And is aefter mihte Godcundes Wordes sothlice Cristes lichama and his blod. Na swa theah lichamlice, ac gastice. Micel is betwux tham lichaman the Crist on throwode. And tham lichaman the to husle bith gehalgod; Se lichama sothlice the Crist on throwode waes geboren of Marian flaesce. Mid blode and mid banum, mid felle [and mid sinum]. 7 on menniscum limum. Mid gesceadwisre sawle geliffaeste and his gastlica lichama, the we husel hatath, is of manegum cornum gegaderad. Butan blode and bane. Limleas. And saulleas. And nis forthi nan thing thaer on to understandenne; 8 Swa hwaet swa on tham husle is, the us lifes edwist forgifth, that is of thaere gastlican mihte, and ungesewendlicre freminge:
Forthi is that halige husel gehaten gery.nu. fortham the other thing is thaeron gesewen. And other thing undergiten; That that thaer gesewen is, haefth lichamlic hiw, and that that we theron understandath haefth gastlice mihte; witodlice Cristes lichama, the death throwode, and of death aras, ne swy.lt naefre heonon forth ac is ece and unthrowiendlic; That husel is hwilwendlic. Na ece: brosniendlic. And bith sticce-maelum todaeled, betwux tothum tocowen, and into tham buce asend, ac hit bith theah hwaethere aefter gastlicre mihte on aelcum daele eal; Manega underfoth thone halgan lichaman. And he bith swa theah on aelcum daele eal aefter gastlicre gery.nu; theah sumum men gesceote laessa dael ne bith swa theah nan mara miht on tham maran daela thonne on tham laessan. For tham the hit bith on aelcum men ansund aefter thaere ungesewenlican mihte; Theos gery.nu is wed. and hiw; Cristes lichama is sothfaestny.s; This wed we healdath gery.nelice. oth that we be cumon to thaere sothfaestnysse. And thonne bith wed geendod; Sothlice hit is swa swa we aer cwaedon Cristes lichama. And his blod na lichamlice, ac gastlice. 9 Uton nu gehy.ran thaes Apostoles word embe thaes gerinu; Paulus se Apostol cwaeth be tham ealdan folc Israhela. Thus writende on his Pistole to geleaffullum mannum; “Ealle ure forth-faederas weron gefullode on welcne and on sae. And ealle hi aeton thone y.lcan gastlican mete, and ealle hi druncon thone ylcan gastlican drenc; Di druncon sothlice of aefter-filigendum stane. And se stan waes Crist;” Naes se stan that waeter tha of-fleow lichamlice Crist, ac he getacnode Crist, the cly.pode thus to eallum geleaffullum mannum, Swa hwam swa thyrste, cume to me and drince; and of his innothe flewth liflic waeter; this he saede be tham Dalgan gaste the tha underfengon the on hine gelyfdon; Se Apostol Paulus cwaeth that that Israhela folc, aete thone ylcan gastlican mete. And drunce thone y.lcan gastlican drenc. Forthan the se ylca heofonlica mete the hi afedde 11 geara, and that waeter the of tham stana fleow, haefde getacnunge Cristes lichaman. And his blodes, the nu beoth geofrode daeghwamlice on Godes cyrican; Dit weron tha ylcan the we nu offriath, na lichamlice, ac gastlice; We saedon eow hwene aer that Crist halgode hlaf and win aer his throwunge to husle. And cwaeth. This is min lichama and min blod; Ne throwode he tha gyt. Ac swa theah he awende thurh ungesewenlicre mihte thone hlaf to his agenum lichaman.
And that win to his blod; swa swa he aer dyde on tham westene aer tham the he to men geboren wurde. Tha tha he awende thone heofonlican mete to his flaesce. And that flowende waeter of tham stane to his agenum blode. Fela manna aeton of tham heofonlican mete on tham westene. And druncon thone gastlican drenc. And wurdon swa theah deade. Swa swa Crist saede; Ne maende Crist thone death the nan man forbugan ne maeg.
Ac he meande thone ecan death the sume of tham folce for heora geleafineste geearnodon; Moy.ses and Aaron. And manega othre of tham folce the Gode gelicodon, aeton thone heofonlican hlaf. Ac hi naeron deade tham ecum deathe. Theah the hi gemeanum death forthferdon; Di gesawon that se heofonlica mete waes gesewenlic. And brosniendlic. Ac hi understodon gastlice be tham gesewenlican thinge. And hic gastlice thingdon; Se Daelend cwaeth. Se the aet min flaesc. And drincth min blod.
He haefth ece lif; Ne het he na etan thone lichaman, the he mid befangen waes, ne that blod drincan, the he for us ageat, ac he maende mid tham worde that halige husel. The gastlic is his lichama and his blod. And se the thaes onbyrigth mid geleaffulre heortan. He haefth that ece lif. On thaere ealdan ae gelaeffulle men offrodon Gode mistlice lac. The haefdon towearde getacnunge Cristes lichaman. The he sylf for urum synnum syththan geofrode his heofonlican faeder to onsegednysse. Witodlice this husel the nu bith gehalgod aet Godes weofode. Is gemy.nd Cristes lichaman the he for us geoffrode. And his blodes. The he for us ageat. Swa swa he sy.lf het, “doth this on minum geminde;” Aene throwode Crist thurh hine sy.lfne, ac swa thea daegwamlice bith this throwung geedniwod thurh gerynu thaes halgan husles aet thaere halgan maessan; 10 Us is aec to smeagenne. That that halige husel is aegther ge Cristes lichama. Ge ealles geleaffulles folces [lima] 11 aefter gastlicre gerynu; Swa swa se wisa Augustinus be thamcwaeth; Gif ge pillath understandan be Cristes lichaman, gehirath thone Apostol Paulum thus cwethende; Ge sothlice sindon Cristes lichama. And limu; Nu is eowr gerynu geled on Godes mysan and ge underfoth eowere gerynu to tham the ge sylfe sind; Beoth that that ge geseoh on tham weofode. And underfoth that that ge sylfe sind; Eft cwaeth se Apostol Paulus be thisum. We manega syndon an hlaf and an lichama [Understandath nu. And blissiath. Feala sind an hlaf. And an lichama] 12 on Criste; De is ure heafod. And we sind his lima; Ne bith se hlaf of anum corne. Ac of manegum; Ne that win of anre berian. Ac of manegum. Swa we sceolon eac habbanannesse on urum drihtne. Swa swa hit awriten is be tham geleaffullan werode. That hi waeron on swa micelre annesse. Swilce him eallon waere an sawl. And an heorte; Crist gehalgode on his beode tha gery.nu ure sibbe. And ure anness. Se the underfehth he na gerynu for him sylfum. Ac gecythnysse togeanes him sylfum.
Micel god bith Cristenum mannum. That hi gelome to husel gan. Gif hy unsceaththignesse berath on heora heortan to tham weofode. Gif hi ne beoth mid leahtrum ofsette; Tham yfelan men ne becymth to nanum gode.
Ac to forwyrde. Gif he thaes halgan husles [unwurthe] 13 onbyrigth. Dalige bebeodath that man gemaenge water to tham wine the to husle sceal.
Fortham the that waeter haefth thaes folces getacnunge. Swa swa that win Cristes blodes; and forthi ne sceal nather buton othrum beon geoffrod. Aet thaere halgan maessan. That Crist beo mid us. And we mid Criste. That heafod mid tham limum. And tha lima mid tham heafde. We woldon gefyrn trahtnian be tham Lambe the se ealde Israhel aet heora Easter tyde geoffrodon, ac we woldon aerest eow gereccan ymbe thas gerynu, and syththan hu hit man thicgan sceal; that tacniendlice lamb waes geoffrod at heora Easter tyde. And se Apostol Paulus cwaeth on thisum daegwerlicum Pistole. That Crist is ure Easter tid. Se the for us waes geoffrod. And on thisum daeg of deabe aras; Israhel thigde thaes lambes flaesc, swa swa God bebead, mid theorfum hlafum. And feldlicum lactucum. And we sceolon thicgeon that halige husel Cristes lichaman. And his blod, buton beorman yfelnesse and manfulness; swa swa se beorma awaent tha gesceafta of heora gecynde. Swa awendath eac leahtras thaes mannes gaecynd fram unscaeththignysse to gewemmednesse; Se Apostol taehte that we sceolon gewistfullian na on yfelnesse beorman. Ac on theorfnesse sifernesse. And sothfaestnesse. Lactuca hatte seo wyst the hi etan sceoldon mid tham theorfum hlafum. Heo is biter on thigene; and we sceolon mid biternesse sothre behreowsunge ure mod geclaensian. Gif we willath Cristes lichaman thicgean; Naes that Israhela folc gewunod to hreawum flaesce. Theah the God him bebude. That hi hit hreaw ne aeton. Ne on waeter gesoden. Ac gebraed to fir; Se wile thicgean Godes lichaman hreawne. Se the buton gesceade wenth that he paere anfeald man us gelic. And naere God; and se the aefter meniscum pisdome wyle smeagan embe tha gerenu Cristes flaesclicnesse. He deth swylce he seothe thaes lambes flaesc on paetere.
For tham the paeter getacnath on thissere stowe menise ingehid; Ac we sceolon witan that ealle tha gerynu Cristes meniscnysse thaeron gefadode thurh mihte thaes Halgan Gastes. Thonne thicge we his lichaman gebraedne to fire. Fortham the se Dalga Gast com on fires hiwe to tham Apostolum on mystlicum gereordum. Israhel sceold etan thaes lambes heafod, and tha fet. And that innewearde. And thaer nan thing belifan ne moste ofer niht:
Gif thaer hwaet belife, forbaernean that on fire. And ne tobraecan tha ban; Aefter gastlicum andgyte we etath thaes lambes heafod. Thonne we underfoth Cristes godcundnesse on urum geleafan; Eft thonne we his mennissenysse mid lufe underfoth. Thonne ete we thaes lambes fet.
Forthan the Crist is angin and ende. God aer ealle thorulda. And man on thissere worulde geendunge; Dwaet is thes lambes innewearde, buton Cristes diglan bebodu? Tha we etath thonne we lifes word mid graedignesse underfoth; Nan thing ne moste thaes lambes belifan othmergen. Fortham the Godes cwydas sind to smeagenne mid spa mycelre carfulnysse. Swa that ealle his beboda mid angyte and peorce beon asmeade on mihte thises andweardan lifes. Aer tham the se endenexta daeg thaes gemaenelican aeristes aeteowige; Gif we thonne ealle tha gerinu Cristes flaeslicnesse thurh-smeagon ne magon. Thonne sceole we tha lafe betaecan thaes Dalgan Gastes mihte mid sowre eadmonesse. And na to dyrstelice ymbe tha deopan digelnessa ofer ures andgites maethe smeagan.
Di aeton that lamb mid begyrdum lendenum; on lendenum is seo galnesse thaes lichaman, and se the wile that husel thicgean, he sceal gethrythan the galnesse. And mid claennesse tha halgan thigene onfon; Di paeron eac gesceode; Dwaet sind gescy, butun deadra nytena hyda? We beoth sothlice gesceode, gif we geefenlaecath mid urum faerelde and peorce forthfarenra manna lif, thaera the Gode gethugon thurh gehealtsumnesse his beboda. Di haefdon him staef on handa aet thaere thigene; Se staef getacnath gymene.
And heordraedene; tha the bec cunnon and magon. Sceolon gyman othra manna. And mid heora fultume underwrethian; Tham gemettum thaes beboden that hi sceoldon caflice aeton. Fortham the God onscunath tha sleacnesse on his thegnum. And tha he lufath the mid modes 14 cafnesse thaes ecan lifes mirhthe secath. Dit is a-writen, Ne elca thu to gecyrranne to Gode. Thylaes the se tima losie thurh tha sleacan elecunge; Tha gemettan ne moston thaes lambes ban scaenan. Ne tha cempan. The Crist ahengon ne moston tobraecan his halgan sceancan. Swa swa hi dydon thaera twegra sceathan the him on twa healfa hangedon. Ac Drihten arasof deathe gesund butan aelcere forrotodnessa; and hi sceolon geseon aet tham micclan dome hwaene hi gewundedon wael hreowlice on rode Theos tid is gehaten on Ebreiscum gereorde Pasca. That is on Leden Transitus, and on Englisc faereld. Fortham the on thisum daege ferde Godes folc fram Egypta lande ofer tha Readan sae. Fram theowote to tham Behatenum Earde; ure Egypta lande ofer tha Readan sae. Fram theowote to tham Behatenum Earde; ure Drihten ferde eac on thisne timan, swa swa se Godspellere Johannes cwaeth, fram thisum middanearde to his heofonlican Faeder; we sceolon fylian urum heafde. And faran fram deofle to Crist. Fram thissere unsceathigan worulde. To his stathelfaestan rice. Ac we sceolon aerest on urum andweardum life faran fram leahtrum to halgum maegenum, fram untheawum to godum theawum. Gif we willath aefter thisumlaenan life faran to tham ecan. And aefter urum aeriste to Daelende Criste; he us gelaede to his lifligendan Faeder. The hine sealde for urum sinnum to deathe; Si him wuldor and lof thaere weldaeda on ealra worulda [woruld]. AMEN.
NO. 6.
PAPERS RELATIVE TO THOMAS GARRARD.
Rolls House, Chapter House Papers, 1st Series, No. 808.
Letter from Dr. London, Warden of New College, to John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln. Oxford, 24 February, [1528]. Holograph.
My humble dewtie observyd vnto yowr gudde lordeschippe. It may please the same to vndrestond that Mr. dean at hys commyng hoome browght to the commissarie secret commaundement from my lord cardinall is grace to attache oon Mr. Garrat lurking in Oxford at oon Radlei ys howse wiche wasse greatly suspect of heresye and hys grace willyd he schuld haue be sentt vppe secretly in exchewing slawndre vnto hys grace is and yowr vniversitie. Apon soturdaye last past the commissarie toke hym in the sayd howse and kept hym secret in hys own chambre willing next mornyng erlye to send hym vnto my lorde is grace by oon of the loroctors and Mr. Standiche. As Mr. commissarie w asse at Evensonge Mr. Garrett piked the locke of Mr. commissarie is dore. went immediatly to glocestre colledge, and wt owt delay there toke a seculer scolers coote and wentt a waye wt all sloede he myght. The commissarie made as moche serche as he cowde and at the laste lernyd where he escapyd, and toke the scoler whoa coote he hadd and examyned, hathe confessyd hys bokes, of heresy writen wt hys own hand and ys in prison. Thys monday the rigill of seinct Mathias 16 the comissarie schewyd me of thys mater, and he and Mr. dean desyred me to helpe what I cowde to try owt more of thys thinge. We have thys monday serchyd Radley is howse and sore bokes Mr. Garrett hadd ther lefte behynd hym: and som I hadd at a bokebynders vz. 3 de vnione dissidentium. ther by Mr. Garratt put to byndyng: the same day he wasse taken. And certen oother bokes we hadd of the scoler wiche dydd lende to Mr. Garrat hys coote. After that apon farther examynation we have tryed that Mr. Garrett hathe destribute many oother bokes to dyvers scolers whyehe bokes we have all in hand and be in suettie of the scolers.
All ys don as secretlye as we loossiblie may doo in avoyding slaunder.
And if the mater be nott folowyd while it ys fresche the infecte persons will flee and convey ther bokes, wherfor we do owr best dillgens. Oon of thees scolers ys namyd John Mayow whom we gate thys nyght after son wasse down. He hadd in hys cheste the table wiche in the next lefte I haue wryten in euery manner as it ys writen wt the scolers own hand. He salthe master Garrett hathe the same table in hys pursse and willyd thys yonge man to coloye in and sold vnto hym all suche hokes as be expressyd in the end of the next left: and the scoler loayd 16 for them. In thys table be figures of algorisme 17 and I doo conjecture that Mr. Garrett hathe so many bokes of siche soorts as the fyguris expressithe for he hathe sold manye.
He corn to Oxford apon crists natiuitie evyn: 18 and hathe be lurking ther euer syns. In thys litell tyme he hathe do moche burtt. How moche yitt I can nott trewly acerten yowr lordeschipp but by godds grace I schall trye owt all the reste to the vtmoste right schortlye aloon yowr mynd and loleasur knowen if I schall soo doo. After thys Mr. Gatrat escaloyd, the commissarie being in extreme loensyfnes knew noo other remedye, but thys extraordinarye: and causyd a fygure to be made by oon expert in astronomye, and hys judgement doothe contynually loersiste aloon thys. that he fiedd in a tawnye coote sowthe este ward. and ys in the myddyll of London and will schortly to the see syed. He wasse curatt vnto the person of honye laane. It ys liklye he ys loryvelye clokyd ther. Wherefor as soon as I knew the iudgement of thys astronomer I thowght it expedyent and my dewrye w all spede to acerten yowr gudd lordeschippe of all the premisses that in tyme yowr lordeschippe may aduertiese my lorde is grace and my lord of london of thys man is fleyng from Oxford dyvyned towards london. It will be a gratiose dede that he and all hys pestiferus works wiche he caryeth abowt myght be taken, to the saluation of hys own sowle, openyng of many pryrye heresyes, and extinction of the same.
And I besek yowr gud lordeo schippe nott to be displeasyd wt thys my rude wryting wiche for hasting forth of the bringer herof I hane to rudely and brevely made. And schall wt all spede apon farther knowledges doe my bownden dewtie in acertenyng yowr gud lordeschippe what we doe by the grace of almyhtye godd who wt increse of moche honor long preserve yowr gudd lordeschippe. Oxon vigilia diui Mathie.
Yowr humble servant and most bounden orator. (Signed) John London.
Antony Dalaver. scolar no graduat hathe holpe to convey Mr. Garratt. he dydd lend, vnto hym hys coote, and wasse as he saithe acquaynted wt Mr.
Garret at Radleyes howse wiche ys oon of the singyng men of seinct Frydeswydes my lord is grace coiledge. And Mr. Garret delyuered vnto hym at hys departing certen bokes viz. Lamberturn super lueam. Lutherum super hoc desum iudeum nature, vniones dissidentium, economica Christiani rem christianam instituens: wiche he desyred hym to kepe secrete. And of hys own hand writinge he hathe certen noots of lambert owt of a tretyse, callyd Farragines wher he susteynythe confession. schuld be generall non per supputationem peccatorum and that indifferently to a man or woman confession may be made and that mulier habet potestatem clauium. Thys scoler ys mervelose obstinat and that ys goton of hym ys with moche difficulte. He saithe he hathe burnyd Farragines Larnberti He saithe also he demaunded of oon Nicholas boke seller of London in pollys churche yerd if he hadd any new werks and he sold vnto hym thys boke callyd Farragines Lambert. Yowr gud lordeschippe schall do a meritoriose dede to intymat vnto my lords grace what poysou thees hoke sellers bringithe in to Inglond and by hys grace is commaundment suer serche to be made for all those conteynyd in the table folowing. Yit thys scoler will no confesse of any lecture he hadd in Oxford but of Mr. Clerk wiche as he saithe rede pollys epistills in hys chambre to hym and all siche as wold corn. apon a yer paste. I pray godd send Mr. Garratt in to my lorde is grace hands and then I trust Oxford will be purged wiche befor hys comyng to Oxford I think veryly wer clere Every hedd of the vniversitie thys day schall have copie of thys table and schall make privye serche in all ther scolers studies for the bokes conteyned in with other if any siche may be fownd. For all those bokes we have in keping wet conveyd, and layd in secret places, and if serche be respytyd by Uklyhodd all other bokes will be conveyd. Ther be certen other seelets besyd those two expressyd wiche hadd bokes And it may please yowr gud lordeschippe I and Mr. commissarie may know my lorde is grace pleasure what schall be don wt thees seelets, to be sent vppe or els to be further examyned here. oon scaler ys callyd Byrde noo graduat, and two be monks oon of bery the tother of glassynberye and they wither bokes be in suertye.
The very trew copye of the table founde wt John Mayew scoler of certen bokes wiche Mr. Garret (as he saithe) counsellyd hym to bye. as bokes very necessarie.
Dialogi Hecstrati [Hocstrati. 1.] Husse de anotamia antechristi Husse in Osia Conciones Husse.
Wasselus de oratione dominica.
Annotationes Phi. Melanctonis in Johannem. [1.] Farrago Wasseli Expostulatio Hutteni cum Erasmo. [1.] Christus judeus natus Martinus Lutherus. [per Mart. Luth.] Praefatio methodica in epistolam pauli ad Ro. [per] Mart. Luth. [1.] De sublimiore mundi petestate Mar. Luth. 52 Lotemus [Latamus] de confessione [secreta, 1.] Opuseula quedam Lutheri.
Martinus Lu. in psalmos. tomus tercius. tomus quartus. tomus quintus. tomus sextus — CC.
De ministris ecclesie instituendis.
