BOOK 9. Containing THE ACTS AND THINGS DONE IN THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH. EDWARD THE SIXTH.

AMONG2 other rough storms and bloisterous persecutions which we have passed through since the beginning of this history, wading also through dangerous tempests of king Henry’s time (as being come out from the rocks and waves of a terrible sea), now we have brought the course of this story, through the goodness and suppuration of Christ our Lord, to the mild and halcyon days of king Edward the Sixth; as into a haven of fairer and calmer weather. For like as the seas, so also the land, hath oft times his rages and also tranquillity.

Although it cannot be denied but king Henry, the noble father of this worthy prince, deserved also praise and renown for his valiant and virtuous beginning, yet, if he had proceeded so heartily, according as happily he began; and, like as he only cracked the pope’s crown, and rased his name, so, if he had clean dispossessed him of all: — or, as he had once got the victory over him, so, if he had pursued his victory got, and (as it was preached before him at Greenwich), “like as he had once unhorsed the pope, and put him out of the saddle, so, if he had also taken away his trappers and stirrups, whereby the prelates went about to set him on his horse again:” then had his acts, joining a perfect end to his godly beginning, deserved a firm memory of much commendation, with the saving of many a poor man’s life. But that which the father, either could not, or durst not bring to perfection, that the son most worthily did accomplish, or rather the grace of Christ by him; who, succeeding after his father, reigned over the kingdom of England the space of six years in much tranquillity: of whose worthy virtues and prudent sentences, with other ornaments of his singular towardness, hereafter shall follow (Christ so permitting), more to be expressed at large, when we come to his death, according as the order of history requireth, and as we may be informed thereof by the relation of them that were about him.

After or about the death, therefore, of king Henry, the duke of Norfolk the same time being committed unto the Tower, and his son, the earl of Surrey, shortly after beheaded; for what offense, because as yet it is unknown to me, I commit it unto the Lord, who, as [He] knoweth all things perfectly, so, shall [He] judge all things righteously. God grant that the doings of all men may be such, that, either they may stand in his judgment through uprightness, or else may obtain mercy through repentance!

Next after the death of king Henry, succeeded king Edward his son, being of the age of nine years. He began his reign the 28th day of January A.D. 1547; and reigned six years, five months, and nine days; and deceased A.D. 1558, the 6th day of July.

Of the excellent virtues and singular graces of king Edward, wrought in him by the gift of God, although nothing can be said enough to his commendation, yet, because the renowned fame of such a worthy prince shall not utterly pass our story without some grateful remembrance, I thought, in few words, to touch some little portion of his praise, taken out of the great heaps of matter, which might be inferred. For, to stand upon all that might be said of him, it would be too long; and yet to say nothing, it were too much unkind. If kings and princes, who have wisely and virtuously governed, have found in all ages writers to solemnize and celebrate their acts and memory, such as never knew them, nor were subject unto them, how much then are we Englishmen bound not to forget our duty to king Edward: a prince, although but tender in years, yet for his sage and mature ripeness in wit and all princely ornaments, as I see but few to whom he may not be equal, so, again, I see not many, to whom he may not justly be preferred.

And here, to use the example of Plutarch, in comparing kings and rulers, the Latins with the Greeks together, if I should seek with whom to match this noble Edward, I find not with whom to make my match more aptly, than with good Josias: for, as the one began his reign at eight years of his age, so the other began at nine. Neither were their acts and zealous proceedings in God’s cause much discrepant: for as mild Josias plucked down the hill altars, cut down the groves, and destroyed all monuments of idolatry in the temple, the like corruptions, dross, and deformities of popish idolatry (crept into the church of Christ of long time), this evangelical Josias, king Edward, removed and purged out of the true temple of the Lord. Josias restored the true worship and service of God in Jerusalem, and destroyed the idolatrous priests! King Edward likewise, in England, abolishing idolatrous masses and false invocation, reduced again religion to a right sincerity; and more would have brought to perfection, if life and time had answered to his godly purpose. And though he killed not, as Josias did, the idolatrous sacrificers, yet he put them to silence, and removed them out of their places.

Moreover, in king Josias’s days the holy Scripture and book of God’s Word was utterly neglected and cast aside, which he most graciously repaired and restored again. And did not king Edward the like, with the selfsame book of God’s blessed word, and with other wholesome books of Christian doctrine, which before were decayed and extinguished in his father’s days, by sharp laws and severe punishments, here in England?

Briefly, in all points and respects, between him and this our godly king no odds are to be found, but only in length of time and reign; who, if he might have reached (by the sufferance of God) to the continuance of Josias’s reign; proceeding in those beginnings which in his youth appeared, no doubt but of his acts and doings some great perfection would have ensued to this church and realm. But the manifold iniquities of Englishmen deserved another plague, as after fell amongst us; as in sequel of the story hereafter (God willing) shall be declared.

In the mean time, to proceed in the excellent virtues of this Christian young Josias (as we have begun), although neither do we know, nor will leisure serve us to stand upon a full description of, all his acts; yet will we (God willing) give a little taste of the noble nature and princely qualities of this king, whereby the reader may esteem with himself, what is to be thought of the rest of his doings, though they be not here all expressed.

And first, to begin with that which is the chiefest property of all other extern things in a prince to be considered, that is, to be loved of his subjects: such were the hearts of all English people toward this king inclined, and so toward him still continued, as never came prince in this realm more highly esteemed, more amply magnified, or more dearly and tenderly beloved of all his subjects; but especially of the good and the learned sort: and yet not so much beloved, as also admirable, by reason of his rare towardness and hope both of virtue and learning, which in him appeared above the capacity of his years. And as he was entirely of his subjects beloved, so with no less goodwill he loved them again; of nature and disposition meek, and much inclined to clemency. He always spared and favored the life of man; as once appeared in a certain dissertation of his had with Master Cheek, in favoring the life of heretics; insomuch that when Joan Butcher 3 should be burned, all the council could not move him to put to his hand, but were fain to get Dr. Cranmer 4 to persuade with him, and yet neither could he, with much labor, induce the king so to do; saying, “What, my lord? will ye have me to send her quick to the devil in her error?” So that Dr. Cranmer himself confessed, that he had never so much to do in all his life, as to muse the king to put to his hand, saying, that he would lay all the charge thereof upon Cranmer before God. There wanted in him no promptness of wit, gravity of sentence, ripeness of judgment.

Favor and love of religion was in him from his childhood. Such an organ, given of God to the church of England, he was, as England had never better. Over and besides these notable excellencies and other great virtues in him, add, moreover, skill and knowledge of tongues, and other sciences, whereunto he seemed rather born, than brought up.

Moreover, there wanted not in him,’ to this felicity of wit and dexterity of nature, like happiness of institution of good instructors; neither did there lack again in him any diligence to receive that which they would teach him; insomuch that in the midst of all his play and recreation, he would always observe and keep his hour appointed to his study, using the same with much attention, till time called him again from his book to pastime. In this his study and keeping of his hours, he did so profit, that Dr. Cranmer, the archbishop then of Canterbury, beholding his towardness, his readiness in both tongues, in translating from Greek to Latin, from Latin to Greek again; in declaiming with his school-fellows without help of his teachers, and that ex tempore; would weep for joy, declaring to Dr. Cox, his schoolmaster, that he would never have thought that to have been in him, except he had seen it himself.

To recite here his witty sentences, his grave reasons, which many times did proceed from him, and how he would sometimes, in a matter discoursed by his council, add thereunto, of his own, more reasons and causes, touching the said matter, than they themselves had or could devise, it was almost incredible in that age to see, and tedious here to prosecute.

This in him may seem notorious and admirable, that he, in these immature years, could tell and recite all the ports, havens, and creeks, not within his own realm only, but also in Scotland, and likewise in France; what coming in there was; how the tide served in every haven or creek; moreover, what burden, and what wind, served the coming into the haven.

Also, of all his justices, magistrates, gentlemen that bare any authority within his realm, he knew their names, their housekeeping, their religion, and conversation, what it was. Few sermons, or none, in his court, especially in the lord protector’s time, but he would be at them. Again, never was he present at any commonly, but he would excerpt them, or note them with his own hand.

Besides and above all other notes and examples of his commendation, as touching the chiefest point which ought most to touch all men, for the maintaining, promoting, preferring, embracing, zealing, and defending the true cause and quarrel of Christ’s holy gospel, what was his study, his zealous fervency, his admirable constancy therein, by this one example following, amongst many others, may notably appear.

In the days of this king Edward VI., Charles the emperor made request to the said king and his council, to permit lady Mary (who after succeeded in the crown) to have mass in her house without prejudice of the law. And the council, on a time, sitting upon matters of policy, having that in question, sent Cranmer, then archbishop of Canterbury, and Ridley, then bishop of London, to entreat the king for the same; who, coming to his grace, alleged their reasons, and persuasions for the accomplishing thereof.

So the king, hearing what they could say, replied his answer again out of the Scriptures so groundedly, gravely, and fully, that they were enforced to give place to his replication, and grant the same to be true. Then they, after long debating in this manner with his majesty, labored politicly in another sort, and alleged what dangers the denying thereof might bring to his grace; what breach of amity on the emperor’s part; what troubles, what unkindness, and what occasions sundry ways it would enforce, etc. Unto whom the king answered, willing them to content themselves; for he would (he said) spend his life, and all he had, rather than agree and grant to what he knew certainly to be against the truth: which when the bishops heard, notwithstanding, they urged him still to grant, and would by no means have his nay. Then the good king, seeing their importunate suit, that needs they would have his majesty to consent thereto, in the end, his tender heart bursting out into bitter weeping and sobbing, he desired them to be content; whereat the bishops themselves, seeing the king’s zeal and constancy, wept as fast as he, and took their leave of his grace. And coming from him, the archbishop took Master Cheek, his schoolmaster, by the hand, and said, “Ah! Master Cheek, you may be glad all the days of your life, that you have such a scholar, for he hath more divinity in his little finger, than all we have in all our bodies.” Thus the lady Mary’s mass, for that time, was stayed.

Over and besides these heavenly graces and virtues, most chiefly to be required in all faithful and Christian magistrates who have governance of Christ’s flock, neither was he also unprovided with such outward gifts and knowledge, as appertain to the governance of his realm politic; insomuch that he was neither inexpert nor ignorant of the exchange, and all the circumstances of the same touching doings beyond the sea: but was as skillful in the practices, and could say as much thereof, as the chiefest doers in his affairs. Likewise, in the entertaining of ambassadors; to whom he would give answer, and that to every part of their oration, to the great wonder of them that heard, doing that in his tender years by himself, which many princes, at their mature age, seldom are wont to do but by others. And as he was a great noter of things that pertained to princely affairs, so had he a chest severally to himself, for every year, for the keeping of such records and matters as passed, and were concluded by the council; of whom also he would require a reason and cause of every thing that should pass their judgments: and of this chest he would evermore keep the key about him. His notes also he ciphered in Greek letters, to the end that those that waited upon him, should not read or know what he had written. He had, moreover, great respect to justice, and to the dispatch of poor men’s suits, and would appoint hours and times with Master Cox, then master of his requests, how, and by what order, they might be sped in their causes without long delays and attendance; and so also debate with him, that their matters might be heard and judged with equity accordingly.

What Jerome Cardan saith of him, concerning his knowledge in liberal sciences, I thought here to express in his own words, both in Latin 6 and English, so much the rather, because he speaketh of his own experiment, and upon the present talk which he had with the king himself.

THE WORDS OF CARDANUS IN COMMENDATION OF KING EDWARD.

There was in him a towardly disposition and pregnancy, apt to all human literature; as who, being yet a child, had the knowledge of divers tongues, first of the English, his own natural tongue, of the Latin also, and of the French; neither was he ignorant (as I hear) of the Greek, Italian, and Spanish tongues, and of other languages, peradventure, more: in his own, in the French, and in the Latin tongue, singularly perfect, and with the like facility apt to receive all others. Neither was he ignorant in logic, in the principles of natural philosophy, or in music. There was in him lacking neither humanity (the image of our mortality), a princely gravity and majesty, nor any kind of towardness beseeming a noble king.

Briefly, it might seem a miracle of nature, to behold the excellent wit and forwardness that appeared in him, being yet but a child.

This I speak not rhetorically, to amplify things, or to make them more than truth is; yea, the truth is more than I do utter.

Being yet but fifteen years of age, he asked of me, in Latin (in which tongue he uttered his mind no less readily and eloquently than I could do myself), what my books which I had dedicated unto him, ‘De Varietate Rerum,’ did contain. I said, that in the first chapter was showed the cause of comets, or blazing stars, which hath been long sought for, and yet hitherto scarce fully found. ‘What cause,’ said he, ‘is that? ‘ ‘The concourse or meeting,’ said I, ‘of the light of the wandering planets and stars.’ To this the king thus replied again: Forasmuch, said he, as the motion of the stars keepeth not one course, but is divers and variable, by continued alteration, how is it, then, that the cause of these comets either doth not quickly evade and vanish, or that the comet doth not keep one certain and uniform course and motion with the said stars and planets?’ Whereunto I answered, that the comet hath his course and moving, but much more swift than they, because of the diversity of aspect; as we see in crystal, and in the sun, when the form of the rainbow reboundeth on the wall: for a little mutation maketh a great difference of place. Then said the king, ‘And how can that be, having no subject: for of the rainbow the wall is the subject?’ ‘Like,’ said I, ‘as in lactea via, 7 or in reflection of lights; as, where many candles be lighted and set near together, in the middle they cause a certain bright and white lightsomeness to appear,’ etc.

And so, by this little trial, a great guess may be given, what was in this king; in whom, no doubt, was a great hope and expectation amongst all good and learned men, both for the ingenious forwardness, and amiable sweetness, which in his conditions appeared. First, he began to love and favor liberal arts and sciences before he knew them, and to know them before he could use them; whose mortal condition, and sudden decease and decay, in those tender and unripe years, not only England, but all the world hath cause to lament. O how truly is it said of the poet, ‘Things that be exceeding excellent, Be not commonly long permanent.’ A show or sight only of excellency he could give us: example he could not give. Where a kingly majesty required gravity, there you should have seen him a sage and an old man; and yet gentle and pleasant also, according as the condition of his age then required.

He played well upon the lute; he had also, to do in handling of weighty affairs of the realm. He was liberal and bountiful in heart; and therein he imitated his father, etc.

CARMEN EPITAPHIUM CARDANI, IN OBITUM REGIS EDWARDI. ‘Flere nefas magnum; sed toto flebitis orbe, Mortales; vester corruit omnis honor.

Nam regum decus, et juvenum flos, spesque; bonorum, Deliciae secli, et gloria gentis erat.

Dignus Apollineis lachrymis, doctaeque Minervae Flosculus, heu misere! concidis ante diem.

Te tumulo dabimus Musae, supremaque flentes Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet.’ Thus, after the godly disposition and properties of this king briefly in this wise declared, now, God willing, we will intermeddle something to describe the order and proceedings which he followed in his administration and government of both the states, as well politic, as especially ecclesiastic; who, after the decease of his father coming unto the crown, because he was of young and tender age, he was committed to sixteen governors. Amongst them, especially the lord Edward Seymour, duke of Somerset, his uncle, was assigned and joined to him, as protector and overseer of him and of the commonwealth; a man not so highly advanced for his consanguinity, as also for his noble virtues; and, especially for his favor to God’s word, worthy of his vocation and calling. Through the endeavor and industry of this man, first that monstrous hydra with six heads (the Six Articles, I mean), which devoured up so many men before, was abolished and taken away: by reason whereof the counsels and proceedings of Winchester began to decay, who, storming at the same matter, wrote to the lord protector in the cause thereof, as by his letters is to be seen.

The holy Scriptures he restored to the mother tongue. Masses he extinguished and abolished. Furthermore, after softer beginnings, by little and little, greater things followed in the reformation of the churches. Then such as before were in banishment for the danger of the truth, were again received to their country. To be short, a new face of things began now to appear, as it were in a stage, new players coming in, the old being thrust out; for the most part the bishops of churches and dioceses were changed: such as had been dumb prelates before, were then compelled to give place to others then, that would preach and take pains.

Besides others also, out of foreign countries, men of learning and notable knowledge were sent for and received, among whom was Peter Martyr, 9 Martin Bucer, 10 and Paulus Phagius; 11 of whom the first taught at Oxford, the other two professed at Cambridge, and that with no small commendation of the whole university. Of the old bishops some were committed to one ward, some to another. Bonner, bishop of London, was committed to the Marshalsea, and eftsoons, for his contempt and misdemeanor, deposed from his bishopric, as in further process followeth to be seen. Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, with Tonstal, bishop of Durham, was cast into the Tower for his disobedience, where he kept his Christmas five years together; more worthy of some other place without the Tower, if it had not otherwise pleased God to have meant a further plague to this realm, by that man.

But these meek and gentle times of king Edward, under the government of this noble protector, have this one commendation proper unto them, that amongst the whole number of the popish sort, of whom some privily did steal out of the realm, many were crafty dissemblers, some were open and manifest adversaries; yet, of all that multitude, there was not one man that lost his life. In sum, during the whole time of the six years of this king, much tranquillity, and, as it were, a breathing-time, was granted to the whole church of England: so that the rage of persecution ceasing, and the sword taken out of the adversaries’ hand, there was now no danger to the godly, unless it were only by wealth and prosperity, which many times bringeth more damage in corrupting men’s minds, than any time of persecution or affliction.

Briefly, during all this time, neither in Smithfield nor any other quarter of this realm, were any heard to suffer for any matter of religion, either papist or protestant, either for one opinion or another, except only two, one an Englishwoman, called Joan of Kent, and the other a Dutchman, named George, who died for certain articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed.

Besides these two, there was none else in all king Edward’s reign, that died in any manner or cause of religion, but one Thomas Dobbe, who, in the beginning of this king’s reign was apprehended and imprisoned for speaking against the idolatry of the mass, and in the same prison died; as in the story here ensueth to be seen.