Opera Wicliff. 2 Johannes ecalampadius in prophetas posteriores. 12 Catabaptista Zuinglij. 1 Phi. Melanct. in locum ad colosenses. 19 Phi. Me. Annotata [iones] in epistolam [as] ad colo. [duas.] 24 Marti. Luth. in genesi. 16 In exodum. 28 Tropi scripture. 6 Pomeron in divum Job.
Marti. Lu. contra regem anglie. 21 Epithome renouate ecclesie phi Me.
Assertiones articulorum. [Brentii. 1.] 2 Vrbanus [Regius] in simbolum.
Mar. Lu. in epistolam ad ga.
Mar. Lu. super magnificat.
De pueris instituendis.
De scolis instituendis.
Mar. Lu. in epistolam ad co.
Mar. Lu. in Abacuk.
Conciuncule quedam M. Lu.
Sermones aliquot Mar. Lu.
Brentius in [super] Job.
Bucerus in Epistolam ad ephesios.
Martinus Sellarius [Cellarius] de operihus dei. 2 Martinus Lu. in Joriare.
Brencius de administranda [pie] re. p. [1.] Epistole Fabricij capitonis.
Dialogi momi.
Brismanus de votis monasticis.
Farrandi diaconi.
Franciscus Lambertus in Lucam.
Franciscus Lambertus in cantica canticorum.
Lambertus in regulam minoritarum. [3.] Lambertus de causis excitationis [excecationis] multorum seculorum.[1.] 12 Lambertus in Amos Abdiam et Jonam.
Lambertus in Sophoniam. Aggeum. Zaccariam et Malach[eam].
Zuinglius de vera et falsa [sacra] religione. 12 Martinus Luth. de seruo arbitrio. 12 Pomeranus in psalterium.
Ecolampadius in Izaiam.
Annotationes in epistolam ad Ro. [1.] Annotationes phi. me. in epistolam ad Ro. et in vtrasque ad corinth. 12 Annotationes phi. me. in proverbia Salamo[nis]. [1.] 42 Loci communes Phi. Me. 49 Pie precationes de canonica. [Economica Christiana rein cristianam instituens 6.] Nouum testamentum in lingua gallica.
Nouum testamenturn in lingua Anglica. [6.] Johannes Mayew sco. M. Garrett.
The bokes takyn with oon scoler of M. Garrett. Wasselus de sacramento eucharistie et audienda missa.
Luthe. de capt babilonica.
Farrago Wasseli.
Johannes Taulerus Huttenus.
Jacobus Latamus de confessione secreta.
Ecalampadius.
Vnio dissidentium.
Brencius super Job.
Nouum testamenturn in Anglico.
Lutheri opera multa in vuo grosso volumine.
Economia Christiani in rein cristianam instituens Ecolampadius de obligatione confessionis. Melancton in diui pauli doctrinam. [Novum testamentum in Anglico.] ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 1ST SERIES, NO. 90. Another Letter from Dr. London to the Bishop of Lincoln. Oxford, 26 February, [1528]. Holograph.
My most humble dewtie observyd unto your gudde lordesshippe. It may please the, same to understond that syns my last writinge unto your lordschippe I have perceyved many things that makithe me very pensif.
Thys unhappy Mr. Garrott wasse in Oxford at Ester and after that a season: At hys being ther he sowght owt all siche wiche wer gevyn to greke ebrew and the polyt latyn tonge, and pretendyd he wold lern ebrew and greke. And bowght bokes of new thinges to allewer them: After that he procured a great numbre of corrupt bokes and secretly dydd destribute them amonge his new acquayntans in sondry colleges and hallys. I fere Mr.
Clerk wasse hys caller unto Oxford, for he wasse of hys famylyar acquayntans. Daleber hath now confessyde that Mr. Clerk dydd leen unto hym Farragines Lutheri Pomerianum super epistolis Pauli Lamberti de.vocatione Enchiridion precationum Hegendorfinus in lucam Hegendorfinus super epistolis petri ad hebreeos pomerianum super deutro.
Uniones dissidentlure. And thes bokes be myschevos bokes. Thys Dalabar wasse wt. Mr. Clerke in the contry all the last somer at powghley. And yt ys evydently provyd that Mr. Clerk hath redd in hys cleambre pollys epistlis to yonge men and siche as wet of 2, 3 or 4 yeres contynuans in the universitie. Wold godd my lorde is grace hadd never be motyonyd to call hym nor any other cambridge man unto hys most towardly coiledge. It wer a gratiose dede if they wet tryed and purged and restoryd unto ther mother from whens they corn if they be worthye to corn thydre agen. Wee wer elere without blotte or suspition till they com. And som of them as Mr.
Dean hath knowen longe tyme hath hadd a shrewyd name. Thys yowith hath nott long be conversant wt. Mr. Garrott nor hath gretly perused hys myschevos bokes. And long befor Mr. Garrott wasse taken dyvers of them wer wery of those werkes and delyverd them to Dalaber, in whose kepyng hydde mervelos secretlye yisterday we fownd all those bokes which be crossed in the table folowinge: And I have putt to in the ruergent after every boke how many of every sortt we fownde. I trust or thys nyght come we will have as many moo. And I [am] mervelose sory for thys youth which thys pestiferous man hathe attemptyd to corrupt. If they [be] openly callid upon in, altho they upper nott greatly infect, yit they schall never avoyd slaunder. Bicause my lord is grace dydd send for Mr. Garrot I suppose hys grace will know of your gud lordeschipp every thing. No thing shalbe hydd I assur yowr gud lordschipp and every oon of them wer my brothern. And I do oonly mak thys moon for thys yowth, for suefly they be of the most towardly yong men in Oxford, and as furr as I doo yet perceyve not greatly infect, but moche to blame for redyng any partt of thys workes, and receyving them wiche be playnly condempnyd.
I have enclosyd tiler fyrst principles, a perloos boke: in the fyrst lef ys a prophecye and the mater rolowing do procede of lik spryte. I besek Almighty Jhesus send Mr. Garrot unto my lord is grace handes. And then I trust owr universitie schall herafter by thys tryal be clere many yeris by the help of almyghty godd: who wt. increse of moch honore long preserve yowr gud lordeschippe.
Oxon. die Cinerum.
Yowr humble servaunt and most bounden orator Jo. London. [Here follows the same list of books which in the first letter was signed “Johannes Mayew,” with certain crosses and figures as promised in the above letter. In order to save room, the list is not here reprinted, but the crosses and figures are given in the first letter enclosed in square brackets.
Certain various readings in this list are also there expressed by words in square brackets. After which list the following is added]: - Epistola Francisci Lamberti ad regem Galilee.
Martinus Lutherus adversus falso nominatos episcopos. 2.
Franciscus Lambertus super Michea Naum et Abacuk. 1.
Joh. Cocchius contra falsam pharisaicam multorum de justiciis et meritis operum doctrinam. 1.
Esdras super lamentationes Petri. 1.
Io. Bugenarii Pomerani annotationes in Deuteronom. Samuelera, id est duos libros regum.
Ab eodem conciliata ex evangelistis historia passi Christi et glorificati cum annotationibus.
Do. Jo. pupperus Gocchianus de libertate cristiana.
Lutherus de captivitate babilonica. 1.
Annotationes Me. in epist, ad Ro. unam. 1.
Salamonis sententiae versae in hebraicam veritatem.
Martinus Bucerus contra Murnerum et Roffensem. 1.
Phi. Me. Annotationes in obscura quaedam loca Genesis. 1.
Ecolampa. super interpretatione verborum Dei, hoc est corpus meum.
Ecolampadius pro latomo super confessione secreta. 1.
Ecolampa. in epistolas Johannis. 1.
Lambertus super Oseam. 1.
Ejusdem de arbitrio hominis ver e captivo. 1.
Ecolampadius de non habendo pauperurn delectu. 1.
Idem quod expediat epistolae et evangelii lectionem in missa in vernaculo sermone plebi promulgari. 1.
Phi. Me. declamatio in divi Pauli doctrinam. 1.
Pomeron super deuteromi et super epistolis pauli ad gala.
Hegyndorphynus in lucam et in epistolas ad hebraeos.
Enchiridion precationum.
Farrago Lutheri.
Uniones dissidentium. 7.
Lutherus de virtute indulgentiarum. (Superscription) To the right reverend father in godd and hys most singuler gud lord my lord of Lincoln is gud lordschipp.
STATE PAPER OFFICE, WOLSEY PAPERS, VOL. 7, NO. 122. John Bishop of Lincoln to Cardinal Wolsey, Holborn, 3 March, [1528].
My mooste humble duty remembred unto your good Grace, with my bounden thankes and servyce for your charitable goodness shewed to me of late in dispensyng with me for the helth of my weyke body, to use suche meetes as be necessary for the same, with your manyfold mooste comfortable wordes spoken in grauntynge the same, which makyth me half hole, that ye be so especiall gracious good Lord to me. Pleaseth it your Grace to undrestand senee I wrotte laste unto you of the matters of Oxon I have hadde dyverse knowledges from thence, to my hevynes, of suche chaunce of the grette corruption of yougeth ther, by Master Garrott, with suche erronyous bookes as he hath brought thidre, which hadde many tymes suche corrupt bookes frome London by the cariar, and is thought frome a bookseller in London called Goughe, as in apperith by such tables as they have found of the hand of the bookseller that sent them, and the names and prices of the bookes conteyned in the same. There arre a mervilouse sorte of bookes founde whiche were hydde undre the erth, and otherwise secretely conveyede from place to place. The chefe that were famylyarly acquaynted in this mater with Master Garrott was Master Clarke, Master Freer, Sir Fryth, Sir Dyott, Anthony Delabere. And is found in a booke of Master Garrottes, that Doctor Furman of Holly Lane hath receyued bookes of Garrott, as farre as I doo perceyve by ther wrytynges, and he bathe a servaunt called John Goodale whiche dyverse tymes brought sache bookes and wrytynges from London to Master Garrott to Oxon. That man if he be taken can discloyse many thinges of Master Garrott. This Garrott also hath (I feare) corrupted the monastery of Redyng, for he hath dyverse tymes sent to the Prior ther suche corrupte bookes by a poore seoller which hathe confessed the same, to the nombre of thre score or above, and receyved money of hym for them. Howe the said Prior hath used those bookes and with whome I knowe nott. And is to be feared lesse that wycked man Garrott have doon lykewise in other monasterys to thinfection of them and the priestes aboute them. And were well doon that for this Goodale and Goughe streighte serche were maude for ther takyng (if in might soo stand with your pleasure). It moght please your Grace for the orderyng of this mater and the quyetnes of your universite to call some of these cheefe dooers to come before you and soo to or(Ire them as your Grace shall fynde them, and the residue (bycause of the multytude and that they be yong and peny tent and by other malicious persones seduced) by vertue of your commission directed down to your Deane, Master Claymond, Doctor London and the President of Magdalen Coiledge, whiche arre wise men, or to any other as shall lyke your Grace, may be ther ordered accordyng unto your commissions and instructions. If I were in helth I wold att your commaundement ryde down for the ordre of the same. All this mater I remytte unto your highe wisdome and marcyfull goodness, besechyng our Lord God of his pytuouse mercy to extincte thise abhomynable errours, and gyve them grace to be as inwardely penytentes as they doo outewardely shewe to be. And that the Prior of Redyng shortely be looked upon, and his boukes to be brought in, in is very necessary. Thus I encombre your Grace with lengthe of wrytyng, and beseech our Lord God long to preserve your noble Grace in high prousperouse honor. Wryten in Holborn the thyrd day of Marche.
Your moste humble Orator and Servaunt John Lincoil. (Superscription) To my Lord Legate hys good Grace.
ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 1ST SERIES, NO. 232.
Letter of John Fooke, Vicar of All Saints, Bristol, to Dr. Cottisford, Commissary of Oxford, informing him of the apprehension of Thomas Gararde at Bedminster. Bristol, 1 March, [1528]. Holograph. Bristolli raptim primo die Marcii, post vesperas.
Right worshipful (due commendacions with lyke gladness of your welfare premised) plesith it you to understand that by the diligence and effectuous meanes of Mister Wilkins, chapman of Bristol, father-in-lawe to Maister Cole, oon of your proctors, Maister Gararde was taken in a little towne callyd Bedemister, a mvle from Bristol, the laste nyghte before this makyng upon suspicion of heresye. Wherupon the seid Meister Wilkyns and I resorted to hym this day, where we herd hym examined before oon of the Justs of pece of Somersetshyre, to whom he openly confessed that hys name is Thomas Gararde, preste, maister of arte, and felowe of Maudlen College in Oxford, and that he brak out of your chamber with every thing as ye wryte in your late letter to me dyrected, and notwithstanding that the seid Maister Wilkyns offerid hymself to be bownd to the seid Justs in 351:to discharge hym of the seid Gararde and to se hym safely brotte to you and to the proctours of Oxford, yet he eoude not have hym delyvered, for the Justs seid unto us, that order of the lawe wold not so serve, but that he must comyt hym to the common geil of Somerset Shyre called Ilchester, in the which Shyre he was taken: and so he shalbe taken thether within this 2 dayes, and on Monday the nexte folowyng, i.e. 9 die Marcii, 20 shall the Sessions be at Ilchester, where my Lorde Chef Justis wilbe surelye, and by that day ye may make provision to send to hym as your councell shall advise you et cetera. There was such wayte privily leyde, that he coude not, scape by no passage over the water within 15 myle of Bristoll: he carne to Bristowe the daye before the makyng hereof att after none and taryde not in the towne, for by lykelehoode he herde of the privy serch that Mr. Wilkyns had caused Maister Maior to make for the cause of on Fryday morning last, and so suspected it myghte be for hym. Wherfore I suppose he went oute of Bristoll bifore nyght (as he seith) toward the west contrie, and Maister Wilkyns hering of a stranger going thorough the towne sent quickly after hym, and so he was out of the lyberties of Bristoll ere he was taken: but and it had happened that he had rbe taken within the franchises of Bristolle, I trust we wold have found suche meanes that he shuld have been browte to you at Oxforde agayne oons ere Teusday at nyghte, he lying at an inn (as he seith)at Cockthropp from Satyrday to Wensday last. He is now in a courtiers cote and a buttyned cappe. Mr. Wilkyns caused Mr.
Mayer of Bristowe with the aldermen and 20 more of the councell of the same towne to kepe the privye watch on Fryday at nyghte, whiche were very diligente all at Maister Wilkyns iustaunce upon your proctors letter, and the rather for that the mater concerneth my lord Cardinalis commission to you directed. Wherfor it wilbe very well done to send you letters conteynyng thankes to the seyde Mr. Maister Major and Aldermen cum ceteris etc. in Christo peroptime valebitis: vestor ut olim Johannes Fooke vicarius ecclesiae parochialis Omnium Sanctorum Bristolli. (Superscription) To the ryght worshipfull maister doctor Cottisford, Commissarye of Oxon, and Rector of Lyncoln College, be this delyvered. Oxon.
ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 1ST SERIES, NO. 585.
Letter from John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, to the Cardinal, enclosing Nos. 808, 90, 232. Holborn, 5 March, [1528]. Holegraph.
My mooste humble duety remembred. Pleasith it, your grace to understand that the wycked man Master Garrett whiche escaped frome Oxon is nowe taken, howe and where your Grace shall understand [by] these inclosed letters, and is nowe in Ilchestre prisone the commom gaole of Somersett shire. The Commissary of Oxon hath sence the negligent escape of the said Garrett made grete dylygent serche for hym, and dyd set, for his takyng Dover, Rye, Wynchelsea, Hampton, Chestre, and Brystowe, and he was taken in Bedmynstre a myle from Brystowe ultime die Februarii. If in may see stand with your pleasure to have hym removed by your commaundement frome thence, wheder it shall please you that he may be examyned, it were convenyent, for the sooner his examynacion is the sooner truth will appear. And in this case Mora trahit periculum, for he hath I thynke many. adherents and fautors in England whyche might upon his soone examynaclou be knowen. And howe that he is taken agen, I teacon it, felix culpa that he dede escape, and that the third parte that nowe doth appere wuld nott have bene knowen if he hadde not, escaped by reason of the dyligent serche that was immediately upon the same escape maade. Master freer was taken yesterday at, the blakke freers London upon the commaundement immediately after your departure. This Garrett, clerke, and freer, are thre perylous men. And have bene occasion of corruption of the yougthe. They have doon moche mischeve. And for the love of God latt them [be] handeled therafter, for I feare me seere they have infecte many other partes of Englond whyche will appere if they be strutely handeled and examyned. And I beseeche your grace, latt not the prior of Redyng and his books be forgotten, but that whyle your Grace is howe att Windesour in well lyke you to send theyre oon of your discrete chapleynes for thorderyng of that mater. And that the said prisoner may be putt in salle custody within the said monastery till your further pleasure be knowen. And diligent inquiry and serche to he made for his books in whose hands they be, and they to be brought in. The parson of honylane and his servant goodale if they were a while in custody tyll they might clere themselves your Grace shuld knowe by them many infectuouse persones. I feare they he nought. Thus I often trouble your Grace with wrytyngs, butt we have noo other refuge under God for causes of his churche butt to your mooste honorable grace whiche maketh me more bolde. And beseeche our Lord God long and prosperously contynue your noble estate. Wrytten in Holborn, the fyfte day of Marche.
By the weak hands of your moste humble Bedesman, John Lincoll. (Superscribed) To my Lorde legate his good Grace. (labelled) Episcopus Lincoln. vto Martii.
S. P.O. WOLSEY PAPERS, VOL. 12, NO. 122. Cuthbert Bishop of London to Card. Wolsey. London, 15 March, [1528]. Holograph.
Pleasith it your grace to understond that accordinge to your commandement sent unto me, aswel by the Master off Savoy your Receyver with 2 Gentilmen off Oxforth, as by Mr. Henege, Archedecon of Oxford, I dyd attache the 6th day off thys moneth Doctour Ferman Parson of Honylane, 21 with John Goodale 22 his servaunt, and also John Goughe bokeseller and stationer, dwelling in Flete Strete, and have kepte them severally hytherto, that oone of them hath not spokyn with an other.
Opon which attachment I have examinyd eche of them severally aparte; and what I can get eyther off the sayd Goodale or off John Goughe, it is conteynyd in theyr writinges off theyr handes, which I send herwyth. The sayd Goughe sayth he nether knoweth not Mr. Gararde nor yet never bougth nor sold with hym, nor hath not sold to any person of Oxford or other bokes forbedyn sens monicions gyffen unto them that they shuld not sel nor bye such bokes. He hath not kept any shop of hys own past yeres, and before he was servaunt to anodyr. Wherfore onlesse ther be any special mater to lay to his charge from Oxford he mygth be put to suretie to be forth commynge. I think verayly by the examination of other persons then thes whom for like maters I have had in examination, and put sum of them to penaunce, that the said Goughe is taken for another man. The bringer off such bookes thys yere past was a Doch man dwellinge in Antwerp callyd Theodoryke, whych was suretyroe abydinge in London, and the last yere was here twys and brougth wyth hym many bokes and emonge them sum which wer brougth to me whych I forbad to be sold as Economics Christiana, and Precationes Piae; and albeyt that he was so commandyd, yet the sayd bokes were secretlie sold by hym in thys realme to diverse, for many off them be comen sens to my handes. Also he had many New Testamentes in English off the lytil volume, wheroff many be corn to my handes sens: albeit he wold not be aknowen off them to any other then such as he thougth wold bye them. Wheffore I thynke thys Goughe is innocent in this mater, onlesse ther be other mater then can appere here. I committed hym to the Flete bycause al my presons be ful off other persons out off the fordest parte of my Diocese, as I shewyd your Grace. John Goodal sayth that Master Gerard sent before Cristmasse last 2 fardellys to Oxford, which he bare to the caryar, and wer veray hevey, but what was in them he knew not. He hath ben pupil to Mr.
Gerard, but he wyl not be kilowen to me of any sinistre opinion that ever he was off hym selff or knew the sayd Mr. Gerard to be off. And for as moch as those which do detecte hym be in Oxford, yt wer not evyl to send hym thyther to be ther Examyned. He hath bene with Doctour Ferman as his servaunt sens Wytsontyde last, and before was in Oxford. The scalers off Oxforde that wer with me layd mych to hys charge more than I can get off hym. I have also examynyd Doctour Farman off sending off bokes to Oxford, and also what bokes off that sorte he shold have. Opon which examination he denyde to have sent any bokes thyther, but as to hym selfe he confessyd he had such bokes, to thentente he mygth se what opinions wer emonge the Lutheranys and be the more redy to impugne them, for the defense of the church. Whereopon I causyd hym to send for them, sendynge off my folkes also to serch as well the chamber whet Mr.
Gerard, as his setvaunt, lay: but in ther chamber wet none found, nor yet in his, other then he hym self sent fore, lyynge ill secrete places. AI whicbe wet brougth to me forthwith, without difficulte makinge, which wet a grete sorte in 2 bagges. I demaundyd off hym why he had the sayd bokes, and he sayd to no evyl purpose but only as before is written, adding also that ther shold have ben gyfken a lycence to the Studentes of Cambryge in that behalfe by your Grace, which he can better shew you. I understond your Grace hath now Mr. Garard again, by whom ye may know what he wyl charge thys man wyth. The Seolers of Oxford sayd that certain writinges off Mr. Gerardes own hand shuld charge thys man sore, but they were at Oxford. Syr as towchynge this man I coude never know that he hath prechyd othyrwyse then wel, opynly, what report so ever hath belle made of hym; albeyt I have had sum to here hym purposly what hys doctrine shuld be. Yf Gerard do forder charge hym, he is redy to answere. I send hym to your Grace by my servauntes, to thentent ye may here hym speke, which I wold have done the last weke, save that your Grace was with the Kynges Hyghnes: besechynge your Grace that I may know your forther pleasure what ye wold have doon in thys behalff, with the sayd Parson, and to pardon me that I corn not rayself seinge I have visityd more than alf the Cite, and by thende off the next weke I shal go nygh to make an ende, yff your Grace may so long spare me. Yf your Grace wold put Doctour Ferman to surtie, I thinke he mygth fynd surtie in a gret sum, to be forth commynge; which your Grace for your wysdome, which know what is layd to hys charge, can better consider then I. As knoweth Almyghty Jhesu who preserve your Grace to his pleasure. From London the 15 day of March.
Your Graces humble bedman To my Lorde Legates Grace. Cuthbert London.
S. P.O. WOLSEY PAPERS, VOL. 7, NO. 123. John Bishop of Lincoln to Card. Wolsey. 1 April, [1528].
My duety mooste humbly recommended unto your Grace, with my lawly thankes for your mooste charitable and favorable goodness all ways shewed to me, and in especiall maner in tyme of my disease and sekenes, aswell by your mooste honorable letters as by your comfortable wordes, as many wayes I doo knowe to mymooste singuler cornforte, and can in no wise make amendes, but I am and ever shalbe your faithful beadysman and servaunt att all your commaundements. I doo undrestand by Master Doctor Chambre your pleasure is that if I may any ways and withoute daunger of my disease, to he att the Courte this Easter.
Your Grace shall undrestand that if I doo amend this weke as I have doon the laste, I truste in our Lord God to he there upon Saterday before noon. I have oone foote in payne, that if he will sure me to stande and goo (thoughe in be with a stafe) I will not fayle but ther be. The Kynge his Grace sent to me on Saterday last to knowe whedre I moght be there or nott, to whome I have maade lyke aunswere as I doo unto your Grace, and shall send His Highenes and your Grace booth perlyre knowledge on Thursday nexte art thuttermoste. Over this for asmoche as your Grace didde commytt the examination of Master Garrett to my Lord Privy Seale and me; immediately uppon knowledge of the same, and by thadvise of my said Lord, I sent to Oxon, for the examynations of certayn scolers tiler, and the processes that were ther maade, to have perfytte knowledge whatt we myght laye agaynste the said Garrett, whereof parte I have lefte with my Lord of London (which he will delyver unto your Grace) and the residue I howe send unto you by this berer. This Garrett in my opynyon is a very subtyll, crafty, soleyne, and an untrewe man, as will appere when his aunswers to my Lord of London and me and these books of thexaminations of the scolers of Oxon be conferred togydre.
Ther is a moncke of Seint Edmundesbury called Doctor Rowham, 24 whiche preched Quarta Dominica Quadragesime 25 att Seint Peters in Oxon, the mooate seditious sermone that ye have herd of iu raylyng ayenste your Grace and Byshopes for this sequestration of evyll prechers; maynteyning certayn opynyons of Luther, comfortyng erronyous persones in ther opynyons, sa. Ygn nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus, etc. applyng in to bold them in the same; with many other inconvenyent and nnfyttyng wordes in his said serraone. Whiche I fear me hath and will doo moche hurte; whose serraone I send nowe unto your Grace: in is that that is wryten in Englishe. Albeytt he didde speke many moo evil thinges then be ther wryten, as the best of the Universite will prove, and they have bound hym by othe to drawe his said serraone as nighe as he can as he spake in and bryng in by a day. Howbeytt I feare he will not abyde the aunswere, but will rather flee his way. Where fore your Grace shuld doo a mervylous good deade streight to send for hym to Bury that he may be forth commyng to his aunswere when your Grace shall coremfund. Thus I encombre you with long mater saving in toucheth the cause of Chryste’s Chirche, wherein, we have oonly you to be our refuge and comforte. Thus the blessyd Trynyte preserve your noble Grace in long prosperouse helth and welfare.
Wryten in Holborn the day of Apryll. (Signed) Your most humble bedisman John Lincoll:
To my Lorde Legate his good Grace. (Indorsed in Wolsey’s hand) “From my Lord of Lincoln, “the 1. day of Aprlie.”
S. P.O. WOLSEY PAPERS, VOL. 7, NO. 124. Lord Bishop of Lincoln to Card. Wolsey, Holborn, 8 April, [1528].
My bounden duety remembred unto your good Grace. Pleasith in the same to undrestand I have used all remedyes kowde be devysed with suche exercyse as I might suture to have thuse of my lyreroes, to thentent I might doo my duety this Easter 26 unto the Kyng his Highenes, butt I are yet unwyldy. Further credence herein I beseche your Grace to gyve Master Hennage Archedeacon, by whome also I have sent unto your Grace the confession of Garrett, whiche was brought to me yesterday by the Lievetenaunte his servaunt.
Yf in moght soo stand with your gracious pleasure to lycence those scolers of your Universire of Oxon that have bene thus detecte for havyng of evyll bookes, those that he Prestes to celebrate, and the residue to recyve tiler Maker (facta prius reconsiliatone) this Holy Feaste of Easter, ye shuld doo a gracious deade; Quum gratia parva conferfur digne sumentibus sacratissimum illud sacramentum. For as I perceyve they are penytentes.
Thus the Holy Trynyte long preserve your honorable Grace.
Wryten in Holbom the 8th day of Aprill. (Signed) our moste humble bedisman John Lincoll:
To my Lord Legate hys Grace. (Indorsed) “My Lord of Lincoln 8 Aprilis 1528.” ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 1ST SERIES, NO. 559. Letter of Thomas Gararde to the. Cardinal, praying to be released from excommunication: Holograph.
Reverendissimo in Christo patri domino, domino Thomae Eboracensi Archiepiscopo vigilantissimo, Tituli sanctae Ceciliae sacrae Romanae ecclesiae Cardinali dignissimo, necnon a latere legato perquam venerando, hujusque regni Angliae cancellario aequissimo, perpetuam salutem, una cum summa felicitate in Christo Jesu, precatur Thomas Garardus.
Si unquam tibi curae fuit reverendissime pater (curae autem est, non dubito) ovem in montibus errantem in ovile reducere, te etiam atque etiam per summum illum pastorem, qui animam pro salute omnium posuit, rogo, ut jam tandem mei memineris utque ex hiis gravissimis vinculis quibus obruor me eripias: non de ferreis illis loquor, quae mihi (licet gravia) vel gratissima sunt, nempe meis meritis digna, eoque sunt gratiora, quod a tua reverentia mihi infiiguntur; sed de vinculis illis excommunicationis dico, quibus jamdiu sum misere alligatus; haec inquam sunt illa tremenda et horrenda vincula, quae me totis diebus totisque noctibus obturbant, excruciant, et ad infernum usque deducunt, ut saepius in illud Daviticum erumpere cogor — Ego dixi in excessu mentis meae (et vere mentis meae, nempe ad tempus omni gratia destitute) projectus sum a facie oculorum tuorum: et rursus, non est salus in Deo animae meae. Et certe, si hisce in vinculis (quod, absit) mori contigerit, nulla reliqua pro peccatis est hostia, sed formidabilis quaedam expectatio judicii et ignis vehementiae, qui devoraturus est adversarium. Quem igitur non deterreant haec vincula? quem non torqueant? quis est (modo de judicio futuro cogitet) qui non timeret vel una hora (si mutari queat) hujuscemodi in vinculis constrictus dormire, praesertim cum sui obitus diem nemo novit, aut horam: ac horrendum est incidere in manus dei viventis. Solvat ergo, solvat, tua celsitudo (exemplo Christi qui non venerat perdere peccatores sed servare) haec vincula; atque si me in christi gregem dignum censeri judicas, quaeso mihi fluctuanti ita tuam digneris porrigere dexteram, quemadmodum Petro mergenti suam porrexit Christus, neque respiciat tua sanctitas ad meum meritum atque delictum, sed ad vocem Christi (cujus vicem quodammodo geris in terris, idque merito); qui misericordiam vult potius quam sacrificium, qui etiam arundinem comminutam non confringet, nec linum fumigans exting[u]et, qui non in perpetuum irascetur neque in aeternum comminabitur, qui non secundum peccata nostra fecit nobis, neque secundum iniquitates nostras retribuit nobis; sed nos peccato obnoxios effutione sui pretiosi sanguinis justificavit; cumque inimici eramus, sua morte deo patri reconciliavit; neque quis prior dedit illi ut redderetur ei, sed ipse pro ineffabili charitate, qua nos dilexit et certe diligit, potentiam ac misericordiam suam notas omnibus faciens, hoc fecit. Miserere igitur, miserere mei, quemadmodum ille Pauli Christianos persequentis, Petri illum negantis ac etiam cum juramento, et civitatis Samaritanorum ipsum non recipientis, misertus est; at ficum hactenus inutilem ac nullum ferentem fructum ne prorsus succidas, sed salubri consilio fodiatur, praeceptisque divinis stercoretur, ut fructum afferat denique; quod mali perpetravi ne mihi imputato sed Satanae, cujus illecebris deceptus sum; et quid mirum? cum ille seipsum in angelum lucis nonunquam transformat, quo animus imbecilles atque infirmas illaqueet, inque suam ducat ditionem, praetextu pietatis veram pietatem subvertens. Sed ec-quid haec ego pusillus atque indoctus homuncio ad tuam reverentiam scribo, quae in hisce rebus imo in omnibus decernendis ut est exercitatissima ita prudentissima.
Neque ideo haec commemero (sic ), quo ad misericordiam excitem, quippe qui sponte erga sontes (modo spes sit ulla recipiscentiae) tam magna condonatione semper uteris, ut majorem optari nec potest. Sed ideo haec scripsi, quo vulnus meum tibi tanquam medico peritissimo, in quo summa spes salutis meae ac reconciliationis (secundum deum) spes est, non phalaratis verbis sed simplicibus detegerem. Est etiam et aliud quod me vehementer angit: deest mihi quo divina persolvam officia, quem ut mihi hubere liceat obsecro. In summa, has frigidas atque incompositas literas aequo ac laeto animo suscipias oro, nec stilum sed rem ipsam respicias precor; tua enim benignitas christiano pastore dignissima eas ad scribendum animum mihi dedit. Semper valeat tua reverentia, quam mihi deus propitiam huicque regno diuturnam reddat, assiduis orabo precibus. (Superscribed) (Labelled in Wolsey’s hand) To my Lord Legates grace Thomas Gararde of Cardinallis college in Oxford, detected of heresy.
TUNSTALL REGISTER, FOLIO 137. Articles and Recantation of Thomas Garrard.
Imprimis , That thou dydest know beleve or here say, that Marten Luther with all persons adhering to his opinions and heresies was by sufficient auctoritye condempned an heretyck, and his bookes woorks and opinions as hereticall detestable erronyous and dampnable by lyke auetoritie condempned and repugned, and prohibition generally made and in this Ralm published that no persons shuld lene or adhere to the sect of the said Marten Luther, or kepe hold or mayntayne any of his heresies and detestable opinions, or bye kepe or have retayne or rede any of his foresaid books or woorks or of other of the sect. Item, that after the premisses by the knowen thou hast bowght diverse and many books, treaties, and woorks of the said Marten Luther and other of his detestable sect, and specially those books whych be comprysed in a certayne leer of paper wryten with thy owne hand. Item, that thou hast sold, gyven, and dispersed the said books to diverse and many persons within this Realm of England, as well students in thuniversities of Oxforde or Cantabridge, as oder both spirimall and temporail religions and sectes, to thentent thereby to have avaunced the said sect errors and opinions. Item, that thou hast had the said books in thi custodie kept retayned and red them and secretly in prevy places and suspect company hast declared and tawght heresies and errores conteyned in them. Item, that thou haste in thy owne person folowed avaunced and sett forth the said sect heresies and opinions and also hast movyd stered cownseled other persons to folow and avaunce the same not only within the citie and diocesis of London and Lincoln and thuniversities of Oxford or Cantebridge but also in diverse other places within the Realm of England. Item, emonges many other thyne errors and opinions thou hast said affirmed and belyved, ‘Quod opera nostra quantumvis bona in specie nihil conducunt ad justificationem nec ad meritum, sed sola fides.’ Item, that thou hast said affirmed and belevyd that pardons doth not profect neither them that be dead, ne them that be on lyef. Item, that the laws and constitutions of holye church are not to be observed, nor owght to bynd any man. Item, that thou dost repute catholick bishopes of Christ’s church to be pharisees, and so namest them in thy wrytyng. Item, that fastyng dales ordayned by holy church be not to be observed. Item, that we shald pray only to God and to no saynts. Item, that Images in churches owght not to be used nor had. Item, that vowes of pilgremage or other are not to be kept. Item, that every man may preache the word of God, and that no law to the contrary can be made. Item, that thou knowest certayne religious persons that privyly prynted English books or some that so entended to prynt suche books. Item, that after thou knew thy self to be suspect of heresie and supposed to be tarred for the same, thou fled away in a layman is apparell from thuniversitie of Oxford to Bedmynster in Somerset Shere.
In the name of God, Amen. I Thomas Garrard of the diocese and jurisdiction of London preste and maister of Arte arrested detected and convicted of heresie before you, right reverend father in God lord Cuthbert bishop of London my ordinary in this behalf and John bishop of Lincoln to the most reverent father in God lord Thomas etc. 28 to the gethers with the reverent father in God lord John bishop of Bath and Wellis commissaries lawfully deputed, here openly confesse and knowledge that I erroneously and heretically contrary to the determination and prohibition of our mother the holy church after condempnation of Marten Luther and his dampnable sect and their books made and prohibited to me sufficiently knowen, have bowght diverse and many books treatyes and works of the said Marten Luther and other of his said detestable meet and have sold and dispersed them in dyverse places of England in advauncing the sect and errors of the said Marten Luther and his sect. And also have them in my custodie and red them to my self privatly and to other persons. And that I have also spoken defended and uttered in conversation and persuaded my self ‘Quod opera nostra quantuaevim bona in specie nihil conducunt adjustificationem nec ad meritum, sed sola fides.’ And that I have thowght that pardons doth profaet them that be ded. And I have dowbted whether they profaet them that be on lyef or not. And I have reputed catholick bishops of Crisis church to be Pharisees, and so I have named them in my wrytyng. And that I have said that money spent uppon and about the gyltyng of Images is evyll spent. The which my errors and hereticall sayngs doyngs and wrytyng and thvnkyng as hereticall dampnable slaunderouse false and erroneous with the defenses and mayntening of the same in speciall with all other heresies in generall here before almyghtie God and you my ordinary and commissaries above said in this honorable Audience I voluntarily and gladly as a trew penitent person returned from my heresics unto grace utterly renounce forsake and abjure: promyttyng and I promise faithfully unto almightie God our mother the holy churche and to you my foresaid ordinary and commissaries and swere by these holy evangelies and contents of this booke here by me bodyly touched that from hensforth I shall never retorne agen to the said heresies or any other dampnable heresies and opinions and never more favor follow defend reherse affirme or mayntayne them contrary to the determination of our moder the holy church nor hide concele or kepe close any such heresies and dampnable opinions nor tiler Auctors or fautors in tyme to come, nor be conesant or famyliar wytyngly with any person suspect of heresye, but assone as I shall know any suche persons or there fautors I shall truly and faithfully detect them with there heresies and there opinions to there ordinaryes for the tyme beyng without any delay submyttyng my self mykly lowly and penitently to our tooder the holy churche and your correction, and desire absolution and penaunce for my said offenses, which I promyse by the verrue of my othe to doo and fulfyll. In wyttenes whereof I have subscrybed this my present abjuracion with my owne hand and put there unto the signe of the holy crosse. per me Thomam Garrard presbyterum.
ROLLS HOUSE, CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, 1ST SERIES, NO. 639, CONTAINS: “Articles of the newe lernyng and factions by certaine prechers as followeth.” In this list occurs “Thomas Garad, prest and chapleyn to the bisshop of Worcester.
He preached ayenst purgatory and suffrages for Soulles departed, and ayenst oblacions to seints and ayenst pilgrimage.” S. P.O. CRUMW. CORR. VOL. 4, NO. 39. Sir Francis Bigode to Mr. Sec. Crumwell, Jervaise, 12 July, [1535].
Right worshipfull Sir. Pleaseth it yower maistership I was of late at Jervase Abbay nere to Mydlam, and this berer Maister Garrarde with me, who preached ther the trew worde of God in the presence of the Abbot and all his brethern, and as Maister Garrarde in his sermon was declaryng the authoritie of every Busshop and Preiste in remittyng syn, one of the monkes (callid Dan George Layminbye) interruptyng the same precher opynlye ther, coram multis, saide that the Busshop of Rome had the hyeste and moste acthoritie in all the wordle aboue all outher Bisshopps.
This notwithstandyng Maister Garrarde full dimcreatly refrayned him sell tiler, and peameablye maide ende of his matter. Then after I commandid the formaide moncke to be broughte afore the Abbotte me and all the audience, demandyng of hym the cause of his folishenem so to truble that companye gatherid in Godes name to here his hiesside worde; who is awneswer deliberately spoken was hereticall and hyely traterous to God and ower moste redowpted soverayn Lorde the Kyng, as here by articles exhibited unto hym by me, yower Maistership shall well persayre. Unto whiche he haith subscribed his name affirmyng (like a trater) as yit his opynnion, anempste the Bisshop of Rome, to be good and lawfull. Where I comanded the Constable of the Kynges castell of Mydlam to take the same monke as the Kynges prisoner and have hym to the Castell, wher he is and shall remayne, whiles the Kynges pleasure by you may be knowne. The Abbotte and all his brethern wer well willyng he shulde be hadde to prison, and for his desertes to be ordred as wolde the Knyges law; they all behavid theym in thys matter like honeste wise and faithfull men to ther Prynce, as far as I coulde parsayve; in so myche the Abbotte required me, to avoide all suspeches, to exhibite the same questions to all his brethern, unto wiche they all maide awnswer as became trew subjectes. I omitte thynges I wolde have write, but I desier yow to refer credence to the berer. Thus the Lorde keape yower Maistership in helth. From Jervase the 12 day of July.
At your commandement Francis Bigode K.
To the right Worshipfull Maister Crumwell, cheafe Secretarie to the Kynges Majestie. In haste. (A subsequent letter, dated July 20, No. 37, details further scts of George Lasenby, and encloses one of his visions. The examination mentioned in the above is now with the letter).
FROM THE CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, ROLLS HOUSE, A. 1, 21, P. 239. Articles referred to in the foregoing Letter.
Dan George Lasybye moncke of Jervase dyd opynly in the chirche ther on Sonday at after none the 11 day of July the 27 29 yere of our sorerayne lorde kvng henrye the 8th interrupte thomas garrard bacheler of dyvinitie in his sermon havyng the kynges licens to preache I whan as the saide preacher came to this poynte that every prieste by the woorde of god had as myche acthoritie to remitte syn as had the bysshop of Rome I after the sermon was peaseably endid francis Bigod knyght comanded the saide monke to be browght afore the abbott and hym dyvers owther gentilmen beyng presente, of which monke the said Sir francis demanded what caused hym to interrupte the preacher in his sermon whose awneswere was this, that we all must be obediente unto the heade of the militante churche, then the saide Sir francis asked hym who that was whiche he tooke for that heade, he awneswered and affirmed the pope to be that head [sayng farther he thanked god wiche gave hym sperite and audaeitie so to say.
The saide Dan George lasynbye monke saith that he nather can nor will take the kynges hyghnesse for to be the onely & supreame heade of the chirche of Englande immediately in erthe under God acordyng as all the hole body of this realme hath recognised as well lordes of the clargye as of the temporalfie and as it is now establisshed by parlemente, but said and affirmith the pope to be heade of this churche and not the kyng as is aforesaid, in witnesse whereof the saide moncke hath subscribed his name the day and yere aforesaid thes beyng presente Adame abbot of the same monasterie — Thomas fulthrop gentilman John conyers gentilman Anthonye dodesworth gentilman thomas garrard bachelor of devinitie wth many other. Testes Adam thabbot of Jervaux Francis Bigot Knyght Thomas Fulthorpe Edward Forest Thomas Garrarde Dan George lasynbye Moncke of Jornell (These signqatures are autograph.)