This Thomas Dobbe, being a student and a master of arts in Cambridge, was brought up in the college called St. John’s college, an fellow of the same; where he increased in the study of good letters, among his equals very forward, of nature and disposition simple and modest, of zeal toward God fervent, patient in injuries, injurious to no man; of much like sort and condition as in doves, which, without all bitterness of gall, are more apt to receive injury than to work wrong to any. At length this godly man, intending with himself and addicting his mind to the Christian state of matrimony, resorted to a certain maiden not far off where he dwelt: for the which cause he was greatly molested, and wickedly abused, by three of that college, whose names were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tayler, who with their malicious handling, scornful dealing, opprobries, rebukes, and contumelies, so much vexed the virtuous simplicity of the man, that they never left him, till at length they wearied him out of the college: who there having no rest or quietness, by reason of the unreasonable and virulent handling of his adversaries, was compelled to seek some other place, wherein to settle himself. Upon the occasion whereof coming up unto London, it chanced him to pass through Paul’s church, where it happened that at the south side of the church, at the same time, there was a priest at mass (more busy than well occupied), being at the elevation as he passed by. The young man replete with godly zeal, pitying the ignorance and idolatry of the people, in honoring that so devoutly which the priest lifted up, was not able to forbear, but, opening his mouth, and turning to the people, he exhorted them not to honor the visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet ordained of God to be honored, etc.; with such other words more of Christian information. For this cause, straightway, he was apprehended by the mayor, and afterwards accused to the archbishop of Canterbury, and committed to the Compter, then in Bread-street, where he not long continued, but, falling into a sickness, how or whereupon I cannot tell, shortly upon the same changed this mortal life: whose pardon, notwithstanding, was obtained of the lord protector, and should have been brought him, if he had continued. And thus much concerning Thomas Dobbe and others.

Over and besides, I find that in the first year of the reign of king Edward, which was A.D. 1547, there was one John Hume, servant to Master Lewnax, of Wressel, apprehended, accused, and sent up to the archbishop of Canterbury, by the said Master Lewnax, his master, and Margaret Lewnax, his mistress, for these articles. 1. First, for denying the sacrament (as it was then called) of the altar, to be the real flesh and blood of Christ. 2. For saying that he would never veil his bonnet unto it, to be burned therefor. 3. For saying that if he should hear mass, he should be damned.

For this was he sent up by his master and mistress aforesaid, with special letters unto the archbishop, requiring him severely to be punished by the law for the same. But, because I find no execution following thereupon, I therefore pass over this story of him.

These things premised, when this virtuous and godly young prince (indued as you have heard with special graces from God) was now peaceably established in his kingdom, and had a council about him, grave, wise, and zealous in God’s cause, especially his uncle the duke of Somerset, he then most earnestly likewise desired, as well the advancement of the true honor of Almighty God, and the planting of his sincere religion, as also the utter suppression and extirpation of all idolatry, superstition, hypocrisy, and other enormities and abuses, throughout his realms and dominions: and therefore following, as is before expressed, the good example of king Josias, he determined forthwith to enter into some reformation of religion in the church of England. And, forasmuch as at his first entry (notwithstanding his father’s good beginning, in abolishing the usurped power of Antichrist), he yet found most of his laws greatly repugning against this his zealous enterprise, he therefore purposed, by the advice of his said wise and honorable council, and of his own regal power and authority, somewhat to prosecute his godly purpose, until such time as by consent of the whole estate of parliament, he might establish a more free, perfect, and uniform order therein.

Whereupon, intending first a general visitation over all the bishoprics within his realm (thereby as well to understand, as also to redress the abuses in the same), he chose out certain wise, learned, discreet, and worshipful personages, to be his commissioners in that behalf; and so, dividing them into several companies, assigned unto them several dioceses to be visited; appointing, likewise, unto every company, one or two godly learned preachers, who, at every session, should in their preaching both instruct the people in the true doctrine of the gospel of Christ, and in all love and obedience to the same; and, also, earnestly dehort them from their old superstition and wonted idolatry. And that they might be more orderly directed in this their commission, there were delivered unto them certain injunctions and ecclesiastical orders drawn out by the king’s learned council, which they should both inquire of, and also command in his majesty’s behalf, to be thenceforth observed of every person, to whom they did severally appertain within their sundry circuits.

CERTAIN12 ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS, OR GENERAL INJUNCTIONS, GIVEN BY KING EDWARD TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

The king’s most royal majesty, by the advice of his most (tear uncle the duke of Somerset, lord protector of all his realms, dominions, and subjects, and governor of his most royal person, and the residue of his most honorable council (intending the advancement of the true honor of Almighty God. the suppression of idolatry and superstition throughout all his realms and dominions, and to plant true religion, to the extirpation of all hypocrisy, enormities, and abuses, as to his duty appertaineth): doth minister unto his loving subjects these godly injunctions hereafter following, whereof part were given unto them heretofore by the authority of his most dearly beloved father king Henry the eighth, of most famous memory, and part are now ministered and given by his majesty: all which injunctions his highness willeth and commandeth his said loving subjects, by his supreme authority, obediently to receive, and truly to observe and keep, every man in their offices, degrees, and states, as they will avoid his displeasure, and the pains in the same injunctions hereafter expressed.

The first, that all deans, archdeacons, parsons, vicars, and ecclesiastical persons, shall faithfully keep and observe, and, as far as in them may lye, shall cause to be observed and kept of other, all and singular the laws and statutes made as well for the abolishing and extirpation of the bishop of Rome’s pretensed and usurped power and jurisdiction, as for the establishment and confirmation of the king’s authority, jurisdiction, and supremacy of the church of England and Ireland.

And, furthermore, all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls, shall, to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely, sincerely, and without any color or dissimulation, declare, manifest, and open, four times every year at the least, in their sermons and other collations, that the bishop of Rome’s usurped power and jurisdiction, having no establishment or ground by the law of God, was of most just causes taken away and abolished: and that, therefore, no manner of obedience or subjection within his realms or dominions is due unto him: and that the king’s power, within his realms and dominions, is the highest power under God, to whom all men within the same realms and dominions, by God’s laws, owe most loyalty and obedience, afore and above all other powers and potentates in earth. Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy, crept into divers men’s hearts, may vanish away, they shall not set-forth or extol any images, relics, or miracles, for any superstition or lucre; nor allure the people, by any enticements, to the pilgrimage of any saint or image; but, reproving the same, they shall teach, that all goodness, health, and grace, ought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very author and giver of the same, and of none other. Item, That they, the persons above rehearsed, shall make, or cause to be made, in their churches and every other, cure they have, one. sermon every quarter of the year at the least, whereto they shall purely and sincerely declare the word of God, and in the same exhort the hearers to the works of faith, mercy, and charity, specially prescribed and commanded in Scripture; and that works devised by man’s fantasies, beside Scripture: as wandering to pilgrimages, offering of money, candies, or tapers to relics or images, or kissing and licking of the same, praying upon beads, and such like superstition, have not only no promise of reward in Scripture for doing of them: but, contrariwise, great threats and maledictions of God, for that they be things tending to idolatry and superstition, which, of all other offenses, God Almighty doth most detest and abhor; for that the same diminisheth most his honor and glory. Item, That such images as they know, in any of their cures, to be, or to have been, so abused with pilgrimage or offerings of any thing made thereunto, or that shall be hereafter incensed unto, they, and none other private persons, shall, for the avoiding of that most detestable offense of idolatry, forthwith take down and destroy the same; and shall suffer from henceforth no torches, nor candies, tapers, nor images of wax, to be set afore any image or picture, but only two lights upon the high altar before the sacrament, which, for the signification that Christ is the very true light of the world, they shall suffer to remain still; admonishing their parishioners, that images serve for no other purpose but to be a remembrance, whereby men may be admonished of the holy lives and conversation of them that the said images do represent; which images, if they do abuse for any other intent, they commit idolatry in the same, to the great danger of their souls. Item, That every holy-day throughout the year, where they have no sermon, they shall, immediately after the gospel, plainly recite to their parishioners in the pulpit the pater-noster, the creed, and the ten commandments in English, to the intent the people may learn the same by heart: exhorting all parents and householders to teach their children and servants the same, as they are bound by the law of God, and in consequence, to do. Item, That they shall charge fathers and mothers, masters and governors, to bestow their children and servants, even from their childhood, either in learning, or to some honest exercise, occupation, or husbandry, exhorting and counseling, and by all their ways and means they may, as well in their sermons and collations as others, persuading their said fathers and mothers, masters, and other governors, diligently to provide and foresee, that the youth be in no manner of wise brought up in idleness, lest at any time afterward, for lack of some craft, occupation, or other honest mean to live by, they be driven to begging, stealing, or some other unthriftiness: forasmuch as we may daily see, through sloth and idleness, divers valiant men fall some to begging, and some to theft and murder, which after, brought to calamity and misery, do blame their parents, friends, and governors, which suffered them to be brought up so idly in their youth: whereas, if they had been well brought up in good learning, some occupation, or craft, they should, being rulers of their own household, have profited as well themselves, as divers other persons, to the great commodity and ornament of the commonwealth.

Also, That the said parsons, vicars, and other curates, shall diligently provide, that the sacraments be reverently and duly ministered in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them, in any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realm, or of special license given by the king’s majesty, to be absent from their benefices, they shall leave their cure not to a rude and unlearned person, but to an honest, well learned, and expert curate, that can, by his ability, teach the rude and unlearned of their cure, wholesome doctrine, and reduce them to the right way that do err; and which will also execute their injunctions, and do their duty otherwise, as they are bound to do in every behalf; and accordingly may and will profit their cure no less with good example of living, than with the declaration of the word of God; or else their lack and default shall be imputed unto them, who shall straitly answer for the same, if they do otherwise. And always let them see, that neither they, nor their curates, do seek more their own profit, promotion, or advantage, than the profit of the souls that they have under their cure, or the glory of God.

Also, That they shall provide, within three months next after this visitation, one book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in English, and within one twelvemonth next after the said visitation, the paraphrase of Erasmus, also in English, upon the Gospels, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said church that they have cure of, where their parishioners may most commodiously resort unto, and read the same; the charges of which books shall be rateably well borne, between the person or proprietary, and the parishes aforesaid; that is to say, the one half by the person or proprietary, and the other half by the parishioners. And they shall discourage no man, authorized and licensed thereunto, from the reading of any part of the Bible either in Latin or English, but shall rather conform and exhort every person to read the same as the very lively Word of God, and the special food of man’s soul, that all Christian persons are bound to embrace, believe and follow, if they look to be saved, whereby they may the better know their duties to God; ever gently and charitably exhorting them, and in his majesty’s name straitly charging and commanding them, that, in the reading thereof, no man to reason or contend, but quietly to hear the reader.

Also, the said ecclesiastical persons shall in no wise, at any unlawful time, nor for any other cause than for their honest necessity, haunt or resort to any taverns or ale-houses; and after their dinner or supper they shall not give themselves to drinking or riot, spending their time idly, by day or by night, at dice, cards, tables-playing, or any other unlawful game: but, at all times as they shall have leisure, they shall hear or read somewhat of Holy Scripture, or shall occupy themselves with some honest exercise; and that they always do the things which appertain to honesty with endeavor to profit the common weal, having always in mind, that they ought to excel others in purity of life, and should be examples to the people to live well and Christianly. Item, That they shall, in confessions every Lent, examine every person that cometh to confession, whether they can recite the Articles of their Faith, the Pater-Noster, and the Ten Commandments in English; and hear them say the same particularly: wherein if they be not perfect, they shall declare, then, that every Christian person ought to know the said things before they should receive the blessed sacrament of the altar; and monish them to learn the said necessary things more perfectly; or else they ought not presume to come to God’s board without perfect knowledge and will to observe the same; and if they do, it is at the great peril of their souls, and also to the worldly rebuke that they might incur hereafter by the same.

Also, that they shall admit no man to preach within any their cures, but such as shall appear unto them to be sufficiently licensed thereunto by the king’s majesty, his grace the lord protector, the archbishop of Canterbury, the archbishop of York in his province, or the bishop in his diocese: and such as shall be so licensed they shall gladly receive, to declare the Word of God without any resistance or contradiction.

Also, if they have heretofore declared to their parishioners any thing to the extolling or setting forth of pilgrimages, relics, or images, or lighting of candles, kissing, kneeling, decking of the same images, or any such superstition, they shall now, openly, before the same, recant and reprove the same; showing them, as the truth is, that they did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but were led and seduced by a common error or abuse, crept into the church through the sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.

Also, if they do or shall know any man, within their parish or elsewhere, that is a letter of the Word of God to be read in English, or sincerely preached, or of the execution of these the king’s majesty’s injunctions, or a favorer of the bishop of Rome’s pretensed power, now by the laws of this realm justly rejected, extirped, and taken away, utterly they shall detect and present the same to the king, or his council, or to the justice of the peace next adjoining.

Also, that the parson, vicar, or curate, and parishioners of every parish within this realm, shall, in their churches and chapels, keep one book or register, wherein they shall write the day and year of every wedding, christening, and burial, made within their parish for their time; and so every man succeeding them likewise; and also therein shall write every person’s name, that shall be so wedded, christened, or buried; and, for the safe keeping of the same book, the parish shall be bound to provide, of their common charges, one big coffer, with two locks and keys, whereof the one to remain with the parson, vicar, or curate, and the other with the wardens of every parish, church, or chapel, wherein the said book shall be laid up: which book they shall every Sunday take forth, and, in the presence of the said wardens or one of them, write and record in the same all the weddings, christenings, and burials, made the whole week before; and, that done, to lay up the book in the said coffer, as before: and, for every time that the same shall be omitted, the party that shall be in the fault thereof shall be forfeit to the said church 3s . 4d., to be employed to the poor men’s box of that parish.

Furthermore, because the goods of the church are called the goods of the poor, and, at these days, nothing is less seen, than the poor to be sustained with the same, all parsons, vicars, pensioners, prebendaries, and other beneficed men within this deanery, not being resident upon their benefices, who may dispend yearly pounds and above, either within thin deanery or elsewhere, shall distribute hereafter among their poor parishioners, or other inhabitants there, in the presence of the churchwardens or some other honest men of the parish, the fortieth part of the fruits and revenues of their said benefices, lest they be men worthily noted of ingratitude, who, reserving so many parts to themselves, cannot vouchsafe to impart the fortieth portion thereof among the poor people of that parish, that is so fruitful and profitable to them.

And, to the intent that learned men may hereafter spring the more for the execution of the premises, every parson, vicar, clerk, or beneficed man within this deanery, having yearly to dispend, in benefices and other promotions of the church, a 100 pounds, shall give competent exhibition to one scholar; and for as many hundred pounds more as he may dispend, to so many scholars more, shall give like exhibition in the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or some grammar school; which, after they have profited in good learning, may be pertainers of their patron’s cure and charge, as well in preaching, as otherwise in the execution of their offices; or may, when need shall be, otherwise profit the common weal, with their counsel and wisdom.

Also, that all proprietaries, parsons, vicars, and clerks, having churches, chapels or mansions within this deanery, shall bestow yearly, hereafter, upon the same mansions or chancels of their churches being in decay, the fifth part of their benefices, till they be fully repaired; and the same, so repaired, shall always keep and maintain in good estate. Also, that the said parsons, vicars, and clerks, shall, once every quarter of the year, read these injunctions given unto them, openly and deliberately, before all their parishioners; to the intent that both they may be the better admonished of their duty, and their said parishioners the more moved to follow the same for their part.

Also, forasmuch as, by a law established, every man is bound to pay his tithes, no man shall, by color of duty omitted by the curates, detain their tithes, and so redouble and requite one wrong with another, or be his own judge; but shall truly pay the same as he hath been accustomed, to the parsons, vicars, and curates, without any restraint or diminution. And such lack and default as they can justly find in their parsons and curates, to call for the reformation thereof, at their ordinary’s, and other superior’s hands; who, upon complaint and due proof thereof, shall reform the same accordingly.

Also, that no parson, from henceforth, alter or change the order and manner of any fasting-day that is so commanded, nor of Common Prayer, or divine service, otherwise than is specified in these Injunctions, until such time as the same shall be otherwise ordered and transposed by the king’s authority.

Also, that the parson, vicar, curate, chantry-priest, and stipendiary, being under the degree of a bachelor of divinity, shall provide and have of his own, within three months after this visitation, the New Testament, both in Latin and English, with paraphrase upon the same of Erasmus; and diligently study the same, conferring the one with the other. And the bishops and ordinaries, by themselves or their officers, in their synods and visitations, shall examine the said ecclesiastical persons, how they have profited in the study of Scripture. Also, in the time of high mass, within every church, he that sayeth or singeth the same, shall read, or cause to be read, the epistle and gospel of that mass, in English, and not in Latin, in the pulpit, or in such convenient place as the people may hear the same. And also every Sunday and holyday, they shall plainly and distinctly read, or cause to be read, one chapter of the New Testament in English, in the said place at matins, immediately after the lessons; and at evensong, after Magnificat, one chapter of the Old Testament. And, to the intent the premises may be more conveniently done, the king’s majesty’s pleasure is, that when nine lessons should be read in the church, three of them should he omitted and left out, with their responds; and at evensong-time, the responds, with all the memories, shall be left out, for that purpose.

Also, because those persons which be sick and in peril of death, be oftentimes put in despair by the craft and subtlety of the devil, who is then most busy, and specially with them that lack the knowledge, sure persuasion, and steadfast belief, that they may be made partakers of the great and infinite mercy which Almighty God, of his bountiful goodness and mere liberality, without our deserving, hath offered freely to all persons that put their full trust and confidence in him: therefore, that this damnable vice of despair may be clearly taken away, and firm belief and steadfast hope surely conceived by all their parishioners being in any danger, they shall learn, and have always in a readiness, such comfortable places and sentences of Scripture, as do set forth the mercy, benefits, and goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons; that they may, at all times when necessity shall require, comfort promptly their flock with the lively Word of God, which is the only stay of man’s conscience.

Also, to avoid all contention and strife, which heretofore hath risen amongst the king’s majesty’s subjects in sundry places of his realms and dominions, by reason of fond courtesy, and challenging of places in procession, and also that they may the more quietly hear that which is said or sung, to their edifying, they shall not from henceforth, in any parish church, at any time use any procession about the church or church-yard, or other place; but immediately before high mass, the priests, with others of the choir, shall kneel in the midst of the church, and sing or say plainly or distinctly the Litany which is set forth in English, adding nothing thereto, but as the king’s grace shall hereafter appoint; and, in cathedral or collegiate churches, the same shall be done in such places as our commissaries in our visitation shall appoint. And in the time of the litany, of the high mass, of the sermon, and when the priest readeth the Scripture to the parishioners, no manner of persons, without a just and urgent cause, shall depart out of the church; and all ringing and knolling of bells shall be utterly foreborne for that time, except one bell, in convenient time, to be rung and knolled before the sermon.

Also, like as the people be commonly occupied on the work-day with bodily labor, for their bodily sustenance, so was the holy-day, at the first beginning, godly instituted and ordained, that the people should that day give themselves wholly to God: and whereas, in our time, God is more offended than pleased, more dishonored upon the holy-day, because of idleness, pride, drunkenness, quarrelling, and brawling, which are most used on such days (people, nevertheless, persuading themselves sufficiently to honor God on that day, if they hear Mass and Service, though they understand nothing to their edifying); therefore, all the king’s faithful and loving subjects shall from henceforth celebrate and keep their holy-day according to God’s holy will and pleasure; that is, in hearing the Word of God read and taught; in private and public prayers; in acknowledging their offenses to God; in amendment of the same; in reconciling themselves charitably to their neighbors, where displeasure hath been; in oftentimes receiving the communion of the very body and blood of Christ; in visiting the poor and sick; in using all soberness and godly conversation. Yet, notwithstanding, all parsons, vicars, and curates, shall teach and declare unto their parishioners, that they may, with a safe and quiet conscience, in the time of harvest, labor upon the holy and festival days, and save the thing which God hath sent.

And if, for any scrupulosity, or grudge of conscience, men should superstitiously abstain from working upon those days, that then they should grievously offend and displease God.

Also, forasmuch as variance and contention is a thing which most displeaseth God. and is most contrary to the blessed communion of the body and blood of our Savior Christ, curates shall in no case admit to the receiving thereof, any of their cure and flock, who hath maliciously and openly contended with his neighbor, unless the same do first charitably and openly reconcile himself again, remitting all rancor and malice, whatsoever controversy hath been between them. And, nevertheless, their just titles and rights they may charitably prosecute before such as have authority to hear the same.

Also, that every dean, archdeacon, master of collegiate church, master of hospital, and prebendary, being priest, shall preach by himself personally, twice every year at the least, either in the place where he is entitled, or in some church where he hath jurisdiction, or else which is to the said place appropriate or united.

Also, that they shall instruct and teach in their cures, that no man ought obstinately and maliciously to break and violate the laudable ceremonies of the church, by the king commanded to be observed, as yet not abrogated. And, on the other side, that whosoever doth superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great peril of his soul’s health; as in casting holy water upon his bed, upon images and other dead things; or bearing about him holy bread, or St.

John’s Gospel; or making crosses of wood upon Palm Sunday, in time of reading of the passion; or keeping of private holy-days, as bakers, brewers, smiths, shoemakers, and such others do; or ringing of the holy bells, or blessing with the holy candle, to the intent thereby to be discharged of the burden of sin, or drive away devils, or to put away dreams and fantasies; or in putting trust and confidence of health and salvation in the same ceremonies, when they be only ordained to put us in remembrance of the benefits which we have received by Christ. And if any use them for any other purpose, he grievously offendeth God.

Also, that they shall take away, utterly extinct and destroy, all shrines, coverings of shrines, tables, candlesticks, trindles, or rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and all other monuments of feigned miracles, pilgrimages, idolatry, and superstition, so that there remain no memory of the same on walls , 379 glasses, windows, or elsewhere, within their churches or houses; and they shall exhort all their parishioners to do the like within their several houses.

Also, that the churchwardens, at the common charge of the parishioners, in every church shall provide a comely and honest pulpit, to be set in a convenient place within the same, for the preaching of God’s Word.

Also, they shall provide and have, within three months after this visitation, a strong chest, with a hole in the upper part thereof, to be provided at the cost and charge of the parish, having three keys, whereof one. shall remain in the custody of the parson, vicar, or curate, and the other two, in the custody of the churchwardens, or any other two honest men, to be appointed by the parish from year to year; which chest you shall set and fasten near unto the high altar, to the intent the parishioners should put into it their oblations and alms for their poor neigh bouts. And the parson, vicar, or curate, shall diligently from time to time, and especially when men make their testaments, call upon, exhort, and move their neighbors, to confer and give, as they may well spare, to the said chest; declaring unto them that whereas, heretofore, they have been diligent to bestow much substance otherwise than God commanded, upon pardons, pilgrimages, trentals, decking of images, offering of candles, giving to the friars, and upon other like blind devotions , 380 they ought, at this time, to be much more ready to help the poor and needy, knowing that to relieve the poor is a true worshipping of God, required earnestly upon pain of everlasting damnation; and that also whatsoever is given for their comfort, is given to Christ himself, and so is accepted of him; that he will mercifully reward the same with everlasting life, the which alms and devotion of the people, the keepers of the keys shall, at all times convenient, take out of the church, and distribute the same in the presence of the whole parish, or six of them, to be truly and faithfully delivered to their most needy neighbors; and if they be provided for, then to the reparations of the highways next adjoining. And also, the money which riseth of fraternities, guilds, and other stocks of the church, except by the king’s majesty’s authority it be otherwise appointed, shall be put into the said chest, and converted to the said use; and also the rents of lands, the profit of cattle, and money given and bequeathed to the finding of torches, lights, tapers, and lamps, shall be converted to the said use; saving that it shall be lawful for them to bestow part of the said profits upon the reparations of the church, if great need require, and whereas the parish is very poor, and not able otherwise to repair the same.

And forasmuch as priests be public ministers of the church, and upon the holy-days ought to apply themselves to the common ministration of the whole parish, they shall not be bound 381 to go to women lying in childbed, except in time of dangerous sickness; and not to fetch any corpse before it be brought to the church-yard: and if the woman be sick, or the corpse brought to the church, the priest shall do his duty accordingly in visiting the woman, and burying the dead person.

Also, to avoid the detestable sin of simony, because the buying and selling of benefices is execrable before God, therefore all such persons as buy any benefices, or come to them by fraud or deceit, shall be deprived of such benefices, and be made unable at any time after to receive any other spiritual promotions: and such as do sell them, or by any color do bestow them for their own gain and profit, shall lose the right and title of patronage and presentment for that time; and the gift thereof for that vacation shall appertain to the king’s majesty.

Also because, through lack of preachers, in many places of the king’s realms and. dominions, the people continued. in ignorance and blindness, all parsons, vicars, and curates, shall read in their churches every Sunday, one of the homilies which are and shall be set forth, for the same purpose, by the king’s authority, in such sort as they shall be appointed to do, in the preface of the same. Also, whereas many indiscreet persons do at this day uncharitably contemn and abuse priests and ministers of the church, because some of them (having small learning), have of long time favored fantasies, rather than God’s truth; yet, forasmuch as their office and function is appointed of God, the king’s majesty willeth and chargeth all his loving subjects, that, from henceforth, they shall use them charitably and reverently, for their office and ministration’ sake; and, especially, all such as labor in the settingforth of God’s holy Word.

Also, that all manner of persons, who understand not the Latin tongue, shall pray on no other Primer but upon that which was lately set forth in English by the authority of King Henry the eighth, of most famous memory; and that no teachers of youth shall teach any other than the said Primer. 14 And all those who have knowledge of the Latin tongue, shall pray upon none other Latin Primer, but upon that which is likewise set forth by the said authority. And that all graces to be said at dinner and supper, shall be always said in the English tongue. And that none other grammar shall be taught in any school or other place within the king’s realms and dominions, but only that which is set forth by the said authority. Item, that all chantry priests shall exercise themselves in teaching youth to read and write, and bring them up in good manners, and other virtuous exercises. Item, when any sermon or homily shall be had, the prime and hours shall be omitted.

Besides these general injunctions and 15 laws ecclesiastical, set out by the godly prince, king Edward, with the consent of his uncle, for the whole estate of the realm, there were also certain others particularly appointed for the bishops only, which, being delivered unto the commissioners, were likewise at their visitations committed unto the said bishops, with charge to be inviolably observed and kept, upon pain of the king’s majesty’s displeasure; the copies whereof here ensue in tenor and effect following: - INJUNCTIONS16 GIVEN BY THE MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, EDWARD THE SIXTH, TO THE REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, THOMAS BISHOP OF WESTMINSTER, 382 IN HIS HIGHNESS’S VISITATION.

First, you shall, to your uttermost wit and understanding, see, and cause all, every, and singular the king’s injunctions heretofore given, or hereafter to be given from time to time, in and through your diocese duly, truly, and faithfully, to be kept, observed, and accomplished. Item, you shall personally preach in your diocese, every quarter of a year, once, at the least; that is to say, once in your cathedral church, and thrice in three other several places of your diocese , 383 whereas to you shall seem most convenient and necessary, except you have a reasonable excuse to the contrary. Item, you shall not retain into your service or household, any chaplain or chaplains but such as be learned and able to preach the word of God; and those you shall cause to exercise the same. Item, you shall not give orders to any person or persons, not being learned in holy Scripture, neither deny them that be learned in the same, and of honest conversation and living. Item, you shall not, at any time or place, preach or set forth unto the people, any doctrine contrary or repugnant to the effect and intent contained and set forth in the king’s highness’s homilies; neither yet admit, or give license to preach to any other within your diocese, but to such as you shall know, or, at the least, assuredly trust will do the same. And if, at any time, by hearing or by report proved, you shall perceive the contrary, you shall, incontinent, inhibit that person so offending, and punish him, and revoke your license. All which and singular injunctions you shall inviolably observe and keep, upon pain of the king’s majesty’s displeasure, and as you will answer for the contrary.

Given, the 29th day of August, in the chapter-house of the cathedral church of St. Peter’s of Westminster, the first year of the reign of our said sovereign lord king Edward the Sixth.

Anthony Cooke; Johannes Godsalve; John Gosnolde; Christopher Nevinson; John Madew.

INJUNCTIONS GIVEN IN THE KING’S MAJESTY’S VISITATION By us, Sir Anthony Cooke, Knight; Sir John Godsalve, Knight; John Gosnolde, Esquire; Christopher Nevinson, Doctor of Law; and John Madew, Doctor of Divinity; commissaries specially appointed by the King’s Majesty to visit the Dioceses 384 of Westminster, London, Norwich, and Ely: to the Right Reverend Father in God, Thomas, Bishop of Westminster.

In primis: In consideration, that above and before all other things, such ways and means are to be sought for, whereby the people may learn to know their duties to God, their sovereign lord the king , 385 and one to another, you shall cause, every Sunday, divine service to be done and ended in every parish-church within this city of Westminster before nine of the clock the same days; to the intent that the priests and the laity of this city 385 may resort to the sermon to be made in your cathedral church, except they have a sermon made and preached in their own 385 parish churches. Item, Whereas by the ignorance of the clergy, not only God’s glory is greatly obscured, but, also, the same clergy much disdained and evil spoken of by some of the laity, you shall cause that every parson, vicar, chantry-priest, and other stipendary within this city of Westminster, be present at every lecture of divinity to be made within the college of St. Stephen, except they or any of them have some reasonable let, to be allowed and admitted by you, your chancellor , 386 commissary, or other officer for that purpose, or the reader of the said lecture.

Also you, your chancellor, commissary, and other, exercising jurisdiction ecclesiastical under you, shall proceed in all kinds of causes ‘summarie et de plano, sine figura et strepitu judicii;’ and shall give sentence in every cause within four assignations after the term ‘ad audiendum sententiam finalem.’ All which and singular injunctions you shall inviolably observe and keep, upon pain of the king’s majesty’s displeasure, and as you will answer for the contrary.

Given at Westminster the third day of September, in the first year of the reign of our sovereign lord Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith; and, in earth, of the church of England and also of Ireland the supreme head.

Anthony Cooke; John Godsalve; John Gosnold; Christopher Nevinson; John Madew.

Now, during the time that the commissioners were occupied abroad in their circuits about the speedy and diligent execution of these godly and zealous orders and decrees of the king and his council, his majesty (with the advice of the same), yet still desiring a further reformation as well in this case of religion, as also in some others of his civil government, appointed a parliament of the three estates of his realm to be summoned against the 4th day of November, in the first year of his reign, A.D. 1547, which continued unto the 24th day of December then next following; in which session, forasmuch as his highness minded the governance and order of his people to be in perfect unity and concord in all things, and especially in the true faith and religion of God, and therewithal also duly weighed the great danger that his loving subjects were in, for professing the gospel of Christ, through many and divers cruel statutes made by sundry his predecessors against the same (which being still left in force, might both cause the obstinate to contemn his grace’s godly proceedings, and also the weak to be fearful of their Christian-like profession), he therefore caused it among other things, by the authority of the same parliament, to be enacted, “that all acts of parliament and statutes, touching, mentioning, or in any wise concerning, religion or opinions; that is to say, as well the statute made in the first year of the reign of king Richard II., and the statute made in the second year of the reign of king Henry V., and the statute made in the 25th year of the reign of king Henry VIII., concerning punishment and reformation of heretics and Lollards, and every provision therein contained; and the statutes made for the abolishment of diversity of opinions in certain articles concerning Christian religion, commonly called the Six Articles , 386 made in the 31st year of the reign of king Henry VIII., and also the statute made in the parliament begun the 16th day of January, in the 33d. year of the reign of the said king Henry VIII., and, after, prorogued unto the 22d day of January, in the 34th year of his said reign, touching, mentioning, or in any wise concerning, books of the Old and New Testament in English, and the printing, uttering, selling, giving, or delivering of books or writings, and retaining of English books or writings, and reading, preaching, teaching, or expounding the Scriptures, or in any wise touching, mentioning, or concerning, any of the said matters; and also one other statute, made in the 35th year of the reign of the said king Henry VIII., concerning the qualification of the statute of the Six Articles, and all and every other act or acts of parliament, 17 concerning doctrine or matters of religion; and all and every branch, article, sentence, matter, pains, or forfeitures contained, mentioned, or in any wise declared, in any of the same acts and statutes, should from thenceforth be utterly repealed, made void, and of none effect.”

By occasion hereof, as well all such his godly subjects as were then still abiding within this realm, had free liberty publicly to profess the gospel; as also many learned and zealous preachers, before banished, were now both licensed freely to return home again, and also encouraged boldly and faithfully to travail in their function and calling, so that God was much glorified, and the people, in many places, greatly edified.

Moreover, in the same session his majesty, with the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in the same parliament assembled, thoroughly understanding by the judgment of the best learned, that it was more agreeable unto the first institution of the sacrament of the most precious body and blood of our Savior Christ, and also more conformable to the common use and practice both of the apostles, and of the primitive church, by the space of five hundred years and more after Christ’s ascension, that the said holy sacrament should be ministered unto all Christian people under both the kinds of bread and wine, than under the form of bread only; and also that it was more agreeable unto the said first institution of Christ, and the usage of the apostles and primitive church, that the people, being present, should receive the same with the priest, than that the priest should receive it done: did, by their authority moreover enact in manner following: ‘That the said holy sacrament should be from thenceforth commonly delivered and ministered unto the people, throughout the churches of England and Ireland, and other the king’s dominions, under both the kinds of bread and wine, except necessity otherwise required; and, also, that the priest that should minister the same, should, at least one day before, exhort all persons who should I be present, likewise to resort and prepare themselves to receive the same. And at the day prefixed, after some godly exhortation made by the minister, wherein should be further expressed the benefit and comfort promised to them that worthily receive this holy sacrament, and the danger and indignation of God, threatened to them that presume to receive the same unworthily, to the end that every man might try and examine his own conscience before he should come thereto; the said minister should not, without a lawful cause, deny the same to any person that would devoutly and humbly desire it: any law, statute, ordinance, or custom contrary thereunto in any wise notwithstanding.’

After which most godly consent of the parliament, the king, being no less desirous to have the form of administration of the sacrament truly reduced to the right rule of the Scriptures and first use of the primitive church, than he was to establish the same by the authority of his own regal laws, appointed certain of the most grave and best learned bishops, and others of his realm, to assemble together at his castle of Windsor, there to argue and treat upon this matter, and to conclude upon, and set forth, one perfect and uniform order, according to the rule and use aforesaid.

And, in the mean time, while the learned were thus occupied about their conferences, the lord protector and the rest of the king’s council, further remembering that that time of the year did then approach, wherein were practiced many superstitious abases and blasphemous ceremonies against the glory of God and truth of his word (determining the utter abolishing thereof), directed their letters unto the godly and reverend father Thomas Cranmer, then archbishop of Canterbury and metropolitan of England, requiring him that, upon the receipt thereof, he should will every bishop within his province, forthwith to give in charge unto all the curates of their dioceses, that neither candles should be any more borne upon Candlerodsday, nor yet ashes used in Lent, nor palms upon Palm-Sunday.

Whereupon the archbishop, zealously favoring the good and Christian-like purpose of the king and his council, did immediately, in that behalf, write unto all the rest of the bishops of that province, and, amongst them, unto Edmund Bonner, then bishop of London; of whose rebellious and obstinate contumacy for that we have hereafter more to say, I thought not to stand now long thereupon, but only by the way somewhat to note his former dissimulation and cloked hypocrisy, in that he outwardly, at first, consented as well unto this, as also unto all other the king’s proceedings; but whether for fear or for any other subtle fetch I know not; howbeit most like it is rather for one of them, or both, than for any true love. And therefore, receiving the archbishop’s letters, as one of them seeming to allow the contents thereof, he did presently write unto the bishop of Westminster, and to others to whom he was appointed, requiring them to give such knowledge thereof in their dioceses, as thereunto appertained; as more plainly appeareth by these his own letters here inserted, which here do follow.

A LETTER MISSIVE OF EDMUND BONNER, 387 SENT TO THE BISHOP OF WESTMINSTER, WITH THE TENOR OF THE ARCHBISHOP’S LETTER FOR ABOLISHING OF CANDLES, ASHES, PALMS, AND OTHER CEREMONIES.