NO. 7.
RECANTATIONS OF BARNES, JEROME, AND GARRARD. From the Bonner Register, folio 37.
Be yt knowen to all men that I Robert Barnes doctor of dyvynytye have as well in wrytyng as in preaching overshott my self and beyn deccaved by trustyng to moche to rayne owne heady Sentence and gyven judgment in and touching thartycles hereafter ensueng; Whereas beyng convented and called before the parsonne of my moost gracyouse soverayne Lord Kynge Henry the 8 kyng of Englande and of Fraunce defensor of the faithe Lorde of Irelaurie and in Earthe supreme hedd, immedyately under godd, of the churche of Englande, yt pleased his highnes of his greate clemencie and goodhesse (beyng assisted with sondry of his moost discreete and learned clergye) to entre suche disputation and argument with me upon the pointes of my oversighte as by the same [I] was fully and perfectly confuted by scriptures, and enforced onely for the truthes sake, And for wante of defense ofscriptures to serve for the mayntenaunce of my parte, to yclde confesse and knowledge myne ygnoraunce, and with my moost humble submission doo promysse for ever from hensforthe to abstayne and beware of suche Rashenes; And for my further declaration therein not onely to abyde suche ordree for my doyngs passed as hys grace shall appoynte and assigne unto me, but also with my harte to avaunce and set forthe the saide Articles ensuyng whiche I knowlege and confesse to be moost catholyke and proper and necessary to be receaved observed and rolowed of all good chrysten people. Though yt soo be that Chryste ly the will of his father the oonely whiche hathe suffered passion and deathe for Redemption of all suche as will and shall come unto hym by perfecte faithe and baptisme; And that also he hathe taken upon hym gratis the burden of all theyre synnes whiche as afore will hathe or shall come to hym byeng sufficient Remission for all their synnes and so ys become theyre onely redeemer and justyfior (of the whiche numbre I truste and doubte not but that many of us nowe adayes be of): yet I in herte doo confesse that after by the foresaide meanes we be come right proper folkes, yet than by not folowyng oure maisters commaundements and lawes wee doo loose the benefytes and fruytion of the same; whiche in this case ys irrecuperable, but by true penaunce, the onely Remedy lefte unto us by oure Savyoure for the same. Wherefore I thynk yt more then convenyent and necessary, that whensoever justyfication shalbe preached of that this dede be yoned with all the fore parte to thentent, that yt may teache all true christen people a righte knowledge of theyre justyfication.
By me Robert bernes.
Also I confesse with harte, that Allmightie godd ys in no wyse Auctor Causer of Synne any evyll. And therefore wheare as scripture saithe Induravit dens commaraoms and suche other textes of lyke seence, they oughte to be understande them, quod deus permisit eum indurari, and not otherwyse. Whiche dothe accorde with many of the auncyent Interpreters also. By me Robert bernes.
Further I do confesse with harte, that whensoever I have offended my neighbour, I muste first reconsile myself unto hym or I shall gett remission of my Synnes. And in case he offende me I muste forgyve hym or that I can be forgyven, for this dothe the Pater Noster and other places of Scripture teache me. By me Robert bernes.
I doo also confesse with harte that good woorkes lymyted by Scrypture and doon by a penytent and true reconciled christen man, bee profitable and alowable unto hym as allowed of goad for his benefit and healpyng to his salvation. By me Robert bernes.
I doo also confesse with my harte, that Lawes and ordynances made by Christen Rulers oughte to be obeyed by the Inferyors and subjectes not onelie for feare but also for conscience for whoo soo breakith them breakith Goddis commaundements. By me Robert bernes.
All and singular the whiche Articles before wrytten I the foresaide Robert Barnes doo approve and confesse to be moost true and catholike and promysse with my harte by Goddes grace hereafter to maynteyne, preache and set forthe the same to the people to the uttermost of my power wytte and comynge. By me Robert bernes.
By me Willro. Jerome.
By me Thomas Gararde. 30 NO. 8.
PAPERS RELATIVE TO WILLIAM JEROME.
From the Chapter House Papers, Rolls House, 1st Series, No. 368.
THEREFORE of certain erroneous doctrine taught by the vicar of Stepney in his sermon at polles crosse vpon sonday was seuenight which was the 7th day of March. 32 [T]his article confirmeth Doctor [B]arnes booke where he teachith that [Miens constitucions bynde not the consciens. [T.]his latter parte suith for [an] evasion for thiese prechers ever observe that to haue oofi blynde worde wherby to eskape daungier.
That noo magistrate had power to make that thing which of itself is indifferent to be not indifferent And after thiese words generally spoken he said thus — soo that thiese things shuld Judge or accuse his conscience And thenne said he wold be loth to goo soo far as saincte poll doth wt other words to that effecte And finally said that honeste men and good christen men wold obserue and kepe al lawes and ceremonies that tende to the honor and glory of god.
The promyse of Justificacofi is wt out condicion for he that puttith a condicion vnto it doth exclude gratis doth exclude freely. And like as in the first byrth we haue remission of synnes wtout works Soo whenne we fal from that grace again we obteyne remission of synnes wtout works also which he called the seconde byrth.
A sume of thiese articles is that the first persuaded makith obedience to prynces an outwarde behauour oonly. Which is but a playe eyther for feare or manersake.
The secounde engendrith such an assured presumption and wantonnesse that we care not gretly whither we obey god or noo. (A duplicate copy of the foregoing, less fairly written. Neither is indorsed.)
FROM THE CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, ROLLS HOUSE, 1ST SERIES, NO. 1268. Recantation of William Hierome. Be it knowen to all men that I William Hierome on myd[lent] Sonday 34 last past have preached erronyouslie pernycyouslie at Paules crosse to the utter perverting of th which dampnable doctryne I utterlie deteste and refu[se moost] hertilie with ernest purpose to preache the contrary to the ut[most] of my power and renounce these articles here folowyng from the botome of my herte and hensfourth to preache and teache purelie and syncerely all truethes.
First, where I the saide William Hierome taught the day and place above specefied, that no magistrate can make those things different that Saynt Paule callith indifferent, that is to bynde his subjects by law or statute under payne of dedely synne, I confesse this my doctryne to be dampnable and to be detested of every christen man: and I say further that wh[at] law so ever the magistrate or ruler makith touching the restraynte in this thing indifferent, we his subjects o[wght] to observe and kepe the same law under payne of goddes indignacyon that is everlasting dampnacyon without he rep[ent] and call for godds mercye. And say agayn that no subject may without conscience say or reason to the contrary, where the magistrate hath stablysshed his law tofore.
Secondely, touching this Article of justification that I the saide Willyam hierome the day and place above named have falsly and erronyouslie taught that without workes of penaunce, after I be ones frely justcried, I may be saved by Christs passion alonelie, denyeng good works to be don for the same; this my dampnable opynyon I utterlie deteste and refuse from my very herr, sayeng that without works of penaunce no man may after his lapse attayne to his justice agayne, Nor that Christes passion is any thing avayleable to men that do not repente.
Thirdely, for so moche as I the saide William hierome have with moche rillany repreved the Burgesses of the King[s] graces parliament house as calling them Butter[flies and] knaves with other wordes of reprofe to the fret defay[myng] of ther name and office, which I confesse to be trewly objected to me, for this my lewde and extreme folie I submytte myself to the grete and unspekeable mercye of my most drad sovereigne lorde, promising to renounce and refuse utterlie thes my lewde doings for ever asking with all humblenes pardon and forgyvenes for these my haynous trespaces. And for a full refusall of my two pestilent doctrynes before rehersed I shalbe most hertelye glad and redy to recant revoke with open protestation where and when the Kings gracious majestie shall comau[nd] me, for so moche as I have now lerned of the Kings gra[ces] honorable counsell and lerned clergie that I have not tofore lerned.
NO. 9.
COMMISSION OF HENRY VIII. FOR INQUIRING UPON THE ACT OF 6. ARTICLES. From the Bonner Register, folio 17 verso. HENRICUS Octavus dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Rex, fidei defensor, dominus Hiberniae, et in terra supremum caput Anglicanae ecclesiae, praedilecto et fideli Consiliario suo Thomae Audely militi domino Audeley de Walden Cancellario Angliae, praeclarissimisque consanguineis suis Thomae duci Norff. Thesaurario Angliae, Carolo duci Suff. domino Praesidenti Consilii sui, ac charissimo consanguineo suo Willielmo Comiti Sowthampton Custodi privati Sigilli sui, necnon Reverendo in Christo patri Edmundo Episcopo London, ac etiam dilectis et fidelibus suis Willmo. Roche majori Civitatis London, Johanni Aleyn militi, Radulpho Waren militi, Ricardo Gressham militi, ac dilectis sibi Michaeli Dormer, Archidiacono London, Cancellario predicti epi., Commissario dicti epi., Officiali dicti Archidiaconi, Roberto Chydley, Guidoni Crayforde, Edwardo hall, Roberto broke, et Johanni Morgan, Salutem. Sciatis, quod assignavimus vos viginti, 35 decem-novem, decem et octo, decem et septem, sexdecim, quindecim, quatuordecim, tredecim, duodecim, undecim, decem, novem, octo, septem, sex, quinque, quatuor, et tres, vestrum, (quorum aliquem vestrum, vos praefate epe et Archid. London, Cancellarie praedicti epi., Commissarie predicti epi., et Officialis dicti Archidi. London, unum esse volumus) Justiciarios nostros, tam ad capiendum et recipiendum omnia et singula informationes et accusationes per sacramenta et depositiones duorum habilium et legalium hominum; quam ad inquirendum per Sacramentum duodecim proborum et legalium hominum de Civitate nostra London ac suburbiis ejusdem et dioc. London per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit, tam infra libertates quam extra, de omnibus et singulis heresibus, feloniis, contemptibus, transgressionibus, illicitis verborum prolationibus, falsis opinionibus, offensis, et aliis Articulis quibusdam in quodam statuto, in parliamento nostro inchoato et tento apud West. 28 die Aprilis Anno Regni Nostri 31mo edito, expressis et specificatis, ac post primam diem Julii ultimo praeteriti factis commissis et perpetratis per quascumque parsonas sive quamcunque personam contra formam statuti predicti, in Civitate ac Suburbiis ejusdem et dioc. predictis, qualitercunque commissis sive perpetratis, ac de aliis circumstantiis praemissa sive eorum aliquod concernentibus, plenius veritatem; Ac ad eadem haereses, felonias, contemptus, transgressiones, illicitas verborum prolationes, falsas opiniones, offensas, et alios Articulos praedictos quoscunque, secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni nostri Angliae ac formam et effectum Statuti predicti audiendum et determinandum. Et ulterius damus vobis et tribus vestrum, prout predictum est, plenam potestatem et auctoritatem agendi faciendi et plenarie exequendi ea omnia et singula quae in eodem statuto continentur: Et praeterea damus vobis et cuilibet vestrum plenam potestatem et auctoritatem capiendi et recipiendi in custodia vestra omnes et singulos libros, qui sint erant aut in posterum erunt promulgati publicati lecti vel declarati infra hoc regnum nostrum Angliae aut infra aliqua alia dominia nostra, in quibus continetur aliqua Clausa, Articulus, Materia, vel Sententia, repugnans aut contra tenorem formam et effectum statuti predicti vel alicujus articuli in eodem specificati. Ac vobis vel tribus vestrum eosdem libros vel aliquam partem eorundem comburendi vel aliter destruendi, prout vobis aut tribus vestrum juxta sanas discretiones vestras magis videbitur expedire, similiter damus tenore presentium potestatem specialem secundum formam et effectum statuti predicti. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod in execucione premissorum ac statuti predicti diligenter intendatis ac ea faciatis et expleatis in forma predicta, facturi inde quod ad justiciam Christianam et secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni nostri Angliae ac formam et effectum statuti predicti: Salvis nobis amerciamentis et aliis ad nos inde spectantibus. Mandamus autem tenore praesentium vice-comitibus civitatis London, ac omnibus et singulis majoribus Seneschallis Ballivis libertatum custodibus gaolariis ac aliis officiariis et ministris cujuscunque nominis gradus aut condicionis fuerint et eorum cuilibet, quod. ipsi vobis in execucione premissorum ac statuti predicti et presentis Commissionis nostrae de tempore in tempus prout opus fuerit intendentes auxiliantes et obedientes sint (prout decet) secundum formam statuti predicti. In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westm. 29no. die Januarii Anno Regnii nostri Tricesimo Secundo. [A. D. 1541.] Lucas.
Henricus Octavus, dei gratia Angliae et Franciae Rex fidei defensor dominus Hiberniae et in terra supremum Caput Anglicanae ecclesiae, Reverendo in Christo patri E. epo. London ac dilecto sibi Cancellario dicti Epi, salutem. Sciatis quod dedimus vobis conjunctim et divisim potestatem et auctoritatem recipiendi Sacramenta Willmi Roche majoris Civitatis London Johannis Alen militis Radulphi Waren militis Ricardi Gresham militis Rogeri Cholmeley militis servientis ad legem Johannis Gresham Michaeli Dormer Archidiaconi London Commissarii predicti Epi. Officialis dicti Archidiaconi Roberti Chydeley Guidonis Crayforde Edwardi hall Roberti broke et Johannis Morgan, ac eorum cujuslibet, Commissionariorum nostrorum ad hereses et alia malefacta et offensa in civitate nostra london et dioc. London commissa et perpetrata juxta formam cujusdam schedulae huic brevi nostro annexae. Et ideo vobis mandamus quod Sacramenta predicta recipiatis, et cum ea sic receperitis nos inde in Cancellaria nostra sub Sigillis vestris distincte et apte reddatis certiores, hoc breve nobis remittentes. Teste meipso apud Westm. 29 die Januarii Anno Regni nostri 32do. Lucas.
Reverendo in Christo patri E. Epo. london ac dilecto sibi Cancellario dicti epi. de Sacramentis Capiendis.
Ye shall sweare, that ye to youre connyge wltt and power shall truylye and indifferently execute the auctorytie to you yeven by the kings Commission made for correction of heretiques and other offendors mentioned in the same Commission, withoute any favor affection corruption drede or malice, to be borne to any personne or persones, as God you healpe and his saints.
NO. 10.
A LIST OF BOOKS PROHIBITED, A. D. 1542. From the Bonner Register, folio 39 verso.
THE names of hooks prohibite, delyvered to the Curates Anno 1542. to thentente that they shall presente them with the names of thowners to theyre Ordynarye yf they fynde any suche within thayre parishes. The disputation between the father and the son The supplication of Beggars thauctor Fyshe The Revelation of Antichryste The practice of prelates The burying of the masse in Englishe in Ryme The booke of freer Barnes twyse prynted The Matrymonie of Tyndale The Exposition of Tyndale upon the 4 Chapter to the Corynthyans The Exposition of Tyndale upon the Epystles canonyke of Saint John The New Testament of Tyndalls transl. with his preface before thole book and before the epystles of St. Paule ad Romanos The Prefaces made in the Englysh Primmers by Marshall The Church of John Rastall The table gloosses marginall and preface before the Epystle of Saincte Paule ad Romanos of Thos. Matthewes doyuge, and prynted by yonde the see withoute pryvilege sett in his bible in Englishe The A B C agaynst the Clergy The Book made by fryer Rye against the Seven Sacraments.
The wycked Mammon The Parable of the wycked Mammon The Libertye of a Christen Man The booke callid Ortulus Animae in Englishe The Supper of the Lorde, of George Joyes doynge The disputation of John Fryth agt. purgatorie The aunswere of Tyndalle unto Sr. Mores defense for purgatory The first booke of Moyse callid Genesis The prolog before the seconde book of Moyse callid Exodus The prolog before the third book of Moyse callid Leviticus The prolog before the fourthe book of Moyse callid Numeri The prolog before the 5th book of Moyse callid Deuteronomy The obedyence of a Christen Man The book of made by John Owldecastell The Some of Scripture The preface before the Psalter in English The dialogue between the gentleman and the ploughman The booke of Jonas in English The dialogue of Goodale The deferiform paces of Saxseyns Translation into Englyshe The Some of Chrystyanytie The Myrror or glasse of thoose that bee syke and in payne A lyttel Treatyse in Frenche of the supper of the Lorde made by Calvyne All Calvyns woorkes All Luthers woorkes NO. 11.
RECANTATION OF ROBERT WARD. From the Bonner Register, folio 62 verso. Anno 1544.
Good people I Robert Warde of Thapstede am nowe comen hither as a penytent personne trusting in the mercie of Almightie god, that, likewyse as heretofore I have sundry wayes declared my folie and lewde behavior in woordes and dedes taking upon me to be a teacher and instructor of other, where rayne owne selfe being a man of small experyence lesse wytte and of no lernyng, nor yet of other good comendable qualities oughte rather humblie to have soughte holsome instruction good advyse and catholique doctrine of other declaring my self rather a good disciple and scolar redy to learue than a folyshe and a malapearte lewde rashe maister in presumptuouslie teaching, Soo by the goodnes and healpe of Allmightie god I shall ever from hensforthe by all the wayes possible unto me, endeavor my self not onelie in woordes but also in harte and deades to declare perfeetelie my self to have a righte faithe and to be a true and a faithfull christen man. And surelye full sorie I am that in tymes past I have not gon aboute this to doo, but like an undiscrete and folyshe man have partlye of rayne owne folye and partlye being seduced by other pretending to make me moche better then they were them selves doon cleane the contrarye. And good people ye shall understand that wanting (as ys before) bothe experyence wytte and learnynge I have dyverse tymes in alehouses and uncomelie and unmeate places taken upon me to bable talke and rangle of the Scripture whiche I understode not yea and to expounde it after my folyshe fantasic chiefiie at thoose tymes when I have not ben myne owne man but over come with Ale. And lykewyse I have dyverse tymes folyshlie and unreverentlie spooken of the masse and not duylie lyke a christen man regarded the same as I doo nowe know that of duytie and reason I shulde have considered yt and all the Sacraments of christs churche with the laudable rites and ceremonies of the same. And moreover I have kept unlawful bookes to mayntayne my lewdnes and undiscretion herein. And by cause I knowe that in tymes past this my lewde behavior and doyng mighte have ben occasion for some of you to have fallell to lyke folie and lewdnes, I am nowe comyn hither willinglie of rayne owne self and free mynde to declare rayne faulte and humblye beseche you all that yf in army wyse heretofore you have ben offended with me in anny my saide sayengs or doyngs ye will of your charytie freelie forgyve me and to take example by this my penaunee tavoyde and not to fall into the lyke sayengs and doyngs, trusting in god that thoughe my behavior heretofore hathe ben many wayes very noughtie and lewde yet this my humble penaunce and repentaunce well taken heade of, thoughe yt be ferre under rayne offenses, shalbe profatable to me and you with all other tavoyde the lyke daunger and inconvenience: whiche I beseche allmightie god to graunte you: unto whom be gyven laude and prayse howe and evermore.
NO. 12.
RECANTATIONS OF WISDOME, BEACON, AND SINGLETON. From the Bonner Register, folio 43. WORSHYPFULL Audyence, I am placed this day in the myddys of theese two penytents, as oone whoo professe hymself earnestely sorye that with my earnest countenance gestures behavior and speache I have under the name of goddis woorde and pretence of christian charytye so muche slaundered the true doctryne of oure Religion and dyffamed the charytie of the publique ministres of common justice. I have preached agaynst the true doctryne denyeng in my sermons mannys freewill, whyche ys a very detestable and abhomynable opynyon derogatinge the grace of godd, purchased for man in oure Redemption, and a pretenee for noughtye men to flatter them selvys in theyre ydle and unfrutefull lyvynge. I have preached agaynst veneration and prayenge to sayncts sayeng wee mighte not say, Seynte Petir pray for me. Wherein I knowledge my self to have offended the true doctryne of oure Religion and to have spoken therein untruylye, without color of learnynge why I shulde so say: howesover I have counterfett before, thyneke not that I counterfett nowe, for I declare unto you playnely what I am, and so wolde I wysshe that all thoose whoose wayes I have rolowed wolde doo for charyrye, and then shulde the ignorant people be soone quyeted, and pacyfied to yelde to the mooste perfecte christen doctryne nowe set forth by the kinges majestye. Also I have preached against the charytye of the publique mynystres and noted to the people howe men cannot lyre well in chryste but they be persecuted and layed in pryson for the truthes sake. Wherein I knowledge myself greatelye to have offended christen charytye and untruyly to have slaundered comon justyce, for I have knowen noo man partycularlye to have been persecuted for the truythe. I have knowen that have been justely executed for theire false doctryne as Fryethe for a Sacramentarye in whiehe opinion he noughtelye dyed. Lambartt for a Sacramentarye, in whiche opinion he noughtelye dyed. Barnes Garret and Jherome who suffered moost justelie for theyre false and untrue doctryne. This execution of Justice in them specially and other for the same causies I have harde of and knowen, but of eny that hathe been persecuted for the truyeth I know noon. This ys areaim of justice and of noo persecution of them that be goode. I and my felowes here be nott onely not persecuted but we bee moost mercyfully handeled to be suffered to recant after oure so many foolde offenses. Other have justelye suffered and wee fynde moost mercyfull pardon and grace. And therefore where my companyon here Thomas Becon sayeth in his booke of Davys harpe, that persecution ys a token of the true Gospell, that ys very false, for allthoughe amongs Jewes and Jentiles chryste be persecuted yet in the churche of chryste where the head and governor professith christe the punyshement of suche monstrouse sects as arryse amongs us may not be taken for persecution: for then shall Anabaptists Sacramentaryes Adamites Arrienes and Sabellianists all whiehe be theese dayes howe rysen upp agayne, And suche of a lower sorte as wee bee of here that have denyed worshippyng and prayeng to saincts and suche other matiers, shoulde be noted to saye troughthe be cause wee be justely punyshed therefore. And soo the fylthy rotten and stynkyng membres shulde ever call themselfs the best parte and the true churche, but that ys not soo; and therefore wee oughte not to call the punyshment of us and suche other persecution, but execution of ryght and justyce. Our cause ys noughte and therefore wee suffer justelye and thus left us charytably speake of our Superiors not diffamynge ne detractyng them but lett us honor them, and folowe the truythe taughte us by theyre Ordre accordinge whereunto yf wee teache and lyve we shall undoubtedlye please godd and that I may soo doo I pray you praye for me. And to thentent noo man shulde mysse reporte what I have snide, I have signed dyverse copyes of that I howe reherse with rayne owne hande whereof eche man may have the copye that will.