My very good lord, after most hearty commendations, these be to advertise your good lordship, that my lord of Canterbury’s grace, this present 28th day of January, sent unto me his letters missive, containing this, in effect: that my lord protector’s grace, with the advice of other the king’s majesty’s most honorable council, for certain considerations them moving, are fully resolved that no candles shall be home upon Candlemas-day, nor also from henceforth ashes or palms used any longer: requiring me thereupon, by his said letters, to cause admonition and knowledge thereof to be given unto your lordship, and other bishops, with celerity accordingly. In consideration whereof, I do send at this present these letters unto your said lordship, that you thereupon may give knowledge and advertisement thereof within your diocese, as appertaineth. 18 Thus I commit your good lordship to Almighty God, as well to Pare as your good heart can best desire.

Written in haste, at my house in London, the said twenty-eighth day of January, 1547. [1548.] Your good lordship’s to command, Edmund London.

Now, about that present time, credible and certain report was made unto the lords of the council, that great contention and strife did daily arise among the common people, in divers parts of this realm, for the pulling down and taking away of such images out of the churches, as had been idolatrously abused by pilgrimage, offerings, or otherwise (according to the tenor of one of the injunctions given by the king in his late visitation), some affirming that that image was abused, others that this, and, most, that neither of them both; so that, if speedy remedy were not had therein, it might turn to further inconvenience. Wherefore they, by one advice, thinking it best (of good experience), for avoiding of all discord and tumult, that all manner of images should be clean taken out of all churches, and none suffered to remain, did thereupon again write their letters unto the archbishop of Canterbury, requiring his ready aid therein, in manner following.

ANOTHER LETTER OF THE COUNCIL, 388 SENT TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY FOR THE ABOLISHING OF IMAGES. After our right hearty commendations to your good lordship: whereas now of late, in the king’s majesty’s visitations, among other godly injunctions commanded to be generally observed through all parts of this his highness’s realm, one was set forth for the taking down of all such images as had at any time been abused with pilgrimages, offerings, or censings, albeit that this said injunction hath in many parts of this realm been quietly obeyed and executed, yet, in many other places, much strife and contention hath risen and daily riseth, and more and more increaseth, about the execution of the same (some men being so superstitious, or rather willful, as they would, by their good will, retain all such images still, although they have been most manifestly abused); and in some places also the images, which by the said injunctions were taken down, be now restored and set up again; and almost in every place is contention for images, whether they have been abused or not: and while these men go on both sides contentiously to obtain their minds, contending whether this or that image hath been offered unto, kissed, tensed, or otherwise abused, parts have, in some places, been taken in such sort, as further inconveniences be like to ensue, if remedy be not found in time. Considering therefore, that almost in no place of this realm is any sure quietness, but where all images be clean taken away and pulled down already, to the intent that all contention in every part of the realm, for this matter, may be clearly taken away, and that the lively image of Christ should not contend for the dead images, which be things not necessary, and without which the churches of Christ continued most godly many years; we have thought good to signify unto you, that his highness’s pleasure, with the advice and consent of us the lord protector and the rest of the council, is, that immediately upon the sight hereof, with as convenient diligence as you may, you shall not only give order, that all the images remaining in any church or chapel within your diocese be removed and taken away., but also, by your letters, signify unto the rest of the bishops within your province, his highness’s pleasure, for the like order to be given by them and every of them, within their several dioceses. And in the execution hereof, we require both you and the rest of the said bishops, to use such foresight that the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the people as may be. Thus fare your good lordship heartily well.

From Somerset-place, the 21st of February, 1547. [1548.] Your lordship’s assured loving friends, Edward Somerset, John Russell, Henry Arundel, Thomas Seymour, Anthony Wingfield, William Paget.

When the archbishop had received these letters, he forthwith directed his precept unto Bonner, bishop of London, requiring, and in the king’s majesty’s name commanding him, that, with all speed, he should as well give in charge unto the rest of the bishops within the province of Canterbury, to look immediately, without delay, unto the diligent and careful execution of the contents of the said letter through all places of their dioceses; as also, that he himself should do the like within his own city and diocese of London. Whereupon he, seeming then, with like outward consent as before, to allow these doings, presently (by virtue of the said precept) did send out his ‘mandatum’ as well unto the rest of the bishops, as also again unto the bishop of Westminster, as is hereunder to be seen. Now, by the time that these things were thus determined, the learned men whom the king had appointed (as ye have heard before) to assemble together for the true and right manner of administering the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, according to the rule of the Scriptures of God, and first usage of the primitive church, after their long, learned, wise, and deliberate advices, did finally conclude and agree upon one godly and uniform order of receiving the same, not much differing from the manner at this present used and authorized within this realm and church of England, commonly called, “The Communion.” This agreement, being by them exhibited unto the king, and of him most gladly accepted, was thereupon publicly imprinted, and, by his majesty’s council, particularly divided and sent unto every bishop of the realm, requiring and commanding them, by their letters on the king’s majesty’s behalf, that both they, in their own persons, should forthwith have diligent and careful respect to the due execution thereof, and also should, with all diligence, cause the books which they then sent them to be delivered unto every parson, vicar, and curate within their diocese; that they, likewise, might well and sufficiently advise themselves for the better distribution of the same communion (according to the tenor of the said book), against the feast of Easter then next ensuing, as more fully appeareth by these their letters here following.

LETTERS MISSIVE FROM THE COUNCIL, 390 TO THE BISHOPS OF THE REALM, CONCERNING THE COMMUNION TO BE MINISTERED IN BOTH KINDS.

After our most hearty commendations unto your lordship:

Whereas in the parliament late holden at Westminster, it was, amongst other things, most godly established, that, according to the first institution and use of the primitive church, the most holy sacrament of the body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ should be distributed to the people under the kinds of bread and wine: according to the effect whereof, the king’s majesty, minding, with the advice and consent of the lord protector’s grace, and the rest of the council, to have the said statute well executed in such sort, or like as is agreeable with the word of God (so the same may be also faithfully and reverently received of his most loving subjects, to their comforts and wealth), hath caused sundry of his majesty’s most grave and well-learned prelates, and other learned men in the Scriptures, to assemble themselves for this matter; who, after long conference together, have, with deliberate advice, finally agreed upon such an order to be used in all places of the king’s majesty’s dominions, in the distribution of the said most holy sacrament, as may appear to you by the book thereof, which we send herewith unto you. Albeit, knowing your lordship’s knowledge in the Scriptures, and earnest good will and zeal to the setting forth of all things according to the truth thereof, we be well assured, you will, of your own good will, and upon respect to your duty, diligently set forth this most godly order here agreed upon, and commanded to be used by the authority of the king’s majesty: yet, remembering the crafty practice of the devil, who ceases not, by his members, to work by all ways and means the hinderance of all godliness; and considering furthermore, that a great number of the curates of the realm, either for lack of knowledge cannot, or for want of good mind will not, be so ready to set forth the same, as we would wish, and as the importance of the matter and their own bounden duties require — we have thought good to pray and require your lordship, and nevertheless, in the king’s majesty’s, our most dread sovereign lord’s name, to command you, to have an earnest diligence and careful respect, both in your own person, and by all your officers and ministers also, to cause these books to be delivered to every parson, vicar, and curate within your diocese, with such diligence as they may have sufficient time well to instruct and advise themselves, for the distribution of the most holy communion, according to the order of this book, before this Easter time; and that they may, by your good means, be well directed to use such good, gentle, and charitable instruction of their simple and unlearned parishioners, as may be to all their good satisfactions as much as may be; praying you to consider, that this order is set forth, to the intent there should be, in all parts of the realm, and among all men, one uniform manner quietly used. The execution whereof, like as it shall stand very much in the diligence of you and others of your vocation, so do we eftsoons require you to have a diligent respect thereunto, as ye tender the king’s majesty’s pleasure, and will answer for the contrary. And thus we bid your lordship right heartily farewell.

From Westminster the 13th of March, 1547. [1548.] Your lordship’s loving friends, Thomas Canterbury, John Russell, William Peter, Richard Rich, Henry Arundel, Edward North, William St. John, Anthony Wingfield, Edward Wooton.

By means as well of this letter and the godly order of the learned, as also of the statute and act of parliament before mentioned, made for the establishing thereof, all private blasphemous masses were now, by just authority, fully abolished throughout this realm of England, and the right use of the sacrament of the most precious body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ truly restored instead of the same. But nevertheless, as at no time any thing can be so well done by the godly, but that the wicked will find some means subtilely to deface the same, so likewise, at this present, through the perverse obstinacy and dissembling frowardness of many of the inferior priests and ministers of the cathedrals, and other churches of this realm, there did arise a marvelous schism, and variety of fashions, in celebrating the common service and administration of the sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of the church. For some, zealously allowing the king’s proceedings, did gladly follow the order thereof; and others, though not so willingly admitting them, did yet dissemblingly and patchingly use some part of them; but many, carelessly contemning all, would still exercise their old wonted popery.

Hereof the king and his council having good intelligence, and fearing the great inconveniences and dangers that might happen through this division, and being therewithal loth, at first, to use any great severity towards his subjects, but rather desirous, by some quiet and godly order, to bring them to some conformity, did, by their prudent advices, again appoint the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain of the best learned and discreet bishops and other learned men, diligently to consider and ponder the premises; and thereupon, having as well an eye and respect unto the most sincere and pure Christian religion taught by the holy Scriptures, as also to the usages of the primitive church, to draw and make one convenient and meet order, rite, and fashion of Common Prayer, and administration of the sacraments, to be had and used within this his realm of England, and the dominions of the same; who, after most godly and learned conferences, through the aid of the Holy Ghost, with one uniform agreement did conclude, set forth, and deliver unto the king’s highness, a book in English, entitled, “A Book of the Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of the church, after the use of the church of England.” Which his highness receiving, with great comfort and. quietness of mind, did forthwith exhibit unto the lords and commons of the parliament then assembled at Westminster, about the 4th of November, in the second year of his reign, and in the year of our Lord 1548, and continuing unto the 14th day of March, then next ensuing.

Whereupon the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of the said parliament assembled, well and thoroughly considering, as well the most godly travail of the king’s highness, of the lord protector, and others of his majesty’s council, in gathering together the said archbishop, bishops, and other learned men, as the godly prayers, orders, rites, and ceremonies in the said book mentioned, 21 with the consideration of altering those things which were altered, and retaining those things which were retained in the same book; as also the honor of God, and great quietness, which, by the grace of God, should ensue upon that one and uniform rite and order in such common prayer, rites, and extern ceremonies, to be used throughout England, Wales, Calais, and the marches of the same, did first give unto his highness most lowly and hearty thanks for the same, and then most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained and enacted by his majesty, with the assent of the lords and commons in that parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as followeth:

SUBSTANCE OF THE PETITION OF THE LORDS AND COMMONS, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED, TO THE KING.

That not only all and singular person and persons that had hitherto offended concerning the premises (other than such as were then remaining in ward in the Tower of London, or in the Fleet) might be pardoned thereof; but also, that all and singular ministers in any cathedral or parish churches, or other places, within the realm of England, Wales, Calais, and the marches of the same, or other the king’s dominions, should, from and after the feast of Pentecost next coming, be bound to say and use the matins, evensong, celebration of the Lord’s supper, and administration of each of the sacraments, and all other common and open prayer, in such order and form as were mentioned in the said book, and none other or otherwise.

And, albeit that they were so godly and good that they gave occasion unto every honest and comformable man most willingly to embrace them, yet, lest any obstinate persons, who willingly would disturb so godly an order and quiet in this realm, should go unpunished, they further requested, that it might he ordained and enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that if any manner of parson, vicar, or whatsoever other minister that ought or should say or sing Common Prayer (mentioned in the said book), or minister the sacraments, should, after the said feast of Pentecost then next coming, refuse to use the said Common Prayer, or to minister the sacraments in such cathedral or parish churches, or other places, as he should use or minister the same, in such order and form as they were mentioned and set forth in the said book; or should use willfully, and obstinately standing in the same, any other rite, ceremony, form, or manner of mass, openly or privily, or matins, evensong, administration of the sacraments, or other open prayer than was mentioned and set forth in the said book; or should preach, declare, or speak, any thing in derogation or depraving of the said book, or any thing therein contained, or of any part thereof, and should be thereof lawfully convicted according to the laws of this realm by verdict of twelve men, or by his own confession, or by the notorious evidence of the fact, should lose and forfeit unto the king’s highness, his heirs and successors, for his first offense, one whole year’s profit of such one of his benefices or spiritual promotions, as it should please the king’s highness to assign and appoint; and also, for the same offense, should suffer imprisonment by the space of six months, without bail or mainprize. But, if any such person, after his first conviction, should eftsoons offend again, and be thereof, in form aforesaid, lawfully convicted, then he should, for his second offense, suffer imprisonment by the space of one whole year; and should also be deprived, ‘ipso facto,’ of all his spiritual promotions for ever, so that it should be lawful for the patrons and donors thereof to give the same again unto any other learned man, in like manner as if the said party so offending were dead. And if any the said person or persons should again the third time offend, and be thereof, in form aforesaid, lawfully convicted, then he should, for the same third offense, suffer imprisonment during his life. If any such person or persons aforesaid, so offending, had not any benefice or spiritual promotion, that then he should, for his first offense, suffer imprisonment by the space of six months without bail or mainprize, and, for his second offense, imprisonment during his life.

This request, or rather actual agreement, of the lords and commons of the parliament, being once understood by the king, was also soon ratified and confirmed by his regal consent and authority; and thereupon the said book of Common Prayer was presently imprinted, and commanded to be exercised throughout the whole realm and dominions thereof, according to the tenor and effect of the said statute. Moreover, in the same session of the said parliament it was enacted and established by the authority thereof, as followeth:

That forasmuch as great, horrible, and not to be rehearsed inconveniences, had, from time to time, risen amongst the priests, ministers, and other officers of the clergy, through their compelled chastity, and by such laws as prohibited them the godly and lawful use of marriage; that therefore all and every law and laws positive, canons, constitutions, and ordinances theretofore made by the authority of man only, which did prohibit or forbid marriage to any ecclesiastical or spiritual person or persons, of what estate, condition, or degree soever they were, or by what name or names they were called, who, by God’s law, may lawfully marry; in all and every article, branch and sentence, concerning only the prohibition of the marriage of the persons aforesaid, should be utterly void and of none offect. And that all manner of forfeitures, pains, penalties, crimes, or actions, which were in the said laws contained, and of the same did follow, concerning the prohibition of the marriage of the said ecclesiastical persons, should also be thenceforth clearly and utterly void, frustrate and of none effect.

By occasion hereof, it was, thence after, right lawful for any ecclesiastical person, not having the gift of chastity, most godly to live in the pure and holy estate of matrimony, according to the laws and word of God.

But, if the first injunctions, statutes, and decrees of the prince were, by many, but slenderly regarded, with much less good affection were these, especially the book of Common Prayer, by divers now received; yea, and that by some of them, who had always before, in outward show, willingly allowed the former doings, as appeareth most plainly, amongst others, by Bonner the bishop of London; who, although, by his former letters and other mandates, he seemed hitherto to favor all the king’s proceedings, yet did he, at that present (notwithstanding both the first statute for the establishing of the communion and the abolishing of all private masses, and also this statute of the ratifying and confirming of the book of Common Prayer), still suffer sundry idolatrous private masses of peculiar names, as the Apostles’ Mass, the Lady’s Mass, and such like, to be daily solemnly sung within certain peculiar chapels of the cathedral church of Paul’s, cloking them with the names of the Apostles’ Communion, and Our Lady’s Communion; not once finding any fault therewith, until such time as the lords of the council, having intelligence thereof, were fain, by their letters, to command and charge him to look better thereunto. And then, being therewith somewhat pricked forwards (perhaps by fear), he was content to direct his letters unto the dean and chapter of his cathedral church of Pours, thereby requesting them forthwith to take such order therein, as the tenor of the council’s said letters, therewithal sent unto them, did import; both which letters I have, for the more credit, here following inserted.

A LETTER DIRECTED FROM THE KING’S COUNCIL TO EDMUND BONNER, Bishop of London, for abrogating of Private Masses; especially the Apostles’ Mass, within the Church of St. Paul, used under the name of the Apostles’ Communion. After hearty commendations; having very credible notice that within that your cathedral church there be as yet the Apostles’ Mass, and Our Lady’s Mass, and other masses of such peculiar names, under the defense and nomination of Our Lady’s Communion, and the Apostles’ Communion, used in private chapels, and other remote places of the same, and not in the chancel: contrary unto the king’s majesty’s proceedings, the same being, for the misuse, displeasing to God; for the place, Paul’s, in example not tolerable; for the fondness of the name, a scorn to the reverence of the communion of the Lord’s body and blood: we, for the augmentation of God’s honor and glory, and the consonance of his majesty’s laws, and the avoiding of murmur, have thought good to will and command you, that, from henceforth, no such masses in this manner be in your church any longer used; but that the holy blessed communion, according to the act of parliament, be ministered at the high altar of the church, and in no other places of the same; and only at such time as your high masses were wont to be used, except some number of people desire, for their necessary business, to have a communion in the morning; and yet the same to be executed in the chancel, at the high altar, as it is appointed in the book of the public service, without cautel or digression from the common order. And herein you shall not only satisfy our expectation of your conformity in all lawful things, but also avoid the murmur of sundry that be therewith justly offended. And so we hid your lordship heartily farewell.

From Richmond, the 24th of June, anno 1549.

Your loving friends, Edward Somerset, R. Rich, Chancellor, William Saint John, Francis Shrewsbury, Edmund Montague, William Cecil.

A LETTER OF EDMUND BONNER TO THE DEAN AND CHAPTER OF PAUL’S, SENT WITH THE ORDER IN COUNCIL.

To my right worshipful friends, and most loving good brethren, master dean of Paul’s, with all the canons, residentiaries, prebendaries, subdeans, and ministers of the same, and every of them, with speed:

Right worshipful, with most hearty commendations. So it is, this Wednesday, the 26th of June, going to dinner, I received letters from the king’s council by a poursuivant, and the same I do send now herewith unto you, to the intent you may peruse them well, and proceed accordingly; 23 praying you, in case all be not present, yet those that be now resident, and supplying the places, may, in their absence, call the company together of the church, and make declaration hereof unto them. Thus committing you to God, right well to fare.

Written with speed this 26th of June, at one of the clock.

Your loving brother, Edmund London.