IBIDEM.
WORSHYPFULL AUDYENCE, for declaration of my penitent harte and the testyfieng unto you of myne unfeyned conversion from error to truythe, whereupon I have mercye and Remission of furder punyshment, due to rayne offenses, I occupye this day the place of a penytent prayeng you to gyve credyte to that I shall nowe say of myself and myne owne raysdemeanor, and pray godd with me, that yt may worke discredite in you of suche tilinges as I have taughte or wrytten contrarye to the truythe.
I am the man, worshipfull audyence, whoo by the name of Thomas Becon (by whyche name Thomas I was chrystened, and by which I toke upon me tholye ordre of prysthode) have in the countreyes of Norff. and Surf. three yeres paste wyllyngly and truylye knowledged in opyn sermons, that I hadd before that day preached and taughte evyll and false doctryne unto them; whiche my Recantation as I made yt ys conteyned at leiugith in this booke: after whiche Recantation I chaunged my dwellinge, and leavinge that Country repayred unto Kent where I have lurked ever syns. I chaunged myne Apparell and shewyd rayne self lyke a layman. I chaunged also my name, and callid my self Theodore Baslie. I chaunged the forme of teachinge the people frome preachinge unto wrytynge. Onely this 1 have not chaunged, but allwayes contynewed lyke myself, that ys to say, as I have under the name of Thomas becon preest preached untruylye soo have I under the name of Theodore baslie wryttyn untruytye in suche books as under the pretense of teachinge the truyeth I have under my countcrfaite name of Theodore Basile wrytten and caused to be sett forthe in prynte. I fyude yt worshipfull Audyence in the experyence of my self moost true, that as saincte Jamys saith Detm superbis resistit God resisteth the proude. I have been possessed with the spyryte of pryde and rayne glorye, and nourysshed therewith have indured theese labors, to wryte suche bookes as have goon fourthe under the name of Theodore Basile.
First my newe counterfaite name, Theodore basile whiche ys as moche to say, as a kynge gyven of Godd, ys yt not a proude name to be of myne owne chosynge: ye may easely judge whither herein I lye of my self to please men, or ellis say trougthe that ye may knowe me: ye shall fynde in dyverse parities of my bookes greeke woofdes made Englyshe as Encoreion for a praise mnemosinon for a Remembraunce and suche other monstrouse woofdes fbr the Reader to wonder at, and wrytten onely by me, for vayne glorye to doo the Reader understande that I were learned in the greeke tonge, wherein I confesse playnely I am not learned at all. In my booke callid the Newes owte of hevyn I have so playnelye and so evydentelye set forth and avaunced my folye and pryde as I have mervayled that yt hathe not dyscouraged men, to gyve credyte or rede eny other of my books here. In the book tilees be my woordes: I will not prayse the book, oonelysse I shulde seine to hunte after rayne glorye neyther etc. hytherto pryde appeareth not fullye but in a shadowe, when I say, yt ys worthye etc. but herken what foloweth, Thys I dare booste etc.
Canne I say anny more trowe yee? dyd evyr man say of hys owne booke that yt contayneth as moche of chryste in a fewe lines as the Byble and doctors teache of chryste in manye? dyd evyr man gyve suche a tytle to his owne booke, to call yt the treasure house of christen knowledge? dothe not this place surfyce to prove my pryde? Note yet that folowith: This my booke sayeth, neyther canne any man etc. here ys my booke made Companyon with the Byble accordyng to the fyrste sentence of pryde Ascendam et ero sireills altissimo. But note you well howe this my prowde and arrogante speche dothe nowe chardge me, as yt ys come to passe, for I rayne owne self have condempned emongest, other this booke and graunted yt to be worthye to be abolysshed, whereto I gyve Sentence againste my self that I shulde seine to condempne and sett at nought tholye byble. But good Audyence, so full of folye ys pryde that yt cannot consyder what yt saythe. And here I mighte saye somewhat to maister Wysedome here presente howe moche was he deceaved or howe moche wente he aboute to deceave the good people, to call me opynly in his sermon made at Aldermarye in Lent last paste The man of godd, who have continuallye labored in the service of the Dyvell, preaching untruylye by the name of Thomas Becon, and wrytyng untruylye by the name of Theodore baslie. I ruervalle maister Wysedom abhorred nott this Spyryte of pryde to make my wrytings equall with the sacred bible and goddis worde. But yt ys to true to true, and yt pleased godd that I shall nowe shewe unto you worshipfull Audyence The furderaunce of this secte and conspyracye againste the truythe hathe been by the permyssion of godd of suche strengith and vehemencye that amongist suche as mynded that ende whiche I call in my potation the buyldyng of the temple, the woorke and forwardnes thereof hathe been of that sorte of men allowed What soever faults thoose woorkes have besydes I shall alledge none other specyaltie but myself whoo with all my intollerable pryde whiche hathe none excuse or color have been sett forthe unto the people (as ye have harde) to be the man ofgodd as a healper to the buyldynge of the temple, whereof I spake in my potation (that ys to say) avauncer and setter fourthe of noughtie doctryne. But godd whose power wroughte the confusion of Babilon, hathe severyd oure tonges amongst us and reduced us by the mynysterye of oure mooste dradde soveraigne Lorde throughe the Spytyre of humylyte to an unytie and conjunction in truythe from whiche I have been here tofore moche alyenate. Whiche I confesse in generalitie. And to avoyde all occation of slaunder, that I shulde for feare be seen to lye of my self, or rather doo thus of a polycie to escape, and so to save my self, then upon true knowledge of myne owne noughtynes, for the relief of other that hathe fallen by myne occasion I shall declare unto you some specyalties both of myne owne preachinge whiche a greate number of Norff. and Surf. knowe, and also untrue wrytinge whiche my bookes doo testifie. I have preached agaynste the praynge unto sainets untruylie. I have preached againste the contynencie of prysts untruylye. I have preached againste prayer for the deade untruylie. I have preached so of the Sacrament of Thaitare as men were offended with me. I have preached also to the derogation and derysion of the Sacraments of confirmation and extreme unction. And all thys same have I doon under the name of Thomas Becon prieste. Whereof I am ryghte sory; and have heretofore under the same name of Thomas Becon made Recantation whiche ys here (as I have saide) in this booke worde for worde. Nowe syns the chaungynge of myne name from Thomas Becon unto Theodore Basile I have wrytten many many thinges noughtelie: but specyallie in my booke of pollycye of warre I saye, that as they persecuted the prophetes and true preachers of goddis woorde, evyn soo doo they nowe: in which I seme tapprove the cause of suche as have been justelye punyshed by the ordre of the kinges maiestye lawes. Whiche be onely suche as have preached or taughte false doctryne, and therefore I cutte my booke here in peces. In my booke of a Chrystmasse bankett I say the gyftes of grace cannot be ydle. Whiche ys contrarye to Sainte Paule, desyrynge the Corynthyans that they will not receave the grace of godd in vayne. And in the same booke I say also that yt ys impossible for true faythe to be without goode woorkes, and a faythfhll man, whiche is the sonne of Godd. Thys ys daungerouslye and falselye spooken to mantayne the abhominable opynyon of necessitie, whiche is neyther in vice ne vertue. And therefore I cutte the same lykewyse here ill peeces. In my booke of a newe Cathecisme I saye that godd commaundeth wee shall make noo gravyn ymage. Theese be my woordes, Gravyn ymages shall then non make. Which my woordes soo spoken against ymages as thoughe all ymages were unlawfull I myself doo condempne. And in token thereof I cutt that booke also here in peeces. In my booke of newes owte of hevyn I saye that godd hathe no pleasure in externall sacryfices but aborreth them: falselye spoken, for albeit godd abhorreth ypoerysie and ys not pleased with owtewarde Sacrifices where inwarde devotion wantieth, yet was godd highlye pleased with Abelles Sacryfice and ys nowe undoubtedlye moste hyghlye pleased with owre owtewarde celebration of the mooste highe pure, and excellent Sacryfice of the mooste bleassed Sacrament of Thaitare, wherein chryste hymself offereth hymself by the mynyster for a continuall memorye Reall and effectual of his oblation made at his laste supper and uppon the Crosse.
And therefore I cutte the same book likewyse here in peecys. In my booke of Davyes harpe I say that a Christen man settyng before his eyes the unmeasurable goodnes of godd and gyvyng earneste faythe thereto cannot otherwyse but love god agayne and take all meanes possible to please hym, to woork hys wyll, and to doo that whiche he requyreth of hym. In whiche booke also I bydde men marke that Thapostles saiede wee cannot doo none otherwyse but speake. And after in the same booke I saye, that as good woorks folowe layeth so dothe persecution folowe the confession of goddis woorde. Addyng furthur that Chrystes woorde and the crosse be companyohs inseparable and as the shadowe folowith the bodye soo dothe the crosse folowe the woorde of chryste and as fyer and heate cannot be separated, soo cannot the woorde of chryste and the crosse be plucked asonder. In whiche woordes I doo not onelye noughtelie affirm the neeessytie of goode workynge of suche as be in faythe, but also falselye and sedytyously saye that evyn amongste goode chrysten men the doctryne whiche ys not contynually persecuted with the crosse (as I call yt) cannot be the true doctryne of chryste. And therefore I cutte that booke in lyke manet here in peeces. In my booke callid the Inveetyve againste swearinge I say moost presumptuouslye these woordes, My faithe ys that I am wrytten in the booke of lyef. And in the same booke with lyke presumption as thoughe I were he of whom wolde ask accompte of all that perysshed in theire Tyme I say theese woordes folowyng, yf any man will not amende after this oure admonytion his dampnation ail upon his owne headd for I am free from his bloudde and have doon my duytie in that behalf. I forbydde in the same booke the teachinge of all mennys tradycions (as I call them), and will men having spirituall chardge to teache onelye the scryptures and suche thinges, whereof the holy gooste ys the Authoure contempnyng arrogantelye all other teachings: and therefore I cutte the booke here in peeces. In my booke callid the potation I say theese woordes They that teache any other thinges than the scryptures teache not chrysten but humayne inventions. In the same boke I call satisfaction amendement of lyef whiche I never redde in scrypture nor auncyent doctours to be thexposition of satisfaction. In the same boke Repetinge the thirde dysshe of my bankett I make two meanes onelye tobtayne kyndnes at goddys hande repentaunce and beleaff, leaving owte the will to be confessid and to make satisfaction. In the same booke speakinge of the confession of oure faythe I say mooste sedytiouslie theese woordes folowinge, noo menacyng woordes noo imprisonmente noo cheynes noo fetters no swerde no faggot no fyer oughte to plucke us from this confession no tyrannic oughte soo to be feared that godd and his truyth shulde not be confessed: as thoughe theese punyshments were used againste the true confession of faithe. And therefore I cutte this booke also here in peeces. In the preface of my booke whiche I call mooste arrogantelye the golden booke of christen matrymony I wryte in dysprase of Contynencie theese woordes folowinge Left other prayse suche as maye justelye seame to be monstrouse of nature for theire steryllitie and barrennes; yet will I commende them, whiche accordinge to theire fyrst creation and the naturall dysposition, that godde from the begynnynge engraffed in them are fructefull as a plentuouse vyne. And after in the same preface I say, lett other prayse them whiche when they dye leave noo lyvynge and quycke testymonies behynde them; yet will I comende them which when they gyve over to nature leave quyck and lyvynge testymonies behynde them wherebye they declare that they have lyvyd and not been [un]fruetefull nor unprofitable to the christen publique weale.
And in all that booke I exhorte all men to marrage indifferentelye; makynge noo difference whether they bee pryests or noo. And therefore I cutte that booke here in peeces. In my booke also whiche I gloriouslye call a pleasaunte newe nosegaye, I say that as he that hathe the true and perfecte sighte of the eyes stumbleth nott but walketh at all tymes without daunger soo in lyke maner he that ys endued by christs spyrytt with the lighte of holye scryptures wandereth not from chryste, and that the gaates of hell canalot prevalle againste hym, And that Satan with all his Armye are not able once to abduce and remove hym from the true wayes for the lighte of goddR woorde ys contynually before his eyes. In whiche woordes I tome the promisse made by oure Savvoure Chryste to his churche unto every fayththll man as thoughe he whiche were ones faithfull coulde noo more be over come with the devill and comytte deadly synne: falselye. And therefore I cutte this booke here before you all in peeces. Lyke a I doo also theese other two bookes thoone callid a newe path way to prayer, thother a newe yeres gyfte whiche conteyne lyke naughtie doctryne as thother doo. And besyde theese specialties whiche I cannot with any excuse avoyde, the good woordes in my booke, suche as well placed and ordered mighte be spoken, bee of my singularitie and vanytie soo set forthe as they mighte gyve occasion (yf credyte were hadde to the Autor) to maintayne many suche naughtie and pestyferous opynyons as hathe been of late sooed amongs the people. And therefore I wyshe here all my bookes destroyed accordynge to the kynges maiestyes proclamations as theese be here destroyed with myne owne handes. And to thentent noo man shulde mysraporte what I have saied I have signed dyverse copyes of that I howe reherse with rayne owne hande. Whereof eche man may have the copye that will. THEES be the clauses and sentences before mentioned bryefely in the snide Thomas Beacons Recantation. woorde for woorde as he redde them on the booke mentioned also in the saide Recantation.
I wyll not prayse the booke unlesse I shulde seame to hunte after vayne glorye, neyher will I dysprayse yt unlesse I myghte seme rashelye and witioute a cause to condempne that whiche ys worthye prayse and comendation of yt self. I leave yt therefore to the judgment of other that be goostelye learned and taughte of godde.
This I dare booste that yt contayneth more true and christen learnyng than a greate soorte of volumes that wee have estemed highlye in tymes paste he that shall make this book his companyon shall heare fynde in fewe leaves that thole Byble and Commentaries of the auncyent doctours doo teache of chryste in manye soo that yt myght well be callid the treasure house of chrysten knowledge.
Neyther can any man justdie condempne or correcte this Booke excepte wee also will contempne and sett at noughte the mooste sacred and holye byble with the auctoryties whereof this lytle treatyse ys suffycientlye and plentuosly fortiefed and defensed againste the horryshe teeth and serpentlyke tonges of thees crakinge calumpnyators and subtyll Sycophants whiche after the manner of Mornus are redy to carpe reprehende and condempne every mannes woorke and entrepryse be yt never so godlye when they them selfes brynge forthe nothing at all that ys worthye eyther the readyng or the hearynge excepte men have pleasure to reade or here Blasphemes.
IBIDEM, FOLIO 44.
WORSHTPFULL Audyence my Companyons here presente have spoken unto you many woordes for declaration of them self. I shall conclude in a fewe whiche be theese. I am an unlearned fantastycall foole. Suche hathe been my preachinge and suche hathe been my wrytinge, whiche I heare before you all teare in peaces. And to thentente noo man shulde mysraporte what I have saide I have signed dyverse Copyes of that I nowe reherse with rayne owne hande whereof eche man may have the Copye that wyll.
IBIDEM.
NOVERINT universi per praesentes, nos Willielmum Larkett Scryvener, Henricum Brinkelowe Mercer, et Johannem Wysdome Steyner, Cives London. teneri et firmiter obligari Richardo Cloney Apparitori generali epi.
London. in quadraginta Libris sterlingis solvendis eidem Richardo aut ejus executoribus aut assignatis ad usum domini nostri Regis in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis baptistae proxime futuro post datum praesentium sine ulteriori dilatione quacunque. Ad quam quidem solutionem bene et fideliter faciendam obligamus nos et quemlibet nostrum per se divisim pro toto et in solidum heredesque et executores nostros per praesentes Sigillis nostris sigillatas. Dat. 14to. die mensis Maii Anno Regni Illustrissimi in Christo principis etc. 35to. IBIDEM, FOLIO 44 VERSO.
THE Condition of this obligation ys suche that yf one Robert Wysdome Clerk nowe prysoner in the custody and warde of the within named Richard Cloney at the commaundyment of the Kings mooste honourable counsell bee from henseforthe true and faythfull prysoner unto the saide Richard and his servantes, soo longe tyme as he the same Roberte shall contynewe and remayne in the saide warde and custodye and doo not escape or departe from the safe 0ustodye of the saide Richarde Cloney his keaper or of his servantes, unto suche tyme as the same Richard by the saide honorable counsell shalbe of hym the same Robert Lawfully dyschardged: And also yf the same Robert Wysdome Clerk from tyme to tyme hereafter, as longe as he shall contynewe and be prysoner with the saide Richard Cloney doo well and truylye contente and paye, or cause to be contented and payed, to the same Richard and his assignees, for suche meate drynk beddyng and other easements and libertyes as the saide Robert Wysdome shall take and have duryng all the saide tyme of his imprysonmente: that then this present obligation to be voyde and of none effecte. And yf defaulte be made by the saide Roberte in any of the premises, then etc.
NO. 13.
COMMUNICATION OF SEBASTIAN NEWDYGATE TO MR.
DENNY OF A SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN BRETHREN, FORMED FOR THE DISTRIBUTION OF LUTHERAN BOOKS. From the Chapter House Papers, Rolls House, 1st Series, No. 873.
Md yt Sebastian Newdygate hathe receyued of certayfi persones dyuerse bookes of the whiche: twoo be against the sacrament of the Awter.
Item yt one Thomas Keyle Mercer of Londo5 shewid me yt there was made for the Augmentacion of Christen brethern of his sorte: Auditours and Clerks wt in this Citie. And yt euery christeft brother of their sorte shulde pay a certayn sum of money to the aforesaid Clerks which shulde goo in to all the quarters of this Reahne. and at certayn tymes the Auditours to take Accompte of them.
Item yt Sir George Parker, Pathmere, Mershall, preests, Thomas Keyle Mercer Shreue Surgiofi and barbour: haue said yt the Sacrament of the Awter after the consecracios is nother body nor blode, but remayneth brede and wyne as it did before Item yt I the said Sebastiafi Newdigate asked the aforesaid Sir George Parker how the Kyngs grace, and the lordes of the Realme did take this matter against the sacrament, whiche said yt the Kyngs Highnes was extreme agaynst their opynyofi and wolde ponysshe them greuously if he knewe it.
And allso yt my lorde of Northfolke. my lorde of Southfolke. my lorde Marquis of Excestre wt dyuerse other lorries whose names he did expresse vnto me were very extreme agaynst them.
And then I asked hym how he and his other Felowes wolde do seyng the Kyngs grace and these greate lordes of the Realme were agaynst them: the whiche said yt they had all redy twoo thowsande bookes out agaynst the bleso sid Sacrament in the Commens handes with bookes concernyng dyuerse other matters, affirmyng yt if it were ones in the Commens heds thei wolde haue no farther care. (Directed on the back) To master Denny. (Indorsed) A remembraunce of Articles sent to Mr. Deny concernyng bokes delyuered to Sebastian Newdegate and of other matiers concernyng the Sacrament of the Altar.
NO. 14.
BONNER’S ADVERTISEMENTS TO THE READERS OF THE BIBLES SET UP IN ST. PAUL’S. From the Bonner Register, folio 25 verso.
As admonition and Advertisement gyven by the bysshopp of London to all Readers of this bible to thenglyshe tonge.
To thentent that a good and healthsore thinge godly and vertuouslye for honest entents and purposes set forthe for many be not hyndered or maligned at for thabuse deftrote and evill behavyour of a fewe, who for lack of discretion and good Advysement commonlye without respecte of tyme or other due circumstaunces procede Rashelye and unadvysedlye therein, And by reason thereof rather hynder then set forwarde the thinge that ys good of yt self: It shall therefore be very expedyent that whosoever repayreth hyther to reade this boke or any suche lyke in any other place he prepare hym self cheiflye and principally with all devotion humilitie and quyetnesse to be edyfved and made the better therebye.
Adjoynyng thereunto his perfecte and moost bounden duytyie of obedience to the Kyngs majestie our most gracyous and drade soy raigne Lorde and supreme hedd, especyally in accomplysshing his graeys moost honorable Injunctions and commandements gyven and made in that behalf. and right expedient, ye necessarye, yt shalbe also, that leving behynde hym vayne glorye hypoerysie and all other camall and corrupte affections he bring with hym discretion, honest intente, charytie, reverence, and quyet behavyour to and for the edyfication of his owne sowle, withoute the hindraunce let or disturbaunce of any other his Christian brother.
Evermore forseeing that no numbre of people be specyally congregate therefore to make a multitude. And that noo exposition be made thereupon otherwyse then yt ys declared in the boke yt self. And that especyallye regarde be hadde that noo reading thefor be used a lowde and with noyse in the tyme of any dyvyne servyce or sermonde or that in the same be used any dysputaeion contention or any other mysdemeanour or fynally that any man justelye may rekyn hym self to be offended therebye or take occasion to grudge or maligne thereat.
God Save the kinge. Thadvertysment of the Bysshopp of London renued agayne to the Reader of this Byble.
Whereas heretofore there hathe been gyven by me the bysshopp of London a right honest charytable and frendly advertysment and Admonition to all maner of personnes repayring hyther to reade this boke, declaring howe and after what maner, ye and at what tymes, they shulde doo yt, to thentent the worde of God reverently and diseretlye handeled might bothe be duylye honored and hadd in better estymacion then it hathe been, and also the better goe forwarde, and be bothe to the hearer and Reader thefor more frutefull & profitable: And where as also syns that tyme dyverse wilfull and unlerned personnes inconsideratlye and indiscretelie (contrarie to all good order and honest behavyour) have reede the same especyallye and chieflie at the tyme of devyne servyce in this right honorable cathedrall churche, yee in the tyme of the sermon and declaration of the worde of Godd, as well at Paules Crosse as also within the quere of this churche, in suche sorte as was bothe to the evyll and lewde example of the rest of the multitude, and also to the highe dishonor of the worde of God, Over and besyde the greate disturbance and unquyetness of the people repayring hyther for honest matiers and purposes: I doo entende, God willing (albeit for dyverse and good considerations and chiefeley for the goode encrease and mayntenaunce of chrysts moost holye woorde and his excellent good Religion, I caused to be sett upp in this said churche diverse Bibles in Englysshe, what tyme I was absent in parties be yonde the see on the Kings majesties affaires), In case the saide wilfull and unadvysed personnes will styll runne rashelye upon the brydell and upon hoe gentle request or desyre will be enduced to refourm and amende them selfs and theyre lewde behavior herein, but persever contynually in theyr folye and obstynate royride, to take downe the said Bibles agayne. Wherefore this ys eftesones of honest frendeshypp to requyre and charytablye to desyre and pray every Reader of this booke, that eyther he will in dede observe and keape my former advertysement and fryndelye admonieion adjoyned hereunto, Reading this book quyetlye and devoutely in tyme convenyent and agreeable without the slaunder disturbaunce or offense of any other, as apparteyneth; either ells to take in good parte and be contente that the saide bibles for the said abuses be taken downe, for assuredlye, the faulte and disordre herein not amended but encreased, I intende (being thereunto enforced) upon right good considerations and especially for the saide abuses to take downe the said Bibles, whiche otherwyse I wolde be right lothe to do, Considering I have been allwayes and styll wilbe by godds grace right gladde that the scripture and woorde of god shulde be well knowen, And also set forthe accordinglye. And thus good Reader comytting you to Almightie God our moost mercyfull good lorde as well to doo as myne owne self, I beseche the same to sende us all plentuouslye of his grace, that wee may serve hym according to our moost bounden duytie and desyre you moost hartely herewithall to take this rayne Advertysement according to my meanying, whiche ys to amende the faulte and abuse of the thinge, suffering the good thinge well used styll to remayne and to contynewe.
Goode Chrystyan people for as moche as theyre hathe been and ys moche speaking and busyhesse touching the insolent and undescrete behavyour in Reading of the Englysse Bybles sett upp in this cathedrall churche of Paules my lorde of London your diocesane desiring tobtayne byjentylnes that thinge whiche reason withowte desyre shulde obtayne and purpose of everye honest manne hathe required me this day to declare unto you aswell a certayne olde advertysment heretofore gyven by his Lordeshipp in this behalf as also a newe admonicion touching the same. And because it becommeth me taccomplysshe him said request I shall reade them bothe at this present tyme unto you. The first ys this To thentente etc. The Seconde ys this Where as heretofore etc.
NO. 15.
THE INDICTMENT AGAINST JOHN ATHEE. From the Bonner, or rather Westminster, Register, fol. 254. INQULSITIO capta coram domino Rege apud Westm. die Veneris in Crastino Ascencionis dni, Anno Regni Henrici octavi, dei gratia etc., tricesimo quarto, per Sacramentum Richardi Williams, Thomae Stockdale, Walteri Hall, Johannis Hill, Tallowchaundelor: Matthei Eger, Willmi Pratt, Johannis East, Launcelot Stronge, Johannis Cole, Thomae Pycher, Richardi Burton, Johannis herte, et Thomae Bene Jun., extitit praesentatum quod Johannes Athee de parochia de Stroude in Com. Middlesex Bytmaker, die Aprilis Anno Regni Regis Henrici octavi, dei gratia etc., 34to, apud Stroude predict. in praesentia diversarum personarum hererice dixit haec verba Anglicana, sapientia contra sacramentum Altaris, viz. that he woulde not beleave in that thinge, that: the knave priest made, meanying the Sacrament of Thaltare, nor in that that Longs wyf selleth, but he wolde beleave in Godd that ys in hevyn: et cum sui tunc et ibidem ei dixerunt quod deus potuit cum verbo facere id carnem et sanguinem esse: predictus Johannes tunc et ibidem eis heretice respondebat in his Anglicis verbis viz. so he mighte doo yf he wolde putt into yt a ehekyns legge, meanyng the Sacramente of thaltare; contra catholicam fidem et contra formam Statuti inde editi et promissi, ac contra pacem dicti dni. Regis Coronam et dignitatem suas.
Then follows ‘Breve regium directum Epo. Westin. ad procedendum in causa predieta; dated apud Westm. 12 Feb. Regni tricesimo quarto. [A.D. 1543.] [Delivered to the bishop die ultimo Feb., et tunc comissus fuit idem indictatus carceribus nuncupatis Le Gatehouse Westr.] NO. 16.
DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO DR. CROME. From the Chapter House Papers at the Rolls House, 1st Series, No. 1633. THE depositions of Thomas Herd and Thomas Artes touching a sermon preached by Dr. Crome on Relic Sunday [July 11th], A. D. 1529.
I doo certefy yowre good lordschipe that upon the feste of Reliqwes laste paste in the yere of our lorde god 1529th that I Thomas herde preste of Aldermary chyrch, beyng ther at the sarmon of Master dowtter Crome, wher as that day all London served the feste of the Relyks wher the Curatt of that chyrch wold not suffer none to kepe that serves, and in tyme of the sermon I sayde my serves of that day, and gave lytyll ear on to hym, ontyll the tyme that he spake of the byschoppes that had loste ther promosyns: them wer hys wordes, as nyer as I can call to my Remembrans: frynds, sayde he to the audyens that was ther: Wolde to God that ye wold leve yower slanderous tongs: ye say that thes byschoppes be false knavys and hoursons, than sayde he that. theye wer no mor knavys thane they that calde them so, but that thay wer as good and as free borne and as good levers, as any of them that spake the wordes: than he sayde morover, that ther onesty ly nott in ther promosyons, for then my lorde mayer beyng mayer, or shrevys, or abbats, or pryorys, whane that thye go owtt of ther ores, than they shold lys, her onesty yf yt remayned in ther offes. Also he sayde that the wer lyemongers in the sety of london and thay utteryd at wyntaners, and at barbors shoppys and at bysshoppes tabylls; and so went for he with other matters. I gave no ere unto hym. Also he sayde that they have do the kyngs grace as good serves as other men have dun. per me Thomam herd clericum (Superscribed) Sir Thomas herde prest touching doctor Crome.
Thes be the wordes that Doctor Crowurn spake in the polpett in hys pares cherche of Aldermary up on relec sonday last past, that I Sir thomas Artes harde and spake in Jhesus Communs and to the parson of Synte Myehell ill qwene hethe: ther he syed that ther ys a craft of lyemongeres thatt slandered the good men that had lost ther promocyons, for they say that they be no good men and also that they be horsons; and ther in he sayd they leyde. And that he seyd, that ther honeste lay nat in filer promocions, and proved yt by thys exsampel; yf the mayor of london or the shreves of london beyng for a yet and than going owt of ther offes sowlde nat leve ther honeste with ther offes, but ther honeste shuld remayne stelle with them: and also browt in an oder exsampel that the honeste of a man lyth nat in hys sobstanse nor reches, for then when he were at churche hys honeste were at home: also he syde that the honeste of a man lyth nat in the go]de and selver in a manys perse, for then tilewes shuld rob hem, he shuld lose hys honest. Also he sayd yt lay nat ill hys garment, for then the talor myth mar yt: he seyd ther honest lay in ther condyssons, and they that called them so war to blame for they ware as trewly begot as they: also he seyd that the lyemongers warehowses were they sold ther warys was in barbors shoppes in tavernes and at bosshoppes bordes: and thes ben all the word I hard, and marked by me. Thomas Artes Prest. (Superscribed) Sir Thomas Artes, prest touching Doctor Crome.
From the Tonstall Register, folio 138 verso. Recantation of Dr. Crome March 11th, 1530. 11 die mensis Martii Anno dom. millesimo quingentesimo trecesimo Magr.
Edwardus Crome sactae theologiae professor universitatis Cantabrigiensis Rector Sancti Antonini civitatis London de fide sua et erronea praedicatione de et super articulis sequentibus notatus et suspectus Ac desuper coram Reverendo patre domino Johanne London Epo. et aliis epis, apud aedes dom. nostri Regis apud Westm. vocatas Yorkeplace conventus confessus est et recognovit fidem suam sic sentiendo prout sequitur. 1. Sentio quod animae corporibus exutae affiiguntur et purguntur in purgatorio. 2. Sentio quod sancti martyres apostoli et confessores jam corporibus exuti honorandi sunt invocandi et orandi. 3. Sentio quod sancti in celis tanquam mediatores orant pro nobis. 4. Sentio quod peregrinaciones et oblationes possint pie et meritorie fieri apud sepulcra et reliquias sanctorum. 5. Sentio quod jejunium quadragesimale et alia jejunia, a canonibus indicta et christianorum moribus recepta, sunt (nisi necessitas aliud exigat) servanda. 6. Sentio quod credendum est de necessitate salutis deum virtute septem sacramentorum ecclesiae conferre gratiam rite ea vel eorum quodcumque suscipientibus. 7. Sentio laudabile esse et utile ut venerabiles Imagines statuantur in ecclesiis in memoriam Christi et sanctorum ejus. 8. Sentio quod orationes vivorum prosunt defunctis existentibus in purgatorio. 9. Sentio quod homines tum per sua jejunia tum per alia pietatis opera possunt mereri. 10. Sentio quod prohibiti ab epis. tanquam de fide suspecti cessare debent a predicando et docendo donec se apud superiorem de hujusmodi suspicione purgaverint. 11. Sentio quod Reges et Praesides non teneantur de necessitate salutis tradere populo in Lingua. vulgari, scripturam. sacram, quandoquidem, cognitio veritatis ad salutem necessariae alioqui populo innotescere possit. 12. Sentio quod pro temporis ratione licet regibus et presidibus ex aliqua causa sive judicio rationabili statuere, ne scriptura sacra tradatur plebi legenda in lingua vulgari. 13. Sentio quod consecrationes, sanctificationes, et benedictiones usu christianorum in ecclesia receptae laudandae sunt. 14. Sentio et semper sensi has opiniones esse veras, et contrarium sentientes judicio meo errant. FROM THE CHAPTER HOUSE PAPERS, NOW KEPT AT THE ROLLS HOUSE, 1ST SERIES, NO. 1533. Deposition of William Copeland respecting a Sermon preached by Dr. Crome, July 16th, 1539.
In the 31 ere of the rayne of owre soveraient lorde kynge henri the 8 and the 13 day of August I Wyllm. Copland prest and Curat off the parysshe churche of Awleholos yn bredstret and vicar of Saynte Sepulcars, conventyd afore my lord the Meyre of the citie off london and M. Wayrn alderman and aftore a Oentyllman off the kyngs most nobyl grace and a fore M. Chomley Recordar of the sayde citie, and examyned off a sermon that Doctor Crome dyd make the 16 day of Juli yn the churche of Awleholos a fore sayde, thys dyd make ansar: the forsayde Doctor sayde, takyn for hys mater to preche a pon the goshell of the requiem mas, the which thus dothe begyn In iillo tempore dixit Martha ad Jesum, exponeyng hytt yn the Englys townge sayynge, fryndes, I perceve by this gosbell that here was a bereawle as well as thys, and here war momars, here was Marie and Martha and Cryst, and the Juys morne: but I cannot fyne whatt westure or whatt tapers or whatt torches or what massys, here takyn an occasion for to declare awle the westure that the prest syngeth with awle, what hytt sygnyffyde, sayynge hytt was a gud ynstytucyon of. man, and sayde he wulde nat dysprase hytt, but as well away as there; and nothynge yn the mas of Chrystys Instytucyon but only the holy consecracyon, the which was only for them that war a lyre: and returnynge to the begynning sayde, dixit Martha ad Jesuro; here frynds you shall understond that. Martha; requiryd nothynge of the Apostylls that here was, Peter and Jemys with other, but she spake unto Jesus, manyfestynge that there was no helper but Jesus, and dydnot as we have dun, callynge upon thys Saynte and that Saynte, thynkyn that they shulde be helpers.
Per me Willm. Coplande rectorem Ecclesiae Omnium Sanctorum in Bredestrete. (Labeled) Mr. Copeland parish preast of Allhalowes touching doctor Crome.
FROM THE BONNER REGISTER, FOLIO 25. Recantation of Dr. Crome at Paul’s Cross on Septuagesima Sunday (February 13th), A.D. 1541.
The kyngs highnes having receaved the answers of Edward Crome doctor of dyvynytie parson of the parysshe churche of Aldermary within the Cittie of London to certayne Articuls whereupon he was examined before his Majesties Commissaries thereunto by his highnes appoynted and being also advertysed that the saide doctor Crome ys evyn so resolved and fully persuaded in his harte and conscience as he dothe confesse in his said aunswers subscribed with his hande and exhibited to the kings bighues, of his moost gracyous goodnes and accustumed mercyfulnis ys coiltented and pleased at this tyme to foregyve and remytte the Rigour and severytye of his lawes whiche [his] majestic mighte howe have justdye executed against hym, and his bighues further myndyng the establysshement of a christian unytye quyemes and tranquyllytie among his loving subjects by unfayned conformytie in true preaching and teaching of the worde of God hathe taken such ordre and direction in this matter as hereafter folowith: First, that the said doctor Crome at his next sermon whiche he shall make at Powles Crosse shall playnlye and openlye declare unto the people and say in this wyse: Where of late moche vanytye of opynyons and contention hathe rysen and growne emongest thinhabitants of London by reason that either I by defaute of good utteraunce and openyng my mynde or other negligence of speache have not clierlye and playnly intreated and declared suche matters as I have in my sermons spoken of, or ells bycause myne Audytours hathe mystakyn my preaching and otherwyse interpretated and understande the same then I roerite; You shall understande that I have been am and shalbe of this mynde and opynyon as howe I shall partycularlye declare unto you, that ys to wyte: That Scripture may upon lawfull considerations be restravned from the lay people by the kyngs, princes and chief governers of every Ralme, so that they shall not reade yt at theyre pleasures, in all places and at all tymes. Prayour fasting Alines deedes and other suffrages be profitable for sowles departed. Masses publique and private be a sacryfice profytable both for the quyck and the deade, and yt ys not in the power of any man to lymytte and dyspense howe moche and in what space of tyme or what personne they profyttieth partycularlye for that perteyneth onely to god which a lone knowith the measures and tymes of his owne Judgements and Mercyes. It ys good and laudable for us to pray to the saints in heaven to pray to god with us and for us. No man syns the Apostles hathe auctorytie to ordeyne any thing as an Artycle of our faithe: nothwithstanding every kinge and prynce within his Realme hathe auctorytie to ordeyne dyverse things whiche the subjects are bounde to observe and keape obedyentlye. The Apostles taughte sondry things [which] be not ill playne and evydent scripture, whiche oughte to be receaved beleaved and kept of christen people as the doctryne Apostolique. The interpretacion of Scripture made by the auncyent doetours ys to be allowed and reverently estemed. The Christen people of this Realme of Englande bee the church of Englande, of the whiche churche our Sorerayne Lorde the kinge ys supreme heed under chryste bothe of the clergye and of the laytye. The auctorytie of the churche ys not above the scripture, but perteyneth to churche to testylye, to dyscerne, to reade, to expounde, to declare, to preache, and teache the scripture. Allthoughe masses and other suffrages bee profytable for the sowles departed, yet the kings majestye and his highe cowrte of parliamente have lawfully and justdye suppressed the Abbeyes and Monasteryes within this his graces Reahne. It ys the duytie of every preacher to pray for the kinge the queue and the prince in theyre sermons. Such preachors as say that the Masse ys avaylable for the sowles departed dothe not thereby, as fer forth as I knowe, goe aboute to deprvye the kings Majestye of his supremytie, ne yet to bring in agayne the bysshopp of Roome. Processions at Powles or ells where to pray for seasonable wether and asswaging of the plage and also for the good estate of our Soveraigne lorde the kinge the queue the prynee and thole Realme be well and comendable instituted and good to be contynued. Allso I do howe proteste and opynly declare here unto you, that whensoever and whatsoever I shall at any tyme hereafter preache or teache in my sermons or otherwyse against thabuses of any thinge towching the saide Artycles by me howe rehersed or any of them, my mynde and intente playnlye ys and shalbe to affirme and mantayne the said Articles and in nowyse to dysalowe impugne or take away any of them, nor in any poynte to dyssente or dysagree from them. Allso the kinges highnes hatlie ordered that the saide doctor Crome when and as yt shall chaunce hym to preache against any abuses concernyng the saide matlets before specyfied shall before the rehersall of the said abuses declare opynly to the people hys opynyon and mynde of the right Uses thereof according to the prennsses. Allso the Kings highnes hathe ordered that he said doctor Crome in the declaration of the saide Articles, or at any other tyme hereafter, shall not for his Excuse or defense say, that he hathe been falselye and unjustelye accused upon any malice concernyng the premisses. Allso the kings grace notyfieth and gyveth knowledge to the said doctor Crome that in case he shalbe at any tyme accused for preaching or teaching hereafter against any of the saide Artycles or for any other lyke matieramd duylye Foved, that then he shall not loke for lyke favor, but to have justyce admynystered unto hym accordinglye.
God save the kings Majestie Injunctiones supradictae datae fuerunt dicto domino doctori Crome decimo octavo die mensis Januarii, Anno Dmi. Millesimo Quingentesimo Quadragesimo, Regni vero dicti Illustrissimi dni. nostri Regis Anno Triccsimo secundo, in Sacello regio apud Regiam domum honoris de hampton Courte Westm. diocesis, per Reverendos patres dnos. Epos.
Roffen. et Westm. et venerabiles viros Magistros doctores Ley, Coren, Robynson, Cooks, et Leighton, Commissarios Regiae Majestatis in premissis, praesente me Richardo Watkyns prothonotario Regiae Majestatis.
Dominica in Septuagesima Anno Dmi. Millesimo Quingentesimo Quadragesimo Primo apud Crucem Sancti Pauli London supradictus Edwardus Crome in concione sua tum ibidem per eum facta predictas Injunctiones regias publice declaravit populo recitavit et innotuit.
FROM THE BONNER REGISTER, FOLIO 101 VERSO. Recantation and Articles of Dr. Crome, A. D. 1546.