Over and besides all this, the lord protector, with the residue of the king’s privy and learned council assembling together in the Star Chamber, about the same matter; that is, for the advancement and setting forward of the king’s so godly proceedings, called before them a\l the justices of the peace, where was uttered unto them, by the lord Rich, then lord chancellor, an eloquent and learned admonition, the tenor whereof ensueth.

AN ADMONITION ADDRESSED BY THE LORD CHANCELLOR RICH TO JUSTICES OF THE PEACE.

It hath been used and accustomed before this time, to call, at certain times, the justices of peace before the king’s majesty’s council, to give unto them admonition or warning, diligently (as is their duty) to look to the observing of such things as be committed to their charges, according to the trust which the king’s majesty hath in them. Howbeit now, at this time, we call you before us, not only of custom, but rather of necessity, for hearing daily, and perceiving of necessity, as we do, the great negligence, and the little heed which is taken and given, to the observing of the good and wholesome laws and orders in this realm; whereupon much disorder doth daily ensue, and, the king’s majesty’s proclamations and orders taken by the council (as we are advertised) not executed, the people are brought to disobedience, and in a manner all his majesty’s study and ours, in setting a good and most godly stay to the honor of God and the quiet of the realm, is spent in vain, and come to nothing: which, as we have great hope and trust not to be altogether so, yet, so much as it is, and so much as it lacketh of the keeping of the realm in a most godly order and stay, we must needs impute and lay the fault thereof in you, who are the justices of the peace in every shire; to whom we are wont to direct our writings, and to whose trust and charge the king’s majesty hath committed the execution of all his proclamations, of his acts of parliament, and of his laws.

We are informed that many of you are so negligent and so slack herein, that it doth appear you do look rather, as it were, through your fingers, than diligently see to the execution of the said laws and proclamations. For, if you would, according to your duties, to your oath, to the trust which the king’s majesty hath in you, give your diligence and care toward the execution of the same most godly statutes and injunctions; there should no disobedience, nor disorder, nor evil rule, be begun or arise in any part of the realm, but it should, by and by, be repressed, kept down, and reformed.

But it is feared, and the thing itself giveth occasion thereto, that divers of you do not only not set forth, but rather hinder-, so much as lieth in you, the king’s majesty’s proceedings; and. are content that there should arise some disobedience, and that men should repine against godly orders, set forth by his majesty (you do so slackly look to the execution of the same); so that in some shires, when be further off, it may appear that the people have never heard of divers of his majesty’s proclamations; or, if they have heard, you are content to wink at it, and to neglect it, so that it is all one as though it were never commanded. But if you do consider and remember your duties, first to Almighty God, and then to the king’s majesty, the wealth of the whole realm, and the safeguard of your own selves, you must needs see, that except such orders as the king’s majesty hath set, and hereafter shall appoint, be kept, neither can the realm be defended, if the enemy should invade, nor can it in peace stand; but, upon the contempt of good and wholesome laws, all disorder and inconveniences will come, the people will be wild and savage, and no man sure of his own.

If, at any time, there was occasion and cause to be circumspect and diligent about the same, there was never more time than now. How we stand in Scotland you know, and that other foreign power maketh great preparation to aid them, and indeed doth come to their aid; whereof we are surely reformed and certified. Wherefore, if there should not be good order and obedience kept in the realm, the realm were like utterly to be destroyed. Never foreign power could vet hurt, or in any part prevail in this realm, but by disobedience and misorder within ourselves. That is the way wherewith God will plague us, if he mind to punish us. And so long as we do agree among ourselves, and be obedient to our prince, and to his godly orders and laws, we may be sure that God is with us, and that foreign powers shall not prevail against us, nor hurt us.

Wherefore, once again, and still we must and do lay this charge upon you, that are the better of the shire, and justices of the peace, that with so convenient speed as you can, you do repair down into your countries; and you shall give warning to the gentlemen of the shire, who have not necessary business here, that they repair down each man to his country; and there, both you and they who be reckoned the stay of every shire to see good order and rule kept: you, that your sessions of gaol-delivery and quarter-sessions be well kept, and that therein your meetings be such that justice may be well and truly ministered, the offenders and malefactors punished according to the laws of this realm, without any fear of any man, or that for favor you should suffer those to escape, who, with their evil example, might bring others to the like mishap; and that all vagabonds, and lewd and light tale-tellers, and seditious bearers of false news of the king’s majesty, or of his council, or such as will preach without license, be immediately by you repressed and punished.

And if there should chance any lewd or light fellows to make any routs or riots, or unlawful assemblies, any seditious meetings, uproars, or uprisings, in any place, by the seditious and devilish motion of some private traitors, that you and they appease them at the first, and apprehend the first authors and causers thereof, and certify us with speed. The lightness of the rude and ignorant people must be suppressed and ordered by your gravity and wisdom. And here you may not (if any such thing chance) dissemble with those such lewd men, and hide yourselves; for it shall be required of you, if such misorder be: and surely, without your aid and help, or your dissembling, such misorder cannot be.

Nor do we say, that we fear any such thing, or that there is any such thing likely to chance; but we give you warning before, lest it should chance. We have too much experience in this realm, what inconvenience cometh of such matters. And though some light persons, in their rage, do not consider it, yet we do not doubt but you weigh it, and know it well enough. And if it should chance our enemies (who are maintained by other foreign power, and the bishop of Rome) should suddenly arrive in some place in England, either driven by tempest, or of purpose to do hurt, ye should see such order kept by firing of the beacons, as hath already been written unto you by our letters, to repulse the same in as good array as you can; as we do not doubt but you will, for the safeguard of your country, so that the enemy shall have little joy of his coming: and, for that purpose, you shall see diligently that men have horse, harness, and other furniture of weapon ready, according to the statutes and good orders of the realm, and the king’s majesty’s commandments. And so for this time ye may depart.

What zealous care was in this young king, and in the lord protector his uncle, concerning reformation of Christ’s church, and sincere religion, by these injunctions, letters, precepts, and exhortations, as well to the bishops, as to the justices of the realm above premised, it may right well appear. Whereby we have to note, not so much the careful diligence of the king and his learned council; as the lingering slackness and drawing back, on the other side, of divers of the said justices and lawyers, but especially of bishops, and old popish curates, by whose cloaked contempt, willful winking, and stubborn disobedience, the book of the Common Prayer was, long after the publishing thereof, either not known at all, or else very irreverently used, throughout many places of the realm. This, when the king, by complaint of divers, perfectly understood, being not a little aggrieved to see the godly agreement of the learned, the willing consent of the parliament, and his grace’s own zealous desire, to take so small effect among his subjects, he decreed presently, with the advice of his whole council, again to write unto all the bishops of his realm, for speedy and diligent redress therein; willing and commanding them thereby, that as well they themselves should, thenceforth, have a more special regard to the due execution of the premises, as also that all others, within their several precincts and jurisdictions, should, by their good instructions and willing example, be the more often and with better devotion moved to use and frequent the same: as further appeareth by the contents of this letter here ensuing.

ANOTHER LETTER, DIRECTED BY THE KING392 AND HIS COUNCIL TO BONNER BISHOP OF LONDON, PARTLY REBUKING HIM OF NEGLIGENCE, PARTLY CHARGING HIM TO SEE TO THE BETTER SETTING-OUT OF THE SERVICE-BOOK WITHIN HIS DIOCESE.

Right reverend father in God! right trusty and well-beloved! we greet you well: and whereas, after great and serious debating and long conference of the bishops and other grave and well-learned men in the holy Scriptures, one uniform order for Common Prayers and administration of the Sacraments, hath been, and is, most godly set forth, not only by the common agreement and full assent of the nobility and commons of the late session of our late parliament, but, also, by the like assent of the bishops in the same parliament, and of all other the learned men of this our realm, in their synods and convocations provincial: like as it was much to our comfort, to understand the godly travail then diligently and willingly taken for the true opening of things mentioned in the said book, whereby the true service and honor of Almighty God, and the right ministration of the sacraments being well and sincerely set forth, according to the Scriptures and use of the primitive church, much idolatry, vain superstition, and great and slanderous abuses be taken away: so it is no small occasion of sorrow unto us, to understand, by the complaints of many, that our said book, so much travailed for, and also sincerely set forth (as is aforesaid), remaineth, in many places of this our realm, either not known at all, or not used; or atleast, if it be used, very seldom, and that in such light and irreverent sort that the people, in many places, either have heard nothing, or, if they hear, they neither understand, nor have that spiritual delectation in the same, that to good Christians appertaineth. The fault whereof, like as we must of reason impute to you and other of your vocation, called by God, through our appointment, to have due respect to this and such like matters; so, considering that, by these and such like occasions, our loving subjects remain yet still in their blindness and superstitious errors, and, in some places, in an irreligious forgetfulness of God, whereby his wrath may be provoked upon us and them; and remembering withal, that amongst other cures committed to our princely charge, we think this the greatest, to see the glory and true service of Him maintained and extolled, by whose clemency we acknowledge ourselves to have all that we have; we could not but by advice and consent of our dearest uncle, Edward duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our realm, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of our privy council, admonish you of the premises. Wherein as it had been your office to have used an earnest diligence, and to have reformed 393 the same in all places within your diocese, as the case required; so have we thought good to pray and require you, and nevertheless straightly to charge and command you, that from henceforth ye have an earliest and special regard to the reduce of these things , 394 so as the curates may do their duties more often, and in more reverent sort, and the people be occasioned, by the good advices and examples of yourself, your chancellor, archdeacons, and other inferior ministers, to come with oftener and more devotion to their said Common Prayers, to give thanks to God, and to be partakers of the most holy communion. Wherein showing yourself diligent, and giving good example in your own person, you shall both discharge your duty to the great Pastor, to whom we all have to account, and also do us good service: and, on the other side, if we shall hereafter (these our letters and commandment notwithstanding) have eftsoons complaint, and find the like faults in your diocese, we shall have just cause to impute the fault thereof, and of all that ensueth thereof, unto you; and, consequently, be occasioned thereby to see otherwise to the redress of these things; whereof we would be sorry. And, therefore, we do eftsoons charge and command you, upon your allegiance, to look well upon your duty herein, as ye tender our pleasure.

Given under our signet, at our manor of Richmond, the 23d day July, the third year of our reign, 1549.

The bishop of London, amongst the rest of the bishops, receiving these letters, did (as always before) in outward show willingly accept the same; and, therefore, immediately with the said letters directed this his precept unto the dean and chapter of his cathedral church of Paul’s, commanding them to look to the due accomplishing thereof accordingly.

A LETTER OF BONNER TO THE DEAN AND CHAPTER OF ST. PAUL’S. Edmund by the grace of God, etc.: to my well-beloved brethren the dean and chapter of the cathedral church of St. Paul in London, and to the other ministers there, and every of them, do send greeting.

And whereas it is so, that of late I have received the said sovereign lord the king’s majesty’s letters, of such tenor as is hereunto annexed, and, according to my most bounden duty, am right well willing and desiring, 24 that the said letters should be in all points duly executed and observed, according to the tenor and purport of the same, as appertaineth: these therefore are to require, and also straitly to charge you, and every of you, on his majesty’s behalf, etc., that you do admonish and command, or cause to be admonished or commanded, all and singular parsons, vicars and curates of your jurisdiction, to observe and accomplish the same from time to time accordingly: furthermore requiring and likewise charging you, and every of you, to make certificate herein to me, my chancellor-, or others, my officers in this behalf, with such convenient celerity as appertaineth, both of your proceedings in the execution hereof, and also the persons and names of all such as, from henceforth, shall be found negligent in doing their duties in the premises, or any of them.

Given at my house at Fulham, the 26th of July, A.D. 1549, and in the third year of our said sovereign lord the king’s majesty’s reign.

Moreover, forasmuch as the king, at that instant, hearing the muttering of certain rebellion then stirring (whereof more shall be said, the Lord willing, hereafter), and also being credibly informed by divers, that, through the evil example, slackness of preaching and administering the sacraments, and careless contempt of Bonner, bishop of London, not only many of the people within the city of London, and other places of his diocese, were very negligent and forgetful of their duties to God, in frequenting the divine service then established and set forth by the authority of parliament, but also, that divers others, utterly despising the same, did in secret places of his diocese, often frequent the popish mass, and other foreign rites not allowed by the laws of this realm, he thought it therefore good (having thereby just cause to suspect his former dissembling doubleness) to appoint the lord protector and the rest of his privy council to call the said bishop before them, and according to their wise and discreet judgments, to deal with him for the same.

Whereupon, the 10th day of August, A.D. 1549 , 396 they sent a messenger for him, and, upon his appearance, made first declaration of such informations and complaints as had been heretofore made against him. And then, after sharp admonitions and reproofs for his evil demeanors in the premises, they delivered unto him from the king (for his better reformation and amendment) certain private injunctions, to be necessarily followed and observed of himself. And whereas, in the first branch of the said injunctions, he was personally assigned to preach at Paul’s. cross the Sunday three weeks then next ensuing (because both the dangerous and fickle estate of the time, and also partly his own suspicious behavior so required), they further delivered unto him, in writing, such articles to treat upon in his sermon, as they thought then most meet and necessary for the time and causes aforesaid; who, 25 for his not satisfying his duty therein, was denounced and reigned before the king’s commissioners, at length imprisoned, and also deprived: the process whereof, how he behaved himself before the judges, what his cause was, and his answers therein, with his repeals, recusations, appellations, and other circumstances, and blind shifts concerning the same, here also followeth thereunto annexed: wherein whoso listeth to know Bonner, who never see him before, here, by his doings, may easily understand the nature and disposition of the man.

Such stoutness of heart 397 and will, if it had been in a cause trite and rightful, might, percase, be sufferable: but in what cause soever it be, being immoderate, beseemeth no man, much less one of that vocation. If his cause were good, why did he not take the wrong patiently, as the true canon law of the gospel did lead him? If it were (as it was indeed) naught and wrong, whereto served so bold, sturdy stoutness, but to show the impudency of the person, and to make the cause worse, which was bad enough before?

But, belike, he was disposed to declare, if need were, what he was able to do in the law, in shifting of the matter by subtle dilatories and frivolous caviling about the law; and, if that would not help, yet with facing and brazing, and railing upon his denouncers, with furious words and irreverent behavior towards the king’s commissioners, he thought to countenance out the matter before the people, that something might seem yet to be in him, whatsoever was in the cause. But, as the common saying goeth, “as good never a whit, as never the better,” for all his crafty cautels and tergiversations alleged out of the law, yet neither his cause could so be defended, nor his behavior so excused, but that he was therefore both justly imprisoned and deprived; as by the process hereof may well appear to the reader.

All the aforesaid injunctions and articles, for the further manifestation thereof, I have here inserted as followeth:

CERTAIN PRIVATE INJUNCTIONS, 398 ADMONITIONS, AND ARTICLES GIVEN TO BONNER BY THE PRIVY COUNCIL.

Forasmuch as we are advertised that, amongst other disorders of our subjects at this present, there be divers of our city of London, and other places within your diocese, which, being very negligent and forgetful of their duty to Almighty God, of whom all good things are to be looked for, do assemble themselves very seldom, and fewer times than they were heretofore accustomed, unto Common Prayer, and to the Holy Communion, being now a time when it were more needful, with heart and mind, to pray to our heavenly Father for his aid and succor; whereof as we be right sorry, so we do understand that, through your evil example, and the slackness of your preaching and instructing of our said people to do their duties, this offense to God is most generally committed.

For whereas heretofore, upon all principal feasts, and such as were called ‘majus duplex,’ you yourself were wont to execute in person, now, since the time that we, by the advice of our whole parliament, have set a most godly and devout order in our church of England and Ireland, ye have very seldom or never executed upon such or other days; to the contempt of our proceedings and evil example of others. And, forasmuch as it is also brought to our knowledge, that divers as well in London, as in other places of your diocese, do frequent and haunt foreign rites and masses, and such as be not allowed by the orders of our realm, and contemn and forbear to praise and laud God, and pray unto his majesty, after such rites and ceremonies as, in this realm, are approved and set out by our authority; and further, that adultery and fornication are maintained and kept openly and commonly in the said city of London and other places of your diocese, whereby the wrath of God is provoked against our people; of the which things you, being heretofore admonished, yet hitherto have made no redress, as to the pastoral office, authority, and cure of a bishop doth appertain: we, therefore, to whom the supreme cure and charge of this church doth appertain, to avoid from us the high indignation of Almighty God, by the advice of our most entirely beloved uncle the lord protector, and the rest of our privy council, have thought it no less than our most bounden duty, now at this present, and eftsoons peremptorily, to admonish, charge, and warn you, that you do most straightly look upon the premises, and see them so reformed that there may appear no negligence on your behalf; upon such pain as, by our laws ecclesiastical and temporal, we may inflict upon you, unto deprivation or otherwise, as shall seem to us, for quality of the offense, reasonable. And to the intent you should the better see to the reformation of the said abuses, we have thought good to give you these injunctions following:

First, ye shall preach at Paul’s Cross in London, in proper person, the Sunday after the date hereof three weeks, and in the same sermon declare and set forth the articles hereunto annexed; and ye shall preach hereafter once every quarter of the year there, exhorting, in your sermon, the people to obedience, prayer, and godly living; and ye shall be present at every sermon hereafter made at Paul’s Cross, if sickness, or some other reasonable cause, do not let you.

Secondly, You yourself, in person, shall from henceforth every day which heretofore was accounted in this church of England a principal feast or ‘majus duplex,’ and at all such times as the bishops of London, your predecessors, were wont to celebrate and sing high mass, now celebrate and execute the communion at the high altar in Paul’s, for the better example of all others; except sickness do let.

Thirdly, Ye shall yourself, according to your duty and the office of a bishop, call before you all such as do not come unto and frequent the common prayer and service in the church, or do not come unto God’s board, and receive the communion at least once a year; or whosoever do frequent or go unto any other ryte 399 or service than is appointed by our book, either of matins, evensong, or mass, in any church, chapel, or other private places within your diocese; and ye shall see all such offenders convented before you, and punished according unto the ecclesiastical laws, with severe and straight punishment therefore. Likewise ye shall see one only order used in your diocese, according to our said book, and none other.

Fourthly, Ye shall, both by yourself and all your officers under you, search out and convent before you more diligently than heretofore ye have done (as appertaineth to your office) all adulterers, and see the same punished according to the ecclesiastical laws, and to the authority given you in that behalf.

Fifthly, We have heard also complaints, that the church of Paul’s and other churches of London, are of late more neglected, as well in reparation of the glass, as other buildings and ornaments of the same, than they were heretofore wont; and that divers and many persons in the city of malice deny the payment of their due tithe to their curates, whereby the curates are both injured, and made not so well able, and in manner discouraged, to do their duties: the which thing also, our will and commandment is, ye shall diligently look unto, and see redressed as appertaineth.

Sixthly, And forasmuch as all these complaints be made, as most done and committed in London, to the intent you may look more earnestly, better, and more diligently, to the reformation of them, our pleasure is, that you shall abide and keep residence in your house there, as in the city, see, and principal place, of your diocese, and none otherwhere, for a certain time, until you shall be otherwise licensed by us.

And thus, having brought bishop Bonner home to his own house, there to leave him awhile, to take his ease in his own lodging till we return to him again, we will, in the mean time, make a little intercourse into Cornwall and Devonshire, to discourse some part of the disordered and disloyal doings of those men against their so meek and excellent a prince, having no cause ministered thereunto; yea, having cause rather to yield praise and thanks to the Lord for such a quiet and peaceable prince in his mercy given unto them. But such is the condition of unquiet natures, that they cannot skill of peace: and where due discretion lacketh, there lewd-disposed persons cannot tell when they be well. Again, some be so crooked and so perversely given, that the more courteously they be treated, the worse they are; and when, by honest diligence, they list not to get their living, by public disturbance of commonwealths they think to thrive. And so seemed it to fare with this seditious people of Cornwall and Devonshire, who, having so good and virtuous a king, that, if they should have sought him as Diogenes, they say, did seek for a man with a candle, a meeker and better sovereign they could not have found, a crueller they well deserved; yet were they not with him contented, but, contrary to all order, reason, nature, and loyalty, advanced themselves in a rebellious conspiracy against him, and against his proceedings, through the pernicious instigation, first (as it seemeth) of certain popish priests, who, grudging and disdaining against the injunctions and godly order of reformation set forward by the king, and especially mourning to see their old popish church of Rome to decay, ceased not, by all sinister and subtle means, first, under God’s name and the king’s, and under color of religion, to persuade the people; then, to gather sides, to assemble in companies, and to gather captains; and at last to burst out in rank rebellion.

Neither lacked there among the lay sort some as seditiously disposed as they, to mischief and madness, as well gentlemen as others. Of whom the chief gentlemen captains were, Humfrey Arundel, esquire, governor of the Mount, James Rosogan, John Rosogan, John Pain, Thomas Underhil, John Soleman, William Segar. Of priests who were principal stirrers, and some of them governors of the camps, and afterwards executed, there were to the number of eight, whose names were Robert Bochim, John Tompson, Roger Barret, John Wolcock, William Asa, James Mourton, John Barrow, Richard Benet, besides a multitude of other popish priests, which to the same faction was adjoined. The number of the whole rebellion, speaking with the least, mounted to little less than ten thousand stout traitors.

These, hearing first of the commotions which began about the same time in other parts to broil, as in Oxfordshire, Yorkshire, and especially in Norfolk and Suffolk, began to take therein some courage, hoping that they should have well fortified the same quarrel. But afterwards, they, perceiving how the mischievous mutterings and enterprises of their conspiracy did suddenly fail, either being prevented by time, or repressed by power; or that their cause, being but only about plucking down of inclosures, and enlarging of commons, was divided from theirs, so that either they would not or could not join their aid together, then began they again to quail, and their courage to abate. Notwithstanding, forasmuch as they had gone so far that they thought there was no shrinking back, they fell to new devices and inventions, for the best furtherance of their desperate purposes.

Their first intent was, after they had spoiled their own country most miserably, to invade the city of Exeter, and so, consequently, all other parts of the realm. But first, for Exeter they gaped, the gates whereof twice they burned, but gained nothing saving only gunshot, whereof they lacked no plenty. Being put from Exeter, they fell on spoiling and robbing, where or whatsoever they might catch. At length, laying their traitorous heads together, they consulted upon certain articles to be sent up. But herein such diversity of heads and wits was amongst them, that for every kind of brain there was one manner of article; so that there neither appeared any consent in their diversity, nor yet any constancy in their agreement. Some seemed more tolerable: others altogether unreasonable: some would have no justice: some would have no state of gentlemen. The priests ever harped upon one string, to ring in the bishop of Rome into England again, and to halloo home cardinal Pole their countryman.

After much ado, and little to the purpose, at last a few sorry articles were agreed upon, to be directed unto the king, with the names of certain set thereunto, the copy whereof here ensueth.

THE ARTICLES OF THE COMMONS OF DEVONSHIRE AND CORNWALL, SENT TO THE KING.

First, Forasmuch as man, except he be born of water and the Holy Ghost, cannot enter into the kingdom of God, and forasmuch as the gates of heaven be not opened without his blessed sacrament of baptism, therefore we will that our curates shall minister this sacrament at all times of need, as well on the weekdays, as on the holy-days. Item, We will have our children confirmed of the bishop, whensoever we shall within the diocese resort unto him. Item, Forasmuch as we constantly believe, that after the priest hath spoken the words of consecration, being at mass, there celebrating and consecrating the same, there is very really the body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ, God and man, and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after, but the very selfsame body that was born of the Virgin Mary, and was given upon the cross for our redemption; therefore, we will have mass celebrated as it hath been in times past, without any man communicating with the priests; forasmuch as many, rudely presuming unworthily to receive the same, put no difference between the Lord’s body and other kind of meat, some saying that it is bread before and after, some saying that it is. profitable to no man except he receive it; with many other abused terms. Item, We will have in our churches reservation. Item, We will have holy bread and holy water, in remembrance of Christ’s precious body and blood. Item, We will that our priests shall sing or say, with an audible voice, God’s service in the choir of the parish churches, and not God’s service to be set forth like a Christmas play. Item, Forasmuch as priests be men dedicated to God, for ministering and celebrating the blessed sacraments and preaching of God’s word, we will that they shall live chaste without marriage, as St. Paul did, being the elect and chosen vessel of God, saying unto all honest priests, ‘ Be ye followers of me.’ Item, we will that the Six Articles which our sovereign lord, king Henry VIII., set forth in his latter days, shall be used, and so taken as they were at that time. Item, We pray God save king Edward, for we be his, both body and goods.

A MESSAGE OR ANSWER SENT BY THE KING’S MAJESTY TO CERTAIN OF HIS PEOPLE ASSEMBLED IN DEVONSHIRE.

Although knowledge hath been given to us and our dearest uncle Edward duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of all our realms, dominions, and subjects, and to the rest of our privy council, of divers assemblies made by you, which ought of duty to be our loving subjects, against all order, law, and otherwise than ever any loving and kind subjects have attempted against their natural and liege sovereign lord: yet we have thought it meet, at this very first time, not to condemn or reject you, as we might justly do, but to use you as our subjects; thinking that the devil hath not that power in you, to make you, of natural born Englishmen, so suddenly to become enemies to your own native country, or of our subjects to make you traitors, or, under pretense to relieve yourselves, to destroy yourselves, your wives, children, lands, houses, and all other commodities of this your life. This we say: we trust that, although ye be by ignorance seduced, ye will not be upon knowledge obstinate: and though some amongst you (as ever there is some cockle amongst good corn) forget God, neglect their prince, esteem not the state of the realm, but, as careless, desperate men, delight in sedition, tumult, and wars: yet, nevertheless, the greater part of you will hear the voice of us your natural prince, and will, by wisdom and counsel, be warned, and cease your evils in the beginning, whose ends will be, even by Almighty God’s order, your own destruction.’ Wherefore, as to you our subjects, by ignorance seduced, we speak, and be content to use our princely authority like a father to his children, for this time, to admonish you of your faults, not to punish them; to put you in remembrance of your duties, not to avenge your forgetfulness.

First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble yourselves against others our loving subjects, to array yourselves to the war: who amongst you all can answer for the same to Almighty God, charging you to obey us in all things? or how can any English good heart answer us, our laws, and the rest of our very loving and faithful subjects, who, indeed, by their obedience, make our honor, estate, and degree?

Ye use our name in your writings, and abuse the same against ourself. What injury herein do you us, to call those which love us to your evil purposes by the authority of our name! God hath made us your king by his ordinance and providence, by our blood and inheritance, by lawful succession and our coronation; but not to this end, as you use our name. We are your most natural sovereign lord and king, Edward the Sixth, to rule you, to preserve you, to save you from all your outward enemies, to see our laws well ministered, every man to have his own, to suppress disordered people, to correct traitors, thieves, pirates, robbers, and such like, yea, to keep our realms from foreign princes, from the malice of the Scots, of Frenchmen, of the bishop of Rome. Thus, good subjects! our name is written; thus it is honored and obeyed; this majesty it hath by God’s ordinance, not by man’s. So that of this your offense we cannot write too much; and yet doubt not but this is enough from a prince to all reasonable people, from a king to all kind-hearted and loving subjects, from a puissant king of England to every natural Englishman.

Your pretences which you say move you to do this, and wherewith you seek to excuse this disorder, we assure you, be either all false, or so vain, that we doubt not but, after ye shall hereby understand the truth thereof, ye will all, with one voice, acknowledge yourselves ignorantly led, and by error seduced: and if there be any that will not, assure you the same be rank traitors, enemies of our crown, seditious people, heretics, papists, or such as care not for what cause they seek to provoke an insurrection, so they may do it; nor indeed can wax so rich with their own labors, and with peace, as they can do with spoils, with wars, with robberies, and such like; yea, with the spoil of your own goods, with the living of your labors, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your own households, wives, and children. Such they be, as for a time use pleasant persuasions to you, and, in the end, will cut your throats, for your own goods.

You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessity chance, shall not be christened but upon the holy days. How false this is, learn you of. us’. our book which we have set forth by the free consent of our whole parliament, in the English tongue, teacheth you the contrary, even in the first leaf, yea, the first side of the first leaf of that part which treateth of baptism. Good subjects! (for to others we speak not) look and be not deceived. They which have put this false opinion into your ears, they mean. not the christening, of children, but the destruction of you our christened subjects. Be this known unto you, our honor is so much, that we may not be found faulty of our word. Prove it; if by our laws ye may not christen your children, upon necessity, every day or hour in the week, then might you be offended; but, seeing you may do it, how can you believe them which teach you the contrary? What think you they mean in the rest, which move you to break your obedience against us your king and sovereign, upon these so false tales and persuasions in so. evident a matter? Therefore you all which wall acknowledge us your sovereign lord, and which will hear the voice of us your natural king, may easily perceive how ye be deceived, and how subtilely traitors and papists, with their falsehood, seek to achieve and bring their purpose to pass with your help. Every traitor will be glad to. dissemble., his treason, and feed it secretly; every papist his popery, and nourish It towardly; and, in the end, make you, our subjects, partakers of treason and popery, which, in the beginning, was pretended a commonwealth and holiness.

And how are you seduced by them, which put in your heads, That the ‘, blessed sacrament of Christ’s body should not differ from other common bread! If our laws, proclamations and statutes, be all to the contrary, why shall any private man persuade you against them? We do, ourself in our own heart, our council in all their profession, our laws and statutes in all purposes, our good subjects in all their doings, most highly esteem that sacrament, and use the communion thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from other common bread, that we think no profit of other bread, but to maintain our bodies; but of this blessed bread we take the very food of our souls to everlasting life. How think you, good subjects! shall not we, being your prince, your lord, your king by God’s appointment, with truth more prevail, than certain evil persons with open falsehood? Shall any seditious person persuade you, that the sacrament is despised, which is by our laws, by ourself, by our council, by all our good subjects, esteemed, used, participated, and daily received? If ever ye were seduced, if ever deceived, if ever traitors were believed, if ever papists poisoned good subjects, it is now. It is not the christening of children, not the reverence of the sacrament, not the health of your souls that they shoot at, good subjects! It is sedition, it is high treason, it is your destruction they seek; how craftily, how piteously, how cunningly soever they do it. With one rule judge ye the end, which, of force must. come of your. purposes. Almighty God forbiddeth, upon pain of everlasting damnation, disobedience to us your king; and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slow, would God err? If your, offense be towards God, think you. it pardoned. without repentance. Is God’s judgment mutable? Your pain is damnation, your judge is incorruptible, your fault is most evident.

Likewise are ye evil informed in divers other articles, as for confirmation of your children, for the mass, for the manner of your service of matins and evensong. Whatsoever is therein ordered, hath been long debated and consulted by many learned bishops, doctors, and other men of great learning in this realm concluded: in nothing were so much labor and time spent of late time, nothing so fully ended.

As for the service in the English tongue, it hath manifest reasons for it. And yet, perchance, it seemeth to you a new service, and indeed is none other but the old. The selfsame words in English, which were in Latin, saving a few things taken out, so fond, that it had been a shame to have heard them in English, as all they can judge which list to report the truth. The difference is, we meant godly that you, our subjects, should understand in English, being our natural country tongue, that which was heretofore spoken in Latin; then, serving only for them which understood Latin, and now, for all you which be born English. How can this with reason offend any reasonable man, that he shall understand what any other saith, and so consent with the speaker? If the service in the church was good in Latin, it remaineth good in English; for nothing is altered, but to speak with knowledge, that which was spoken with ignorance, and to let you understand what is said for you, to the intent you may further it with your own devotion: an alteration to the better, except knowledge be worse than ignorance. So that whosoever hath moved you to mislike this order, can give you no reason, nor answer yours, if ye understood it.

Wherefore, you our subjects! remember, we speak to you, being ordained your prince and king by Almighty God: if anywise we could advance God’s honor more than we do, we would do it. And see that ye become subject to God’s ordinances, obeying us your prince, and learn of them which have authority to teach you, which have power to rule you, and will execute our justice if we be provoked. Learn not of them whose fruits be nothing but willfulness, disobedience, obstinacy, dissimulation, and destruction of the realm.

For the mass, we assure you, no small study nor travail hath been spent by all the learned clergy therein; and, to avoid all contention, it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it, as the apostles used it, as holy fathers delivered it: indeed somewhat altered from that the `popes of Rome, for their lucre, brought it to. And although ye may hear the contrary of some popish evil men, yet our majesty, which, for our honor, may not be blemished or stained, assureth you, that they deceive you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your head, to finish their own purposes.

And so, likewise, judge you of confirmation of children; and let them answer you this one question: Think they, that a child christened is damned, because it dieth before bishoping? They be confirmed at the time of discretion, to learn that which they professed, in the lack thereof, by baptism; taught in age, that which they received in infancy: and yet, no doubt but they be saved by baptism, not by confirmation; and made Christ’s by christening, and taught how to continue by confirmation. Wherefore, in the whole, mark, good subjects! how our doctrine is founded upon true learning, and theirs upon shameless errors.

To conclude; besides our gentle manner of information to you, whatsoever is contained in our book, either for baptism, sacrament, mass, confirmation, and service in the church, is by our parliament established, by the whole clergy agreed, yea, by the bishops of the realm devised; and, further, by God’s word confirmed. And how dare ye trust, yea, how dare ye give ear without trembling, to any singular person to disallow a parliament, a subject to persuade against our majesty, a man of his singular arrogancy against the determination of the bishops and all the clergy, any invented argument against the word of God?

But now you, our subjects! we resort to a greater matter of your blindness, of your unkindness and great unnaturalness; and such an evil, that if we thought it had not begun of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certain traitors amongst you, which we think few in number, but in their doings busy; we could not be persuaded but to use our sword, and do justice, and as we be ordained by God; that is, to redress your errors by avengement. But love and zeal yet overcome our just anger; but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our heart is; and rather for your own causes, being our christened subjects, we would ye were rather persuaded than vanquished, informed than forced, taught than overthrown, quietly pacified than rigorously persecuted.

Ye require to have the statute of the Six Articles revived and know ye what ye require? or know ye what ease ye have with the loss of them? They were laws made, but quickly repented; too bloody they were to be borne of our people, and yet at the first, indeed, made of some necessity. O subjects, how are ye trapped by subtle persons! We of pity, because they were bloody, took them away ; 400 and you now of ignorance will ask them again. You know full well, that they helped us to extend rigor, and gave us cause to draw our sword very often; they were as a whetstone to our sword, and for your causes we left to use them. And since our mercy moved us to write our laws with milk and equity, how be ye blinded to ask them in blood!

But, leaving this manner of reasoning, and resorting to the truth of our authority, we let you wit, the same hath been annulled by our parliament, with great rejoicing of our subjects, and is not now to be called by subjects in question. Dare then any of you, with the name of a subject, stand against an act of parliament, a law of the whole realm? What is our power, if laws should be thus neglected?

Yea, what is your surety, if laws be not kept? Assure yourselves most surely, that we of no earthly thing under the heaven make such a reputation, as we do of this one thing: to have our law obeyed, and this cause of God, which we have taken in hand, to be thoroughly maintained: from the which we will never remove a hair’s breadth, nor give place to any creature living, much less to any subject; but therein will spend our own royal: person, our crown, treasure, realm, and all our state; whereof we assure you of! our high honor. For herein indeed resteth our honor, herein standeth our kingdom, herein do all kings acknowledge us a king. And shall any of you dare breathe or think against our honor, our kingdom, or crown?

In the end of this your request (as we be given to understand) ye would have them stand in force until our full age. To this, we think, if ye knew what: ye spoke, ye would never have uttered that motion, nor ever have given breath to such a thought. For what think you of our kingdom? Be we of less authority for our age? Be we not your king now, as we shall be? or shall ye be subjects hereafter, and now are ye not? Have not we the right we shall have?

If we would suspend and hang our doings in doubt until our full age, ye must first know, that as a king, we have no difference of years or time, but as a natural man and creature of God, we have youth, and, by his sufferance, shall have age. We are your rightful king, your liege lord, your king anointed, your king crowned, the sovereign king of England, not by our age, but by God’s ordinance; not only when we shall be of twenty-one years, but when we are of ten years. We possess our crown, not by years, but by the blood and descent from our father king Henry the Eighth. You are our subjects, because we be your king; and rule we will, because God hath willed. It is as great a fault us not to rule, as in a subject not to obey.