That the Sacrifice of the body and blonde of our Savyour christe by hym offered on the crosse ys the Everlasting and sumcient sacryfice avayleable for the synnes of all the people whiche with an unfayned harte and true belef come unto hym whiche self same sacryfiee of bodie and bloude in substaunce ys by vertue of chrystes woorde dulie consecreete and offered by the prieste in the Masse for oure consolation in the remembraunee of his deathe and passion for oure redemption, and ys the verye propitiation and satisfaction for the synnes of the woorlde And that thacte of the prieste ys also a sacryfice of prayse and thankes gyving unto god for oure redemption and a meane to obtayne grace, and mercye boothe for quyeke and deadde and not the satisfaction for the synne and payne of the wooride for that ys onlie to be attributed to christs passion.
Almightie God by the power of his woorde pronounced by the prieste at the Masse in the consecration turneth the breede and wyne into the very body and bloude of our Sayyour Jhesu Chryste. And the same ones beynge consecrate ys and remayneth styll the verie body and bloude of Chryste allthough yt bee reserved and not presentlie distributed for nother in scripture nor in good Author wee fynde that after the consecration the verrue thereof ys revoked and therefore yt cannot but remayne tyli yt bee receaved.
That the saide oblation or sacrifice so by the priest offered in the mass ys available and profytable both to the quycke and to the deed allthoughe yt lieth not in the power of man to lymyte howe myche or in what measure the same doothe avayle but to induce us rerfectlie to thinke and eredyte the same wee muste consider that the quycke and dead maketh but one bodie whereof criste ys the head. And that thys Artycle hathe been taughte and receaved in the churche of criste evyn from thapostells tyme.
That the churche of christe hathe doothe and may lawfully ordre soome priestes to be mynystrees of the Sacramente althoughe those same bee not apte to preache nor be worthye to be admytted thereunto.
Suprascripta schedula fuit publice recitata et declarata per Edwardurn Crome sacrae theologiae professorem Rectorem ecclesiae beatae mariae vocatae Aldermarie london in concione sua facta apud crucem paulinam Secunda die dominica post diem sive festum Paschae nono viz. mensis Maii Anno Domini 1546.
The Submission of the saide doctor Croome with the true declaration of hym self.
Whereas I dyd promyse and take upon me playnelie and clyerlie to setteforth and declare at paulis Crosse the secunde Sonday after Easter certayne Articles by me subscribed, I doo acknowledge and mooste humble with my harte confesse that I dyd nor intended not to sette foorthe the same with a symple mynde according to the true sense and meaning of them but having one meanynge secreatelye in rayne harte knowinge in my conscience the sense and meanyng of thartycles to be contratie to the same. I dyd use collusion and color of my hole proceeding concernynge the declaration of the saide Articles whereby I mighte appeare boothe to mantayne rayne owne former evyl opynyon and neverthelesse to satysfie my promyse in setting foorthe of Thartycles aforesaide.
Item I doo say and affirme, that the masse used in the Ralme of Englande ys agreeable to the Institution of chryste And that wee have in this churche of Englande the verye true saeramente whiche ys the verye bodye and bloude of oure Savyour chryste under the form of breade and wyne.
Item I doo say and affyrme that yt ys not a thinge of necessitie that the sacrament of Thaultare shulde be mynystered to the people under boothe kyndes of breade and wyne and that yt ys none abuse that the same bee mynystered to the people under one kynde forasmoche as in every of boothe kindes whole cryste boothe body and bloode ys conteyned.
Item I doo say and affyrme that yt ys no derogation to the verrue of the masse althoughe the prieste doo receave the Sacrament alone and none other receave yt with hym.
Item I doo say and affyrme that all thoose Artycles whiche I subscryhed and promysed to declare at paulis cross bee undoubtedlie trewe understandinge by the massementyoned in the same Artycles the self same Masse whiche ys daylie used in this churche of Englande.
Item I doo professe and proteste that I never hadde anny suffyeyent grounde of scripture or of holy Authors to mantayne rayne opynyon wily to dyssent in anuy of the saide Artycles from the receaved doctrine of the churche of Englande neyther was I so satisfied in my saide opynyons in rayne owne conscience as I dyd surelie beleave them my self or toke them for undoubted truythe.
Fynally where as heretofore I have been of a contrary mynde and opynyon touchynge theese Artydes aforesaide And therefore dyd not according to my duytie and promyse playnelie preache and declare suche doctrine as I agreed and subscribed unto I doo therefore nowe moost humblye submytte my self to the Kings Majesties mercifull clemencye beinge mooste sorye for my saide offense and redy to thuttermooste of my power to make amends accordinge to his mooste gracyouse ordree and appoyntment as well in the mayntenaunce and settyng foorthe of the saide Artydes as in dyscloosyng and openyng of all things whiche shalbe demaunded of mee by his Malestie or his mooste honorable counsell concernyng my proceedings in the same or anny other matters as shall please his highnes to requyre of me.
Die dominica 27 viz. die mensis Junii Anno 1546. prenominatus Edwardus Croome in concione sua tum publice facta apud crucem paulinam recitavit in Effectu Articulos proxime precedentes, praesentibus et audientibus honorabilibus viris domino Thoma Wryothesley Milite Summo cancellario Angliae domino Thoma duce Norff. domino Willielmo Pawlett domino Seynt John domino Edmundo London Episcopo et multis allis.
NO. 17.
DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO DR. SHAXTON. Rolls House, Chapter House Papers, 1st Series, No. 1448.
Attestation to the orthodoxy of Mr. Shaxton. MY dewtie doon to yr goode lordship in alle humble and lyk hertie maner When hit is so that this bearer Malster Nicolas Shaxton now inceptor in divinitie is so tried and proved before me and my brethren doetours of divinite. Ryght reverend fathyr in god aftyr all dewe ordyr of comendacion I have me comendyd unto yow certyfying your lordshypp that I have so tryed and proved this berar Master Shaxton befor I dyd admytt hym inceptor in dyvinytie and fownd hym so agreable to all thyng that we cowld requyre of hvm in cautelam futurorum — yt ys to say to swere to such an othe as I dede excogytate for quyetnes in theis trobyllows tymes, whereoff he hathe a copye, And wyll bothe shew yt your lordshypp and swere yt agayne before yow, I dowbt not, yf ye requyre hym therto — that I dare be bold to testylye wt hym, lyke as befor hys admyssyon bothe I and all doctors regentis in dyvinyte within Chambryge dede swere for hym that he is a good catholyke man: And that whatsoever he hath sayde or done in yowr diocese or ony whet ells yt I have herd of he hath done it of a right purpose and a good zale thowgh peradventure it hath not allway be so takyn off allmen. Wherefor I beseche yowr lordshypp to accept this my testimony of hvm for I trust verely that he wyll stond suerly on the churche syde, and confute ernestly to his power all erroneows opynyons contrary to the same, and that shall he have occasyon to doo more fervently yff it please yowr lordshypp to lycense hym to preche in your diocese, and to assyste hym in the exercysyng of such lernyng as he hath receyved off almighty God who long preserve yowr good lordshypp to his pleasure. From Cambryge the last daye of May.
FROM THE BONNER REGISTER, FOLIO 100. Recantation of Dr. Shaxton, July 9th, 1546. THE VERY TRUE COPYE of the submission of me Nycolas Shaxton, late bysshopp of Salysburie made to the Kings mooste excellent majestie and sett forthe for this intente, that glorye may be gyvyn to allmightie god whiche of his infinite goodnes hathe not onylye gyvyn me grace to acknowledge rayne error and to re! yoke the same, but also at the respecte of my moost humble submission hathe styred the harte of the kings highnes to have pytie and compassion in remyttynge the punyshment of desthe whereunto I was justdie condempned, and to extende hys bountyfull goodness upon me; whiche in dede hys grace hathe doone moost largelye.
Depyse not a man that turneth hym self away from synne, neyther caste hym in the tythe with all, but remembre that wee are all poysoned with corruption. Eccle. 8. 1546.
To the kings mooste excellent majestic. FORASMOCHEAS, mooste dreed and soverayne Lorde, myserablye nowe in rayne olde age evyn within this yere I have fallen into that mooste detestable and mooste abhomynable heresye of them that bee callid Sacramentaries denyeng wretchedlie the presence of Chrysts bleassed body in tholye Sacrament of thaultare And forasmoche also as yt hathe pleased your majestie of youre greate charitie and moost godlye care ye hade for my soull to sende unto me the righte honorable bysshopps of London and Worcetur, togyther with your graces worshipfull chapleyns doctor Robynson and doctor Redman to conferre with me enforme me and instructe me to thyntent that fynallie goddes grace woorking boothe in them and me I mighte be broughte from my saide erroure and heresye unto the true catholyck faythe Whiche thinge accordinge to youre graces expectation hathe taken good successe in me (thankes bee to almightie god), for by suche learnynge as they have shewed me and specyallie by the unyforme consent of the whoole chatholyke churche in that Artycle evyn from the Apestells tyme unto this oure age, fewe excepte whiche have been taken and justelie reputed for heretiques, I am fullie persuaded perfeetelie beleave and unfaynedlie confesse that after the consecration rightelie doon by the priest there remayneth none other substaunce but onelye the substaunce of the bleassed body of oure Savyoure Chryste god and man lyke as before I have subscribed unto a bill hereunto annexed. And fynally forasmoche as the saide honorable bysshopps and worshipfull doctors have hadde further conference with me not onelie in the reeste of the Syxe Articles but also in all other matters of controversic that other they or I coulde call to our remembraunce and are agreed fullie in the same, so that howe I am fullie persuaded and resolved in all matters of army weighte or importuance wherein I was before other ambyguouse and in doubte or ells of a contrary judgment unto them, and doe nowe esteeme and judge evyn as they doe in all thoose things. Therefore I mooste humblie evyn from the botome of myne harte thanke your excellent majestie, that ye have hadde this godlye care for my soull healthe, and that by youre mooste gracyous meanes I am broughte and reduced from that dampnable errour that I was in. And surelye hadde not this youre pytie and compassion been I woolde obstynatelye have dyed in the same, and so from the temperall fyer shulde have goon to the everlastyng fyer of hell.
And nowe with all humylifie and reverence I submytte my self wholly unto your gracies clemencie, redy with all pacyenee yf yt bee so sene to youre highnes to suffer evyn the very deathe, as I have justeKe deserved, or ells to doe any other thinge that youre majestie shall thyuke good and expedyent for reducyng your graces subjects from therroure that they be wrapped in unto the true catholyoke faythe, and thorder taken in this youre mooste chrysten realme not onely in this one Artycle, but also in all other whereill I my self am howe (thankes bee to god and your highnes) fullie resolved and throughlie persuaded, thus to contynewe to thende of my life by the grace and goodness of God, who evermore preserve youre majestic to his glorie and the profytte of this your Ralme.
By your humble subjecte and moost bounden bedman Nycolas Shaxton, late bysshopp of Saris. the nynthe day of Julye in 38th yere of your mooste gratious Reigne.
Hereafter folowith the true copie of the Artycles. The fyrste. Allmightie God by the power of his woorde pronounced by the prieste at Masse in the consecration, turneth the breade and wyne into the very naturall body and bloode of oure Sayyour Jhesu cryste. See that after the consecration there remayneth nee substaunce of breadde and wyne but onely the substaunce of cryste, God and man.
The secunde. The saide bleassed Sacrament being ones consecrate ys and remayneth styll the very body and bloode of oure Sayyour cryste, all thoughe yt be reserved and not presentlie distributed.
The thyrd. The same bleassed Sacrament being consecrate ys and ought to be worshipped and adored with godly honor wheresoever yt ys: forasmoche as yt ys the bodie of Cryste inseperably unyted to the deltic.
The fourth. The churche by the mynystration of the prieste offereth dayly at the Masse for a sacryfice to Almightie God the self same bodie and bleude of our Savyour Chryste under the forme of breadde and wyne in the remembraunce and representation of Christs deathe and passion.
The fyfte. The same body and bleude whiehe ys offered in the Masse ys the very propitiation and satisfaction for the Synnes of the woorlde for asmoche as yt ys the self same in substaunce whiche was offered upon the crosse for oure Redemption. And the oblation and action of the prieste ys also a sacryfice of prayse and thanksgyvynge unto God for his benefites and not the satisfaction for the synnes of the woorlde, for that ys onelye to be attributed to chrysts passion.
The Syxte. The saide oblation or sacryfice so by the prieste offered in the masse ys avaylable and profitable boothe for the quyeke and the deadd, althoughe yt lyeth not in the power of man to lymyte howe moche or in what measure the same doothe avayle.
The Seventh. It ys not a thinge of necessitie that the Sacrament of Thaultare shulde be mynystered unto the people under boothe kindes of bread and wyne. And yt ys none abuse that the same be mynystered to the people under thone kinde forasmoche as in every of boothe the kindes whole chryste boothe body and bloode ys contayned.
The eighte. Yt ys noo derogation to the vertue of the Masse all thoughe the prieste doo receave the Sacrament alone and none other receave yt with hym.
The nynth. The Masse used in this Realme of Englande ys agreeable to thinstitution of Chryste. And wee have in this churche of England the verie true Sacrament whiehe ys the very body and bloudde of oure Sayyour Chryste under the forme of bredde and wyne.
The tenthe. The Churche of Chryste hathe doothe and may lawfullie ordre some pryests to bee mynystres of the Sacramentes, althoughe the same doo not preach nor bee admytted thereunto.
The Eleventh. Priestes being ones dedicate unto god by the ordre of prestehode and all suche men and women as have advysedlie made vowes unto god of chastitie or wydowhode may not lawfullie marry after theyre saide ordres receaved or vowes made.
The twelfth. Secreete auriculer confession ys expedyent and necessarie tobe retayned contynued and frequented in the churche of chryste.
The thyrtenth. The prescience and predestination of Allmightie god althoughe in yt self yt bee infallible indueith noo necessitie of thaetuition of man, but that he may freelie use the power of his owne will or choyse, the saide prescience or predestination notwithstandinge.
I Nycolas Shaxton with my harte doo beleve and with my mowthe Coo confesse all thees Articles above wry/ten to be true in Every parte.
Ne despicias hominem avertentem se a peccato, neque improperes ei: memento quoniam omnes in corruptione sumus. Ecclesiastics. 8. [Then follows Anne Askewe’s alleged recantation, printed in the text p. 542, from the Register folio 101.] NO. 18.
BONNE’S CERTIFICATE TO THE PRIVY COUNCIL. From the Bonner Register, folio 91 verso. ILLUSTRIBUS et prudentissimis viris dominis de privato Concilio potentissimi in Christo principis et domini nostri domini Henrici octavi dei gratia Angliae et Hyberniae Regis, fidei defensoris et in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae et Hibernicae supremi capitis, dominis plurimum honorandis, vester humilis Edmundus, permissione divina London Episcopus, Salutem et perpetuam in domino felicitatem. Vestris magnificentiis honorandis tenore praesentium cum ea qua decet Reverentia certificando significamus et intimamus, quod nos debitam et effectualem Executionem Edicti sive proclamationis dicti Illustrissimi domini nostri Regis, nuper, viz. Octavo die Julii ult. elapso salubriter editi et promulgati pro extinctione et abolitione quorundam prohibitorum librorum in eadem proclamatione: specificat. quantum in nobis fuit et pro viribus potuimus, ac prout ex officii nostri debito tenebamur et tenemur, faciendo, nonnullos ex eisdem libris nobis et ministris nostris post et citra divulgationem Edicti hujusmodi tradit. et deliberat., quorum tituli et nomina in libro praesentibus annexo inscribuntur, juxta formam et tenorem ejusdem proclamationis sive Edicti Regis igni mittendos et concremandos fore decrevimus, et sic concremari et comburi vicesimo sexto die instantis mensis Septembris mandavimus et fecimus cum effectu. In cujus Rei testimonium Sigillum nostrum praesentibus apponi fecimus. Dat. in aedibus nostris London vicesimo octavo die Mensis Septembris Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo quadragesimo sexto et Regni Illustrissimi dicti Invictissimi domini nostri Regis Anno Tricesimo Octavo.
The names of suche Books prohibite as were burned at Paulis Crosse at the Sermon tyme there accordinge to the Certificat above wrytten.
NO. 19.
THE BALAD WHYCH ANNE ASKEWE MADE AND SANG WHEN SHE WAS IN NEWGATE. Reprinted from Bale’s Account of Anne Askewe.
Lyke as the armed knyght Appoynted to the fielde, With thys world wyll I fyght, And fayth shall be my shielde.
Faythe is that weapon stronge Whych wyll not fayle at nede; My foes therfor amonge Therwith wyll I procede.
As it is had in strengthe And force of Christes waye, It wyll prevayle at lengthe Though all the devyls saye naye.
Faythe in the fathers olde Obtayned rightwysenesse, Whych make me verye bolde To feare no worldes dystresse.
I now rejoyce in hart, And hope byd me do so, For Christ wyll take my part, And ease me of my wo.
Thou sayst Lorde, whoso knocke To them wylt thu attende; Undo therfor the locke, And thy stronge power sende.
More enmyes now I have, Than heeres upon my heed, Lete them not me deprave, But fyght the in my steed.
On the my care I cast, For all their cruel spyght I sett not by their hast For thu art my delyght. I am not she that lyst My anker to lete fall For everye dryslynge myst; My shippe substanciall.
Not off use I to wryght, In prose, nor yet in ryme, Yet wyll I shewe one syght That I sawe in my tyme.
I sawe a ryall trone Where Justyce shold have sytt, But in her stede was one Of modye, cruell wytt.
Absorpt was rightwysnesse As of the ragynge floude; Sathan in hys excesse Sucte up the gyltelesse bloude.
Then thought I, Jesus Lorde Whan thu shalt judge us all, Harde is it to recorde On these men what wyll fall.
Yet Lorde, I the desyre, For that they do to me, Lete them not tast the hyre Of their inyquyty.
NO. 20.
COMMISSION OF EDWARD VI. FOR INQUIRING UPON THE VI.
ARTICLES, APRIL 13TH, 1547. From the Bonner Register, folio 114 verso.
Commissio pro executione statuti Editi super articulis fideli catholicae.
EDWARDUS Sextus, dei gratia etc., delecto et fideli suo majori civitatis London pro tempore extstenti, ac praeclarissimo avunculo suo Edwardo duci Somerset Thesaurario Angliae ac domino protectori, praedilectisque ac fidelibus suis Willmo. Poulet militi, domino Seynt John domino praesidenti consilii sui ac magno magistro ac Seneschallo hospitii sui, necnon domino custodi magni sigilli sui Johanni Russell militi, domino Russell, custodi privati sigilli sui, necnon reverendo in Christo patri Edmundo Episcopo London, ac dilectis et fidelibus suis Radulpho Waren militi, Ricardo Gresham militi, Willielmo Roche militi, Willielmo Laxton militi, Martino Bowes militi, Rowlando Hill militi, Johanni Gresham militi, Roberto Brooke armigero, Recordatori ejusdem civitatis, Richardo Morgan servienti ad legem, Archidiacono London, Cancellario dicti Episcopi, Commissario dicti Episcopi, Roberto Chydley, Edwardo Hall, Guidoni Crayforde, Thomae Atkyns armigero, et officiali ejusdem Archidiaconi, Salutem.
Sciatis quod assignavimus etc. [see the Commission supra, No. 9. of these Documents]…in Articulis quibusdam tam in quodam Statuto in Parliamento domini Henrici nuper regis Angliae octavi patris nostri praecharissimi apud Westm. vicesimo octavo die Aprilis anno regni sui Tricesimo primo quam in quibusdam aliis statutis Annis tricesimo secundo et Tricesimo quinto Regni dicti patris nostri tent. fact. edit. expressis et specificatis etc. [ut supra]. Teste meipso apud Greenwiche 13 die Aprilis, anno regni nostri primo.
Followed by a “breve regium” to Bonner, same as before, and of the same date as the Commission.
These are followed by a similar Commission and Brief, dated April 19th.
NO. 21.
WILLIAM JEROME’S RECANTATION SERMON.
From the Miscellaneous Documents of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer, in a Volume lettered “Tractat. Theolog. et Politic. vol. 9.” (A. 115, pp. 277-284,) in the Public Record Office, Rolls House. “Et ecce duo ex illis ibant ipsa [die in] castellum quod erat in spacio [etc.]” Soche is the worlde, [that I am] compelled to wrytt those [thinges] that I now intende to [speak.] So that I have bounde my[selfe this] daye to do that thing [that] I wolde I had done before. To be…shorte and to speke nothinge but; that is penned. Soche I saie is the worlde, that I must nedes this do, for to advoyde misreporters and slaunderers. Wherfore I desier you right honorable lordes (?) to consyder well the argument I take in hand, and to note well…cyrcumstances…s of…selfes and by them selfes maye be evyll taken, yf it be not coupled with what is sayde before and what after, you (?)…my argumentes with the whole…bothe of the occasyone, and also of my conclusions.