If it be considered, they which move this matter, if they durst utter themselves, would deny our kingdom. But our good subjects know their prince, and will increase, not diminish his honor; enlarge, not abate his power; acknowledge, not defer his kingdom to certain years. All is one, to speak against our crown, and to deny our kingdom, as to require that our laws may be broken unto twentyone years. Be we not your crowned, anointed, and established king? Wherein, then, be we of less majesty, of less authority, or less state than were our progenitors, kings of this realm, except your unkindness, your unnaturalness, will diminish our estimation?

We have hitherto, since the death of our father, by the good advice and counsel of our dear and entirely beloved uncle, kept our state, maintained our realm, preserved our honor, defended our people from our enemies; we have hitherto been feared and dreaded of our enemies, yea, of princes, kings, and nations; yea, herein we benothing inferior to any our progenitors (which grace we acknowledge to be given us from God), and how else, but by good obedience of our people, good counsel of our magistrates, due execution of our laws? By authority of our kingdom England hitherto hath gained honor; during our reign, it hath won of the enemy, and not lost.

It hath been marveled, that we, of so young years, have reigned so nobly, so royally, so quietly. And how chanceth it that you our subjects of that our country of Devonshire, will give the first occasion to slander this our realm of England, to give courage to the enemy, to note our realm of the evil of rebellion? to make it a prey to our old enemies? to diminish our honor, which God hath given, our father left, our good uncle and council preserved unto us? What greater evil could ye commit, than even now, when our foreign enemy in Scotland, and upon the sea, seeketh to invade us, to rise in this manner against our law? to provoke so justly our wrath, to ask our vengeance, and to give us occasion to spend that force upon you, which we meant to bestow upon our enemies? to begin to slay you with that sword which we drew against the Scots and other enemies? to make a conquest of our own people, which otherwise should have been of the whole realm of Scotland?

Thus far, ye see, we have descended from our high majesty for love, to consider you in your base and simple ignorance, and have been content to send you an instruction like a fatherly prince, who, of justice, might have sent you your destruction like a king to rebels. And now we let you know, that as ye see our mercy abundant, so, if ye provoke us further, we swear to you by the living God, by whom we reign, ye shall feel the power of the same God in our sword, which how mighty it is, no subject knoweth; how puissant it is, no private man can judge; how mortal it is, no English heart dare think. But surely, surely, as your lord and prince, your only king and master, we say to you, Repent yourselves, and take our mercy without delay; or else, we will forthwith extend our princely power, and execute our sharp sword against you, as against very infidels and Turks, and rather adventure our own royal person, state, and power, than the same shall not be executed.

And, if ye will prove the example of our mercy, learn of certain which lately did arise, pretending some griefs, and yet, acknowledging their offenses, have not only received most humbly their pardon, but feel also, by our order, to whom all public order only pertaineth, redress devised for their griefs. In the end we admonish you of your duties to God, whom ye shall answer in the day of the Lord; and of your duties towards us, whom ye shall answer by our order; and take our mercy whilst God so inclineth us; lest, when ye shall be constrained to ask, we shall be too much hardened in our heart to grant it you; and whereas ye shall now hear of mercy — mercy and life! — ye shall then hear of justice — justice and death!

Given at Richmond, the eighth day of July, the third year of our reign.

Besides the articles of these Devonshire men above mentioned, the said rebels sent up also, not long after, a supplication to the king, whereunto answer again was made by the king’s learned council, which here, to make short, leisure serveth not to rehearse.

Over and besides, to behold the malicious working of those popish priests, to kindle more the spark of sedition in the people’s hearts, what bruits and rumors did they raise up against the king and his council, making the vulgar multitude to believe that they should be made to pay, first for their sheep, then for their geese and pigs also, and other like things; and whatsoever they had in store, or should put in their mouths, they must fine there-for to the king! of all which matter never a word was either thought or meant.

But this seemed matter fit for such priests, whereby to set the prince and his subjects together by the ears.

Against this seditious company of rebels was appointed and sent by the king and his council sir John Russell, knight, lord privy seal, as lieutenant general of the king’s army, on whom chiefly depended the charge and achievance of that voyage in the west parts. To him also were adjoined, as in part of ordinary council in those affairs under him, sir William Herbert, sir Johan Pawlet, sir Hugh Pawlet, sir Thomas Speck, with the lord Gray, and others beside.

Thus the said lord privy seal, accompanied with the lord Gray, advancing his power against the rebels, although in number of soldiers not equally furnished like to the others, yet, through the gracious assistance of the Lord’s help, fighting in his cause, and giving the adventure against the enemy, about the latter end of July, A.D. 1549, gave them the repulse; who, notwithstanding, recovering themselves again with such stomachs as they had, encountered the second time with the aforesaid lord privy seal, about the beginning of August following, by whom, through the Lord’s mighty power, they, with their whole cause of false religion, were utterly vanquished and quite overthrown.

In that victory a great work of God’s mighty power undoubtedly did appear; for, although the number of the rebels did surmount, in great quantity, the power and strength of the lord privy seal, and their stomachs were so fiercely set upon all desperate adventures; and though the power of sir William Herbert (being the same time at Bristol) was not yet presently come, which should have joined with the lord privy seal; yet, all this notwithstanding, the goodness of the Lord so wrought on the king’s behalf, more than any industry of man (which in all respects in handling that matter was very raw, and far behind), that the victory fell to the king’s part, under the valiant guiding of the aforesaid lord privy seal; so that the popish rebels not only lost the field, but a great part of them also lost their lives, lying there slain miserably in the chase, to the compass of two miles’ space. Where also were taken and apprehended the chieftains and ringleaders of that mischievous dance, whereof the principal were Humfrey Arundel, Berry, Thomas Underhil, John Soleman, William Segar; Tempson and Barret two priests; Henry Bray and Henry Lee, two mayors; with divers others more above specified; all who, accordingly, afterwards were executed. These rebels, to make their part more sure by the help and presence of their consecrated god and maker, brought with them, into the battle, the pix under his canopy; and instead of an altar, where he was hanging before, set him now riding in a cart. Neither were there lacking masses, crosses, banners, candlesticks, with holy bread also, and holy water plenty, to defend them from devils and all adversary power; who, in the end, neither could help their friends, nor yet could save themselves from the hands of their enemies, but, eftsoons, both the consecrated god, and all the trumpery about him, were taken in the cart, and there lay all in the dust, leaving to them a notable lesson of bitter experience, how to put their confidence hereafter in no such vain idols, but only in the true living God and immortal Maker, to be served according to his prescribed word; and that only in the faith of his Son, and not after their own dreaming fantasies.

The story whereof putteth me also in remembrance of another like popish field called Musselborough field, fought in Scotland the year before this, where the Scots likewise encamping themselves against the lord protector, and the king’s power sent into Scotland, did, in semblable wise, bring with them to the battle, the consecrated gods of their altars, with masses, crosses, banners, and all their popish stuff of idolatry; having great affiance, by virtue thereof, to have a great day against the English army, as indeed, in man’s judgment, it might seem not unlike. For the number of the Scots’ army so far exceeded ours, and they were so appointed with their pikes in the first front against our horsemen (who gave the first onset), that our men were fain to recule, not without the loss of divers gentlemen.

Notwithstanding, the mighty arm of the Lord so turned the victory, that the Scots, in the end, with all their masses, pixes, and idolatrous trinkets, were put to the worse: of whom in that field were slain between thirteen and fourteen thousand, and not passing a hundred Englishmen. The cause of this was the promise of the said Scots, made before to king Henry, for the marriage of the young Scottish queen to king Edward, which promise the said Scots afterwards brake, and paid thereafter.

In that victory this is also to be noted, that the same day and hour when the images were burned openly in London, the Scots were put to flight in Musselborough, as is credibly noted in records.

During this hurly-burly amongst the popish rebels in Cornwall and Devonshire, the like commotion at the same time, by such like popish priests as Holmes and his fellows, began to gender in the parts of Oxford and Buckingham; but that was soon appeased by the lord Gray, who, coming down that way into Devonshire, chased the rebels to their houses; of whom two hundred were taken, and a dozen of the ringleaders delivered unto him, whereof certain were after executed.

In Norfolk and parts thereabout, albeit the original of their tumultuous stirring was not for the like cause, yet the obstinate hearts of that unruly multitude seemed no less bent upon mischief, to disturb public peace, which was also in the month of July, the year above-said. For repression of that rebellion, first was sent the lord marquis of Northampton, with special instruction to avoid the fight; and so, by order, was appointed with a number of horse to keep the field and passages, whereby they, being stopped from victual, might the sooner be brought to acknowledge their folly, and to seek their pardon; who then, following other policy than by order was given, came and pinned himself within the city of Norwich, which afterwards they were fain to abandon, the rebels pressing upon the city so on every side, that at length they obtained the same. Nevertheless, in all that conflict there were but a hundred on both sides slain, and otherwise no great loss, but only the loss of the lord Sheffield.

Then was sent down against them the earl of Warwick, with sufficient force and number of soldiers, besides the convoy of two thousand Almains, by whom the rude and confused rabble were there overthrown and slain, to the number, as is supposed, of four thousand at least: and, in fine, both the Kets, chief stirrers and authors of that commotion, were taken and put to execution, and one of them hanged up in chains.

Moreover, besides these inordinate uproars and insurrections above mentioned, about the latter end of the said month of July the same year, which was 1549, another like stir or commotion began at Seamer, in the North Riding of Yorkshire, and continued in the East Riding of the same, and there ended. The principal doers and raisers up of this insurrection were one William Ombler of East Allerton, yeoman; and Thomas Dale, parish clerk of Seamer; with one Stevenson of Seamer, neighbor to Dale, and nephew to Ombler. This Stevenson was a mean or messenger between the said Ombler and Dale, being before not acquainted together, and dwelling seven miles one from the other; who at last, by the travail of the said Stevenson and their own evil disposition, inclined to ungraciousness and mischief knowing before, one the other’s mind by secret conference, were brought to talk together on St. James’s day, A.D. 1549.

The causes moving them to raise this rebellion, were these: First and principally, their traitorous hearts, grudging at the king’s most honorable proceedings, in advancing and reforming the true honor of God, and his religion. Another cause also was, for trusting to a blind and a fantastical prophecy, wherewith they were seduced, thinking the same prophecy should shortly come to pass, by hearing the rebellions of Norfolk, Devonshire, and other places. The tenor, of which prophecy, and purpose together of the traitors was, “That there should no king reign in England; that the noblemen and gentlemen should be destroyed, and the realm should be ruled by four governors, to be elected and appointed by the commons holding a parliament; in a commotion to begin at the south and north seas of England,” etc.: supposing that this their rebellion in the North, and the other of the Devonshire men in the West, meeting (as they intended) at one place, should be the mean how to compass this their traitorous devilish device. And therefore, laying their studies together, how they might find out more company to join with them in that detestable purpose, and so set forward this device they framed, as to stir in two places, the one distant seven miles from the other; and, at the first rush, to kill and destroy such gentlemen and men of substance about them, as were favorers of the king’s proceedings, or who would resist them. But, first of all, for the more speedy raising of men, they devised to burn beacons, and thereby to bring the people together, as though it were to defend the seacoasts; and, having the ignorant people assembled, then to pour out their poison; first, beginning with the rudest and poorest sort, such as they thought were pricked with poverty, and were unwilling to labor, and therefore the more ready to follow the spoil of rich men’s goods, blowing into their heads that God’s service was laid aside, and new inventions, neither good nor godly, put in place; and so, feeding them with fair promises to reduce into the church again their old ignorance and idolatry, they thought, by that means soonest, to allure them to rage and run with them in this commotion. And furthermore, to the intent they might give the more terror to the gentlemen at their first rising, lest they should be resisted, they devised that some should be murdered in churches, some in their houses, some in serving the king in commission, and others as they could be caught; and to pick quarrels with them for alteration of service on the holy-days. And thus was the platform cast of their device, according as afterwards, by their confession at their examinations, it was testified, and remaineth in true record.

Thus they being together agreed, Ombler and Dale, and others by their secret appointment, so labored the matter in the parishes of Seamer and Wintringham, and in the towns about, that they were infected with the poison of this confederacy in such sort, that it was easy to understand whereunto they would incline, if a commotion were begun. The accomplishment thereof did shortly follow; for, although by the words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracy, named Calvered, at the alehouse in Wintringham, some suspicion of that rebellion began to be smelled before by the lord president and gentlemen in those parts, and so prevented in that place where the rebels thought to begin; yet they gave not over so, but drew to another place at Seamer, by the sea-coast; and there, by night, rode to the beacon at Saxton, and set it on fire. And so, gathering together a rude rout of rascals out of the towns near about, being in a stir, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale, hasted forthwith with the rebels to Master White’s house, to take him, who notwithstanding, being on horseback, minding to have escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels, took him, and Clopton his wife’s brother, one Savage a merchant of York, and one Bury servant to sir Walter Mildmay; which four, without cause or quarrel, saving to fulfill their seditious prophecy in some part, and to give a terror to other gentlemen, they cruelly murdered, after they had carried them one mile from Seamer, towards the Wold; and there, after they had stripped them of their clothes and purses, left them naked behind them in the plain field, for crows to feed on, until White’s wife and Savage’s wife, then at Seamer, caused them to be buried.

Long it were, and tedious, to recite what revel these rebels kept in their raging madness, who, ranging about the country from town to town, to enlarge their ungracious and rebellious band, taking those with force who were not willing to go, and leaving in no town where they came any man above the age of sixteen years, so increased this number, that, in short time, they had gathered three thousand to favor their wicked attempts; and had like to have gathered more, had not the Lord’s goodness, through prudent circumspection, interrupted the course of their furious beginning.

For, first, came the king’s gracious and free pardon, 27 discharging and pardoning them, and the rest of the rebels, of all treasons, murders, felonies, and other offenses done to his majesty, before the 21st of August, A.D. 1549; which pardon, although Ombler contemptuously refused, persisting still in his willful obstinacy, dissuading also the rest from the humble accepting the king’s so loving and liberal pardon, yet, notwithstanding, with some it did good.

To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler, as he was riding from town to town, twelve miles from Hunmanby, to charge all the constables and inhabitants where he came, in the king’s name, to resort to Hunmanby, by the way he was espied, and by the circumspect diligence of John Wood the younger, James Aslabe, Ralph Twinge, and Thomas Constable gentleman, he was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended, and brought in the night in sure custody unto the city of York, to answer to his demerits. After whom, within short time, Thomas Dale and Henry Barton, the first chieftains and ringleaders of the former commotion, with John Dale, Robert Wright, William Peacock, Wetherel, and Edmund Buttry, busy stirrers in this sedition, as they traveled from place to place to draw people to their faction, were likewise apprehended, committed to ward, lawfully convicted, and lastly, executed at York the 21st of September, A.D. 1549. 28 To these pestiferous commotions, raised up against king Edward by his own subjects in this year aforesaid, within the realm, I might also adjoin the busy stilting and raging of the French king, against our young and innocent prince, without the realm: who, hearing of these tumults and violent insurrections of the king’s subjects in divers and sundry quarters of the realm, supposing to take the time for his most advantage, thought, likewise, for his part, not to be unoccupied. Who, after he had by his ambassador made open breach with the king, immediately after the revocation of the said ambassador from hence, intending to annoy the king, and make his first invasion against the isles of Jersey and Guernsey, thought to have surprised our ships and the said isles with a certain number of his ships and galleys; in which his assault he was so hotly saluted by the king’s ships and the island, that, by the confession of them that saw it, and by the report written unto the lord protector, the Frenchmen lost at least a thousand men. Their ships and galleys were so spoiled, that being forced to return home, they were not able then to set out again.

Furthermore, out of France credible word was brought to the lord protector (which yet in letters appeareth), that into one town, in one vessel, were brought, at least, three score gentlemen to be buried; and also an inhibition specially given out by the king, not to speak of the success in that journey. This was about the beginning of August, 1549. The like also might be noted of the losses of the said French king at Boulogne, the 8th day of August, the same year, as by the lord Clinton’s letters may well appear; but for spending of time. I pass it over. What the meaning of the French king was in these voyages, or how he intended further to proceed, I have not herein to deal. This is certain and evident, that the mighty arm of God mercifully fought for king Edward his servant, to defend and deliver him from so many hard dangers, so dangerous and sundry corn-motions, stirred up in so many quarters within this realm, and also without the realm, and all within the compass of one year; and yet the Lord above, fighting for his true servant, dispatched them all, as in story here ye have heard declared, and is no less worthy of all posterity to be noted.

MATTER CONCERNING EDMUND BONNER401 , BISHOP OF LONDON, WITH DECLARATION OF THE ACTS AND PROCESS ENTERED AGAINST HIM IN KING EDWARD’S TIME. And thus much hitherto having discoursed touching the manifold troubles and tumults raised up on every side against king Edward by his unkind and unnatural subjects, and yet, notwithstanding, the gracious goodness of the Lord ever giving him the victory; now let us return again to Bonner, bishop of London, where we left him before, that is, in his own house, where he was by the council commanded to remain, as is above signified.

And now, forasmuch as we have to enter into the story of the said Bonner, for the better understanding of the whole order thereof, it shall be requisite to rip up and declare the matter, with the circumstances and occasions thereof, from the first beginning of king Edward’s time. Where is to be understood, that king Edward, in the first year of his reign, A.D. 1547, the first day of September, for the order of his visitation, directed out certain commissioners, as sir Anthony Cook and sir John Godsalve, knights, John Godsalve and Christopher Nevinson, doctors of the law, and John Madew, doctor of divinity; who, sitting in Paul’s church upon their commission, the day and year aforesaid, there being present at the same time, Edmund bishop of London, John Royston, Polydore Virgil, Peter Van, and others of the said cathedral church, after the sermon made, and the commission being read, ministered an oath unto the said bishop of London, to renounce and deny the bishop of Rome with his usurped authority, and to swear obedience unto the king, according to the effect and form of the statute made in the 31st year of king Henry VIII.; also, that he should present and redress all and singular such things as were needful within the said church to be reformed.