When I consyder within my selfe the auncyent wryters and fath[ers] of Christes churche, how they have ordered and behaved themselves, in wrytynge of sermones not onlye of many places of the scrypture, but moost specially of this place and upon this gospell for Christes (?) resurreccyon which…have purposed m…y…s…my mynde in I…d…maner of wrytyng, but also their whole purposes and ententes. So that whatsoever place of scryptur they tooke in hand, this was allwaye the…of ther purpose, that yf there were any errours amonge the people, they went rather aboute to remove them, then to shew (?) and declare that parte of scrypture by processe unto them. And where as they have spyed eny enormyties amonge the people, they have not so moche regarded the truth and veryrye of the scrypture in that place, as the reformacyon of the saide enormityes and vyces. So that, I saye, the mynd of all (?) those that I have red, which have wryten any sermones upon this place, hath evermore been [en]tente to reforme vyces knowne among the people.
Thes there doynges then…consydred and pondered, I have determyned within my selfe, shalbe unto me a rule at this tyme. I am also as desyrous to repreve errours and other enormyties, as I am to utter unto you the pure and sy[ncere] sentence of the wholie ghoost in this place mencyoned.
Ye, for so moche as I trust, the one p…of this the f…mynds is taken awaye from this audyence, that is, that ther shuld be any errour amongest you, as was amongest them: for the resurreccyon, which now…[fa]ythfully beleved…prof…I wyll after the argument sh[ewe] the entente of them. And I will use this storye of Christes resurreccyon, to declare unto you our eleccyon; and that don, I trust to saye certene other thinges appertaynyng to the tyme.
It shall make moche…for the stablyshment of every Christene man, to knowe the manet of our eleccyon, yf we wyll consyder the unspeakable love which he shewed unto us, as wytnesseth saynt Paul, “Qui [elegit] nos in ipso ante mundi constitucionem, ut essemus sancti et immaculati in conspectu ejus, etc.,” That had chosen us in Jesu Christ before the makynge of the worlde, that we shuld be holy and without blame in his syght.
The next waye to attayne to this his wonderfull eleccyon, I thynk, shall apere more playnlye unto us, yf we wyll resorte to the scrypture. And moost specially yf we laye fyrst before us the ingrattytude of our first parentes, whych yet after they were [ca]st oute of paradyse to increate them, God of his mercy lefte them not, but came unto them, and made them a promyse, as aperethe…sayenge, “Inimicias ponam inter te et mulierem, et semen tuum et semen ejus; ipsa conteret caput tuum et tu insidiaberis [calcaneo ejus] etc.”
I will also put enemyte betwene the and the woman, betwene thy sede and hit sede; hit sede shall treade the on the heed, and thou shalt treade upon his hele. After this yet it foloweth to the farther promotynge of the same, the sayde promes was renued and amplyfyed unto Abraham: To whome it was sayde, “In semine tuo benedicentur omnes gentes,” In thy sede shall all nacyons be blessed. It was not longe after but Sara, why[ch] was barene, had promys that she shuld conceive a sonne, where as by the course of nature she was past byrth. Soche was and is the wonderfull eleccyon of God. Ye, the chylde beynge borne, the promes was yet once agayne renued; and God sayde that he wolde multiplye his sede as the sande by the see shore, or the starres in the skye. Yet not longe after was he commaunded to slaye him, in whome this promys was made. It shall not greatlye hynder our purpose, yf we passe the promyses of Abraham, and go farther; where we shall fynde also the promyse that was made unto Jacob, “Benedicentur in te cunctae tribus terrae.” If I shuld go aboute to rehearse unto you all the places of scripture that mencyon and manyfest unto us this eleccyon, and the promyses of God made to them whome he hath elected; I shuld seme unto you rather to go aboute the settynge forth of my selfe, then to edefye.
Seynge then that it is proved and openly declared unto us, by the scryptures, by whome and in whome we are elect and chosene, we shall not nede to stande long [in] yt. Of this sede spake Moses, when he sayde, A prophet shall the Lorde God rayse up unto you, even one of your brethren. Now then, to speke of the commynge of this prophet is not nedefull, for so moche as we are moost certene and sure therof; yet not withstandyng, I maye not so passe over yt, but must saye somewhat, because of the ordre of the scrypture. Of this is mencyoned in the last of Genesis. The cause that I speke so moche of his commynge is, that I wolde utter and shewe what the knowledge of these scryptures, that spek of his commynge, do proffyt me: which is onlye that it doth declare to the and to me, and to every christen man, that this his great mercy powred over us shuld not be forgotten; and to rubbe your remembraunces, is the chefe cause that I have sayde so moche. Nowe of his commynge, and after what sorte, Esaye declareth in his 9 chapter, etc. Also in the 7 chapter, etc. where it is declared howe that a mayde shuld conceave a chylde, etc. Here is shewed also howe the sede shuld come into the worlde, etc. Esa. 53 is it declared howe that this sede shuld come, and [be] ledde as a shepe to be slayne, yet shall he be dombe before the sherer, and not open his mouthe.
Farther the prophet David, speakynge of this seede, sayth, that the Lorde suffered not his holy to se corrupcyon. Thus, in a brefe some, I have recyted unto you these places of the scrypture, that he myght put this eleccyon in execucyon accordyng to the sayeng of saynt Paul, “Qui elegit nos etc. ut essemus sancti etc.” which hath chosen us in him, that we shuld be holy as he is holy: that is, that we shuld walke in newe conversacion of lyre, castynge of our olde woorkes of darcknes.
Nowe will I here leave of the olde testament, and speke somewhat that is wrytten in the newe. If nowe yt shuld be asked, what it proffyteth to here these thinges? Thus I saye, that to me these sentences doth certenly assure me, that all that was promysed of Christ was done foi me, and is true, and must be fullylied. In the Actes, in the 2 chapter, Peter sayth, This sede, Jesus Christ, have you put to death (speakynge to the Jewes), whome God hath raysed up agayne, and loosed the sorowes of death: because it was impossyble that he shuld be holden of yt. This certefyeth and teacheth us, that Christ is truly rysen from death. And, as saynt Paul sayth, Lyke as he dyed for our synnes, so is he rysen agayne for our justificatyon. To this agreeth our gospell, Luke 24, that we have nowe in bande: which begynneth after this maner. Two of them went the same daye to a towne called Emaus, etc. the one of them named Cleophas, etc.
These 2 wanderynge, after that theyr master had bene put to death, Christ beynge rysen came unto them; wherin is shewed his unspeakable mercy, seinge these 2 persons thus walkynge and wanderynge in their infydelyte and ygnorance, withdrewe not him selfe, but shewed the fyrye love and burnynge charyte that he had, which seketh the welth of his people.
Notwithstandynge that they had heard his former prechynge, ye, and certene wemene sayde they made us astoned that tolde us he was rysen, and that they had sene an angell. Soche is the wonderfull workynge of God, that not alonely by him selfe, but also by wemen and angelles, sheweth and declareth unto us his resurreccyon, and that so evydently that it cannot be denyed nor doubted of. And nowe that he is rysene, they enter into communycacyon; and he dyssembleth him selfe after soche a sorte, as though he had bene a straunger, etc. And he sayde unto them, what is your communycacyon? Here is yet to be noted, that these men, although they were not perfyt, yet were not utterly to he condempned, for they had a good hope in Christ, althought yt was not perfyt. To be short, because I have other thinges in hand. In conclusyon, they come to the towne, and he eateth with them, and in the waye dyd interpretate the scryptures unto them; which apere in the Actes, by Peter, that learned of his master howe he shuld declare by the scryptures that it behoved Chryst to suffer and to ryse agayn. Here ye se howe that Christ hath sought occasyons, by these dysciples, not only to shewe the truthe of his resurreccyon to them, but also in them to shewe the same unto th’other apostles, and so to the whole worlde. It proffytethe therfore toothe, to be where true preachers of Godes word is. So that he, that wylbe a perfyte and true Christen man, must use the fassyon that these men dyd; that is, to talke of Christ, and reade his woorde, and here yt preached, and to use the company of soche as have the knowledge therof. At lenght yet he rebuketh them, sayenge, O fooles and slowe of heart, etc.: but to be short, he eateth with them, and breaketh breed, and by the brekyng of breed they knewe him. There are some that saye, that he was there in soche a sorte that they coulde not knowe him; but that I leave to other. S. Austyn and Theophylacte interpretate the same breed to be his bodye: which thyng also I leave to the judgment of other, that are better learned then I. For I do not thynke that he did ministre here the most blessed sacrament of the alter. Notwithstandynge, for so moche as they be S. Austyns wordes, and Theophylact, I shall be contente to alowe th[em] as good sentences, and maye be suffred. But, as I sayde, yt is not lyke. for so toothe as these men were so ignorant and remayned in infydelyte, that Christ wolde give them his bodye.
Other there are, which thynke that it was a thinge that Christ used often, to breke breed after that maner. Well, howsoever yt were, yt apereth playnly that their eyes were opened. And that he was very man in dede, apereth by the evangelyst Luke, which wytnessith that he dyd eate with them. Which declareth that: he had not a phantasticall bodye, as some heretyckes hath sayde, and also is indede rysene agayne from death unto lyfe.
Nowe the benefyte that we have by our savyour Jesu Christ, I speake of all that are his elect and chosene people, is this, that we are assured, that he dyed for our synnes and is rysene agayne for our justifycacyon, accordynge to the sayenge of saynt Paul, “Quemadmodum etc.” For as by Adam all dye, so by Christ shall all be made alyve. Whetfore saythe Paul. 1. Thessalonians 4. I wolde not have you to sorowe as other doo which have no hope, for yf we beleve that Jesus dyed and rose agayne, even so them also which slepe by Jesus, wyll God brynge agayne with him. The benefyte then of Christ is this, that he is rysen, and we that are elect shall ryse agayne by him, and raygne with him in the kyngdome of heaven.
Yet I protest unto you, that this manet of prechynge doth not teache you that you maye nowe lye downe ydlye and do nothynge, or that ye maye lyre in your lusts and pleasures, doynge what ye wyll, as though there were nether God nor lawe that teacheth you any good lyvynge. I wolde all soche that are so mynded shuld be well assured, that Christ nether dyed nor yet ryse agayne for any soche; as I trust there are none that erre so farre, yet it is reported that there are, but I hope not. Notwithstandynge, for asmoch as I am howe come to errours, I shall, for the removyng of certen or I go any farther, saye thus moche unto you.
I preached unto you on Mydlent sondaye, at Paules Crosse, in which sermone were contayned these sentences, that 1 spake there of Sara, whych I sayde was a frewoman, and sygnifyed the churche, which bare fre childerne with out any condycyon, leavynge oute fayth baptyme and repentance. Thorowe the which doctryne, yf any man hath conceaved that I shuld utterly despyse these thynges, and saye that these thynges also are not necessary, I shall desyer them evene nowe, that as at the fyrst by so teachynge they erred, that they will nowe with me revoke the same errour: which in dede I knowledge to be erronyous, ye, and dampnable, to saye that it is without condycion, as that we are so frely R. [received ] into the churche that we should not have fayth baptyme and repentance.
Also I sayde, that no magistrate myght alter any doctryne that pertayned to our fayth. Where as in this I shuld seine to speke agaynst the power of the magistrates, that make lawes for the confyrmacyon of honest and indyffereut thinges, I knowledge it in that poynt to be erronyous. And lyke as I renounce and detest the other sentence, so do I this in lyke maner, and utterly abhorre yt frome my heart. And in a serraone that I made at Bartylmewtyde, of the which I am justly by the ordre of the lawe condempned, that is to saye, by wytnesses sworne, that I shuld there revyle the burgeoses of the Parlyament, callynge them butterflyes, ye, and knaves: which in dede myght geve occasyon that the people shuld not esteme them nor their doynges, nor have regarde unto the magistrates that calleth soche to his Parlyament: which wordes I confesse to be very undysscretely spokene, ye, and naughtely spoken. And for that, that by this my foly no man shuld contynue in evyll, yf they have takelie evyll by me, I moost hartely desyet them that evene with me they wyll utterly detest them; and so do I; and let them not thynke no shame so to doo. For as for me, my name is not of no soche reputacyon, nether my learnynge so great, nor judgement so excellent, but that beynge in dede not learned, maye erre with the great.
A commendacyon of the Kynges highnes.
The bedes.
The prayers.
Accordynge to my promise, I have determyned to saye somewhat ***** [Here the MS. ends abruptly, one-third short of the foot of the and the following page is blank.] (Indorsed thus on p. 284 — ) Jerome & Barnes.
NO. 22.
ACTA ET PROCESSUS CONTRA JOHANNEM FRYTH HERETICUM OBSTINATUM ET IMPENITENTEM. (From the Stokesley Register, second Series of folios, 71.) [Die veneris vicesimo viz. die mensis Junii Anno dni.millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo tertio Reverendus Pater dnus. Johannes London Epus., in loco consistorii (assistentibus sibi reverendis patribus dominis Johanne Lincoln. et Stephano Winton respective epis.) judicialiter sedens ac in negotio inquisitionis hereticae pravitatis contra quendam Johannem Fryth procedens, ministravit et objecit articulos sive interrogatoria sequent, contra eundem Johannem Fryth conjunctim et divisim in scriptis hereticam pravitatem concernentes, viz.: IN PRIMIS quod tu dixisti asseruisti affirmasti credidisti et pertinaciter defendisti quod in venerabili sacramento Eucharistiae non continetur realiter corpus Christi, sed quod sit tantum figura sive Memoria corporis Christi. Et ministramus omnia et singula contenta in articulo hujusmodi conjunctim et divisim. ITEM quod hanc tuam opionem scripsisti et in libellis manu tua redegisti ac eosdem libellos allis legendos et discendos tradidisti: et ministramus ut supra. AD quos quidem duos articulos sive duo interrogatoria preceden. dictus Johannes Fryth respondebat prout sequitur Fryth thynketh and judgeth that the naturall bodie of Christe is not in the Sacrament of the Aulter. But in oone place only at oons. Item he sayth that neyther parte is a necessary article of our faithe Whether the naturall bodie be in the Sacrament or not.
Et Idem Johannes Frith subscripsit responsis suis manu sua his verbis Ego Frithus ita sentio, et quemadmodum sentio ita dixi scripsi asserui et affirmavi. ITEM quod tu dixisti sentiisti asseruisti affirmasti et defendisti quod nullum est purgatorium animabus defunetorum post hanc vitam: et ministramus ut supra. ITEM. quod tu hanc opinionem tuam de purgatorio negato in libello manu vestra scripsisti ac eundem libellum imprimi fecisti ac sic impressum publicasti seu publicari fecisti: et ministramus ut supra conjunctim et divisim. AD istos articulos dictus Fryth sic respondit — Fryth thinketh and judgeth that there is noo purgatory for the sowle after that it is departed from the bodie. And as he thinketh herin so hath he sayed affirmed defended and written. Howbeit he thinketh nether parte to be an article of the faithe necessaryly to be beleved undre the payne of dampnation. ET dictus Fryth subscripsit manu sua responsis suis hiis verbis, Ego Frithus ita sentio et quemadmodum sentio ita dixi asserui et affirmavi et in libellis meis publicavi. QUIBUS quidem responsis suis ad articulos predictos per ipsum Johannem Fryth ut praemittitur factis et per eum manu sua propria subscriptis et signatis, praefatus Johannes Fryth admonitus fuit et consultus diversis racionibus et argumentis sacrae scripturae, ut redeat ad unitatem fidei et fidem suam in sacramento altaris recognoscat: dixit idem Johannes, quod recognovit fidem suam prout continebatur in confessione sua manu sua subscripta. Deinde interrogatus fatebatur quod natus fuit in Cantia et baptizatus fuit apud Westram Cant. dioc. et quod venit ultimo a partibus ultramarinis circiter festum sancti Jacobi ultimo praeterit. et quod fuit in Anglia in quadragesima ad duos annos elapsos, Interrogatus dixit quod non recordatus se scripsisse aliquas literas alicui personae in illa quadragesima aut circiter festum purificationis.
Et deinde Reverendus pater London epus. admonuit eundem Johannem Fryth, benigne exhortando eundem ut redeat ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae et se submittat et abjurer. Et idem dixit sic in effectu: to be brought to beleve that the sacrament of thaulter is an article of our faithe I will not: sayeng fiat judicium cum justicia. Consequenter dictus Reverendus pater London Epus. iterum atque iterum ac saepius requisivit ipsum Johannem Fryth, quatenus renunciet erroribus suis ac redeat ad unitatem catholicae fidei et abjurer. Sicque consultus et admonitus fuit per praefatos Reverendos patres Winton et Lincoln. epos. ac alios probos et graves viros tam spirituales quam temporales ibidem praesentes: dictus tamen Johannes Fryth sic requisitus exhortatus admonitus et consultus non curavit redire ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae sed in heresibus suis pertinaciter (ut apparuit) persistebat. Unde praefatus Reverendus pater London. epus. cum dolore cordis (ut asseruit), habita matura deliberacione deque et cum consilio et consensu tam praefatorum Reverendorum patrum eporum. predictorum eidem Reverendo patri London epo. in ea parte assistentium quam aliorum tam theologorum quam jurisperitorum ibidem praesentium, processit ad prolacionem sententiae diffinitivae contra dictum Johannem Frythe: Ac sententiam legit et tulit diffinitivam in scriptis contra eum, per quam inter caetera ipsum Johannem Frythe hereticum fuisse et esse judicavit, ac ipsum sententialiter et diffinitive condempnavit, necnon potestati seculari ibidem praesenti viz: domino Stephano Pecock majori Civitatis London et Johanni Marten uni vicecomitum ejusdem civitatis reliquit, ac cetera fecit prout in eadem sententia continetur: Cujus tenor sequitur in haec verba. IN DEI NOMINE,AMEN. nos Johannes permissione divina London epus. in causa hereticae pravitatis contra te Johannem Fryth nostrae jurisdictionis coram nobis in judicio publice diffamatum ex officio nostro mero auctoritate nostra ordinaria cum pio favore rite et legitime procedentes, auditis visis et intellectis cognitisque et rimatis ac matura deliberacione discussis dictae causae sive negocii meritis servatisque per nos de jure in hac parte servandis, pro tribunali sedentes, Christi nomine primitus invocato ac ipsum solum. Deum prae oculis habentes, Quia per acta inactitata deducta allegata proposita et exhibita in eodem negocio ac per tuam confessionem coram nobis in hac parte judicialiter factam et emissam [comperimus] te quosdam errores hereses et dampnatas opiniones contra determinacionem sanctae matris ecclesiae ac ejusdem sanctae matris ecclesiae nostrae dogmata et maxime contra venerabile sacramentum eucharistiae dixisse asseruisse affirmasse tenuisse sentisse et pertinaciter defendisse: Et quamvis nos Christi vestigiis inherendo, qui non vult mortem peccatoris sed magis ut convertatur et vivat, saepenumero conati fuimus te corrigere ac viis et modis licitis et canonicis admonicionibusque saluberrimis quibus potuimus aut scivimus ad fidem orthodoxam per universalem catholicam et apostolicam ecclesiam determinatam et observatam ac ad unitatem sanctae matris nostrae ecclesiae reducere, tamen invenimus te adeo durae cervicis quod tuos errores hereses et dampnatas opiniones hujusmodi sponte et continuo detestari et ad fidem orthodoxam in unitatem sanctae matris ecclesiae debite revertere et redire nolueris, sed tanquam iniquitatis et tenebrarum filius in tantum indurasti cor tuum ut non velis intelligere vocem tui pastoris tibi paterno compatientis affectu, nec velis piis et paternis monicionibus allici nec salubribus reduci exhortationibus: nos vero nolentes quod tu qui nequam es fias nequior et gregem dominicum infuturum tua hereticae pravitatis labe (de qua plurimum timemus) inficias — Idcirco nos Johannes epus. antedictus te praefatum Johannem Fryth, demeritis atque culpis tuis per tuam dampnabilem pertinaciam aggravatis, de et super detestabili hereticae pravitatis reatu confessum et ad gremium et unitatem sanctae matris nostrae ecclesiae penitentialiter redire nolentem, hereticum obstinatum impenitentem et incorrigibilem judicamus, ac finaliter et diffinitive condempnamus: Ac te fuisse et esse de jure excommunicatum denunciamus: Necnon pro excommunicato pronunciamus et declaramus: et a foro ecclesiae to hereticum ejiciendum, secularisque potestatis arbitrio sive curiae seculari relinquendum fore debere decernimus et pronunciamus.
Ac te eidem seculari potestati hic praesenti et eorum arbitrio relinquimus; Rogantes attente in visceribus Jhesu Christi, ut hujusmodi dignae severitatis ultio et executio de te et contra te in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur, ut non sit rigor rigidus neque mansuetudo dissoluta. Sed ad salutem animae tuae et hereticorum extirpacionem metum et terrorem, et eorum conversionem ad catholicae fidei unitatem per hanc nostram sententiam diffinitivam sive hoc nostrum finale decretum, quam sive quod ferimus et promulgamus in hiis scriptis.
Concrematus fuit iste Fryth 4to Julii Anno dni. predicto in Smythfeld: cum eo quidam Andreas Huett quietiam negavit sacramentum altaris.
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