Whereupon the said bishop humbly and instantly desired them that he might see their commission, only for this purpose and intent (as he said), that he might the better fulfill and put in execution the things wherein he was charged by them or their commission: unto whom the commissioners, answering, said, they would deliberate more upon the matter. And so they called the other ministers of the said church before them, and ministered the like oath unto them, as they did to the bishop before. To whom moreover, there and then, certain interrogatories and articles of inquisition were read by Peter Lilly the public notary. This done, after their oaths taken, the said commissioners delivered unto the bishop aforesaid, certain injunctions, as well in print as written, and homilies set forth by the king; all which things the said bishop received, under the words of this protestation, as followeth: ‘I do receive these injunctions and homilies with this protestation, that I will observe them, if they be not contrary and repugnant to God’s law and the statutes and ordinances of the church.’ And immediately he added, with an oath, that he never read the said homilies and injunctions. This protestation being made in manner and form aforesaid, the said Edmund Bonner bishop of London instantly desired and required Peter Lilly, the registrar aforesaid, there and then to register and enact the same. And so the said commissioners, delivering the injunctions and homilies to Master Bellassere, archdeacon of Colchester, and Gilbert Bourn, archdeacon of London, Essex, and Middlesex; and enjoining them, in most effectuous manner, under pains therein contained, to put the same in speedy execution, and also reserving other new injunctions to be ministered afterwards, as well to the bishop, as to the archdeacons aforesaid, according as they should see cause, etc., did so continue the said visitation till three of the clock the same day in the afternoon.

At the which hour and place assigned, the commissioners being set, and the canons and priests of the said church appearing before them, and being examined upon virtue of their oath, for their doctrine and conversation of life, first one John Painter, one of the canons of the said cathedral church, there and then openly confessed, that he, viciously and carnally, had often the company of a certain married man’s wife,31 whose name he denied to declare: in the which crime divers other canons and priests of the aforesaid church confessed in like manner, and could not deny themselves to be culpable.

And after the commissioners aforesaid had delivered to Master Royston prebendary, and to the proctor of the dean and of the chapter of the said cathedral church of St. Paul, the king’s injunctions, and the book of homilies, enjoining them to see the execution thereof, under pain therein specified, they prorogued their said visitation until seven of the clock the next day following.

By this visitation, above specified, it appears, gentle reader, first how Bonner made his protestation after the receiving of the king’s injunctions, and also how he required the same to be put in public record. Furthermore, thou hast to note the unchaste life and conversation of these popish votaries and priests of Paul’s. Now, what followed after this protestation of the bishop made, remaineth further, in the sequel of the story, to be declared; wherein, first thou shalt understand that the said bishop, shortly after his protestation, whether for fear, or for conscience, repenting himself, went unto the king, where he submitted himself, and recanting his former protestation, craved pardon of the king for his inordinate demeanor toward his grace’s commissioners, in the former visitation: which pardon, notwithstanding it was granted unto him by the king for the acknowledging of his fault, yet for the evil example of the fact, it was thought good that he should be committed to the Fleet, as by the tenor of the council’s letter sent to the commissioners may appear; which, together with the form also of the bishop’s protestation and of his recantation, here under followeth.

THE KING’S LETTER TO THE COMMISSIONERS CONCERNING THE RECANTATION AND PARDONING OF BONNER.

To our very loving friends, sir Anthony Cook, knight, and the rest of the commissioners for the visitation at London, in haste.

After our hearty commendation: This shall be to signify unto you, that we have received your letters, and in the same enclosed the copy of the protestation made by the bishop of London in the time of your visitation at Paul’s: your wise proceedings wherein, and advertisements from you, we take in very thankful part towards us. And because the said bishop, who, being here before us, hath acknowledged his indiscreet demeanor, did at that time, at Paul’s, require the registrar of your visitation, to make record and entry of his protestation, and now, upon better consideration of his duty, maketh means to have the same revoked, as shall appear unto you by the true copy of his writings enclosed, the original whereof, remaining with us, he hath subscribed; we pray you to cause the registrar to make entry of this his revocation, according to the tenor of this his said writing: further signifying unto you, that in respect of his offense, and the evil ensample that might thereupon ensue, we have thought meet to send him to the prison of the Fleet, whither he hath been conveyed by Master Vice-chamberlain. And whereas sundry things for the king’s majesty’s service do now occur here, which require the present attendance of you, sir John Godsalve, as well for your office of the signet, as of the prothonotoryship, we pray you that, leaving the execution of the visitation to the rest of your colleagues, you make your repair hither with convenient diligence. Thus fare you right heartily well.

From Hampton Court, the 12th of September, 1547.

Your assured loving friends, Thomas Canterbury, Thomas Seymour, William Peter, William Saint John, William Paget, Anthony Dennie, John Russell, Anthony Brown, Edward North.

THE FORM OF BONNER’S RECANTATION.

Whereas I, Edmund bishop of London, at such time as I received the king’s majesty’s injunctions and homilies of my most dread sovereign lord, at the hands of his highness’s visitors, did unadvisedly make such protestation as now, upon better consideration of my duty of obedience, and of the evil example that might ensue unto others thereof, appeareth to me neither reasonable, nor such as might well stand with the duty of an humble subject: forasmuch as the same protestation, at my request, was then, by the registrar of that visitation, enacted and put in record, I have thought it my duty not only to declare before your lordships, that I do now, upon better consideration of my duty, renounce and revoke my said protestation; but also most humbly beseech your lordships, that this my revocation of the same may be likewise put in the same records, for a perpetual memory of the truth; most humbly beseeching your good lordships, both to take order that it may take effect, and also that my former and unadvised doings may be, by your good mediations, pardoned by the king’s majesty. Edmund London.

The registers of these affairs of Bonner’s remain in the hands of Peter Lilly, then being registrar to the aforesaid commissioners. Thus far thou hast heard, loving reader, first the popish protestation of Bonner; then how he, calling himself home again, solemnly recanted the same, requiring further the said his revocation to be committed to public record, for a perpetual remembrance. Also, how he, upon his humble submission, received his pardon of the king, and yet, for example sake, was commanded to the Fleet; where he nevertheless did not long continue, but, according to the effect of the king’s pardon before granted, was restored both to house and living again; which was in the first year of the king, A.D. 1547.

After this ye have heard also, in the story above, in the second year, and a great part of the third year of the king, how he demeaned himself, although not most forward in advancing the king’s proceedings, yet in such sort, as no great advantage by any law could be taken against him, both in swearing his obedience to the king, and in receiving his injunctions; also in confessing his assent and consent touching the state of religion then; and, furthermore, in directing out his letters, according to the archbishop of Canterbury’s precepts, to Cloney 402 his sumner, to the bishop of Westminster, and to other bishops, for abolishing of images, for abrogation of the mass, for bibles to be set up, and for ministering in both kinds, with such other like matters of reformation; till at length he, hearing of the death of the lord admiral, the lord protector’s brother, and after that of the stirring and rising of the king’s subjects in sundry tumults against the king, began somewhat, as he durst, to draw back and slack his pastoral diligence, so that in many places of his diocese, and in London, the people not only were negligent in resorting to divine service, but also did frequent and haunt foreign rites of masses, and other orders than in this realm were appointed; and he also himself, contrary to his wonted manner, upon principal feasts refused in his own person to execute. Whereupon he, being suspected and complained of, and convented before the king’s council (as ye heard before), after sharp admonitions and reproofs had certain private injunctions to him enjoined.

MATTERS403 PUT TO BONNER TO REDRESS. 1. That he should personally preach within three weeks after at Paul’s Cross. 2. That according as his predecessors were wont to celebrate mass, he at such wonted times should execute and administer the communion. 3. That he should call before him and correct more diligently such transgressors as absented themselves from the order of service, and ministration of the Lord’s board, appointed then in churches by the king’s ordinance. 4. That he should see more carefully and vigilantly to the punishment of adulterers and fornicators. 5. That he, in the meanwhile, should be resident within his own house during the time while he should make his sermon at Paul’s above mentioned, which was A.D. 1549.

In this sermon certain special points were prefixed unto him, whereupon he should treat; which here in order follow, and are these:

SPECIAL POINTS404 AND ARTICLES TO BE TREATED OF BY BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON, IN HIS SERMON. 1. That all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them damnation, and those that resist the higher power resist the ordinances of God; and he that dieth therefore in rebellion, by the word of God is utterly damned, and so loseth both body and soul. And therefore those rebels in Devonshire and Cornwall, in Norfolk, or elsewhere, who take upon them to assemble a power and force against their king and prince, against the laws and statutes of the realm, and go about to subvert the state and order of the commonwealth, not only do deserve therefore death as traitors and rebels, but do accumulate to themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the burning fire of hell with Lucifer, the father and first author of pride, disobedience, and rebellion, what pretences soever they have, and what masses or holy water soever they pretend, or go about to make among themselves; as Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, for rebellion against Moses, were swallowed down alive into hell, although they pretended to sacrifice unto God. 2. Likewise, in the order of the church, and extern rites and ceremonies of divine service, forasmuch as God requireth humility of heart, innocency of living, knowledge of him, charity and love towards our neighbors, and obedience to his word and to his ministers and superior powers, these we must bring to all our prayers, to all our service; and this is that sacrifice which Christ requireth, and these be those that make all things pleasant unto God. The extern rites and ceremonies be but exercises of our religion, and appointable by superior powers; in choosing whereof we must obey the magistrates; which things also we do see ever have been and shall be (as the time and place is) diverse, and yet all hath pleased God so long as these before-spoken inward things be there. If any man shall use the old rites, and thereby disobey the superior power, the devotion of his ceremonies is made naught by his disobedience: so that which else (so long as the law did so stand) might be good, by pride and disobedience now is made naught; as Saul’s sacrifice, Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and Aaron’s two children were. But whoso joineth to devotion obedience, he winneth the garland. For else it is a zeal, ‘sed non secundum scientiam;’ a will, desire, zeal, and devotion, but not after wisdom; that is, a foolish devotion, which can require no thanks or praise. And yet again, where ye obey, ye must have devotion, for God requireth the heart more than the outward doings; and, therefore, he that taketh the communion, or saith or heareth the service appointed by the king’s majesty, must bring devotion and inward prayers with him, or else his prayers are but vain, lacking that which God requireth, that is, the heart and mind to pray to him. 3. Further, ye shall, for example, on Sunday come seventh night, after the aforesaid date, celebrate the communion at Paul’s church. 4. Ye shall also set forth in your sermon, that our authority of royal power is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our young age, than is or was that of any our predecessors, though the same were much older, as may appear by example of Josias, and other young kings, in Scripture; and therefore all our subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, than if we were of thirty or forty years of age.

The delivery of these injunctions and articles unto the bishop (with the time of his appointed preaching) was soon after known abroad among the citizens, and other the commons within the city of London, so. that every man expected the time thereof, wishing to hear the same; which time being once come, the bishop, according to the tenor of the-injunctions, publicly preached at the cross of Paul’s the first day of September. Howbeit, as hypocrisy never lurketh so secretly in the hearts of the wicked, but that at one time or other, God, in his most righteous judgment, maketh it open unto the world; so, at this present, was that long, colored, perverse obstinacy, and the infestered hatred of this double-faced dissembler against the king’s godly proceedings, most plainly manifested by his disobedient demeanor in this his sermon. For, whereas he was commanded to treat only upon such special points as were mentioned in his articles, he yet, both besides the council’s commandment, and to the withdrawing of the minds of the common people, as much as in him lay, from the right and true understanding of the holy sacrament, ministered in the holy communion then set forth by the authority of the king’s majesty (according to the true sense of the holy Scripture), did spend most part of his sermon about the gross, carnal, and papistical presence of Christ’s body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and also, contrary thereunto, did not only slenderly touch the rest of his articles, but, of a rebellious and willful carelessness, did utterly leave out unspoken the whole last article, concerning the as effectual and as lawful authority of the king’s highness during his young age, as if he were thirty or forty years old; notwithstanding the same (because it was the traitorous opinion of the popish rebels) was, by special commandment, chiefly appointed him to treat upon.

This contemptuous and disobedient dealing, as it greatly offended most of the king’s faithful and loving subjects there present, so did it much mislike the minds, and was far from the good expectation, as well of that faithful and godly preacher Master John Hooper, afterwards bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, and lastly a most constant martyr for the gospel of Christ, and also of Master William Latimer, bachelor of divinity: and therefore they, well weighing the foulness of the fact, and their bounden allegiances unto their prince, did thereupon exhibit unto the king’s highness, under both their names, a bill of complaint or denunciation against the said bishop, in form following:

THE DENUNCIATION405 OF JOHN HOOPER AND WILLIAM LATIMER, AGAINST BONNER, TO THE KING’S MAJESTY, FOR LEAVING UNDONE THE POINTS BEFOREMENTIONED, WHICH BONNER WAS CHARGED TO PREACH UPON.

In most humble wise show unto your majesty William Latimer and John Hooper, that whereas of late, as we be certainly informed from your majesty, by the hand of the right high and noble prince Edward duke of Somerset, governor of your royal person, and protector of all your highness’s realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of your privy council, there were certain injunctions given to the bishop of London that now is, with articles to be insinuated and preached unto your subjects at a certain day limited, the which injunctions and articles did only tend to the honor of God, and the better instructions of your highness’s people to obedience, and hatred of rebellion and mutiny, wherewith of late this your majesty’s realm hath been marvelous vexed, to the danger of your highness’s person, and the state of the whole realm; and, therefore, a thing at this time most necessary to be taught unto the people, that they might know their duty unto your majesty, and unto Almighty God; and especially to acknowledge your majesty in these years and age to be a perfect high and sovereign lord and king and supreme head, whoso laws, proclamations, and commandments we are bound to obey, as well as any prince’s subjects are bound to obey the laws, proclamations, and commandments of their natural and sovereign lord, notwithstanding that nature hath not yet given unto your person such age as, we trust, she shall, nor so many years, which we wish to be so many as any prince ever had, the which years do not make you king or prince, but the right of your birth, and lawful succession whatsoever it be, so that we all must as well acknowledge your majesty to be our king and prince, at these years, as if you were at the age of thirty or forty years, and your laws and statutes no less to be feared and obeyed, than if your highness were fifty or a hundred years old (the which thing not only is most certainly true, but also at this time most necessarily to be taught, especially when divers rebels have openly declared, that they would not obey your highness’s laws, nor acknowledge the statutes made by your majesty to be available, till you come to the age of twenty years): and this not only being so, but the same thing being commanded by your said majesty, amongst other injunctions and articles given in writing to the said Edmund Bonner, to be preached in his last sermon, as by the same injunctions may appear, of the which the true copy we have, when need is, to be showed: yet all this notwithstanding, the said Bonner, of what zeal or mind we cannot tell, whether favoring the opinion of the said rebels, or contemning your highness’s commandment declared unto him, hath not only left out to declare the said article, which we most and chiefly expected and looked for, but also, in all the rest of his sermon, did not so fully and apertly declare the said injunctions and articles, as to our judgment did appear they ought to have been declared, and was of no light ground looked for, entreating of others far distant and diverse from the articles upon the which he was commanded to entreat, and such as most should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension; willingly leaving out those things which should have made quiet and obedience. Wherefore, not moved of any malice, grudge, envy, or evil will to the person of the bishop, but constrained by the love and zeal which we bear towards your highness, and of our duty and allegiance to your majesty, whose honor and safety, with tranquillity, quietness, and good governance of this your realm, we do most desire, and for the discharge of our most bounden duties, to avoid all the dangers that might ensue of the concealment thereof, we most humbly do denounce and declare the same to your highness, to the intent that your majesty, by the advice aforesaid, may, if it please your highness, at this our humble denunciation, call the said bishop to answer to the premises, the which we are ready to avow and prove; and then your highness may take further order herein, as to your princely wisdom shall seem most convenient, whose long life and most prosperous government God Almighty long continue, for the which we shall pray during our lives.

The king’s majesty having thus, by the information of these two credible persons, perfect intelligence of the contemptuous and perverse negligence of this bishop, in not accomplishing his highness’s commandment given him by injunction, thought it most necessary, with all convenient speed (for the avoiding of further inconveniences), to look more severely unto the due punishment of such dangerous rebellious obstinacy; and, therefore, by the advice of the lord protector, and the rest of his honorable council, immediately he directed forth his commission under his broad seal unto the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Rochester, and to other grave and trusty personages and councilors, appointing and authorizing all them, or certain of them, by virtue of the same, to call before them, as well the bishop of London, as also the aforesaid denouncers, and upon due examination and proof of the premises, or any other matter otherwise to be objected, further to proceed against him summarily “et de plano,” according to law and justice, either to suspension, excommunication, committing to prison, or deprivation (if the quality of the offense so required): or otherwise, to use any other censure ecclesiastical, which, for the better hearing and determining of that cause, might to their wisdoms seem more pertinent, as appeareth more amply by the tenor of the commission here ensuing.

THE COPY OF THE KING’S COMMISSION406 SENT DOWN UPON THE DENUNCIATION AFORESAID, FOR THE EXAMINATION OF BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON. Edward the Sixth, etc. To the most reverend father in God, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of England, the right reverend father in God, Nicholas bishop of Rochester, our trusty and right well-beloved councilors, sir William Peter and sir Thomas Smith, knights, our two principal secretaries, and William May, doctor of the law civil, and dean of Paul’s, greeting. It is come to our knowledge, that where we, by the advice of our most entirely beloved uncle Edward, duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of all our realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of our privy council, did give to the right reverend father in God Edmund, bishop of London, upon certain complaints before made unto us, and other great considerations, certain injunctions to be followed, done, and executed, and in a sermon appointed to him to preach by us certain articles; and for the more sure knowledge, keeping, and observing, did exhibit the same in writing unto him by the hands of our said uncle, in the fulfilling of our counsel: all this notwithstanding, the said bishop hath, in contempt of us (as it may appear), over-slipped and not observed certain of the said things so by us enjoined, and others so perversely and negligently done, that the things minded of us to reformation, and for a good quiet of our subjects and our whole realm, be converted, by the willful negligence or perversity of him, to a great occasion of slander, tumult, and grudge amongst our people, as it hath been denounced to us in writing by certain honest and discreet persons, and otherwise called. The which things (if they be so) we, tendering the health, quietness, good order, and government of our people, have not thought convenient to be let past unpunished and unreformed, and therefore, by the advice aforesaid, have appointed you five, four, or three, upon whose fidelities, wisdoms, dexterities, and circumspections, we have full confidence, to call before you as well the denouncers of the said faults, as also the said bishop; and, with due examinations and process, according to the law and justice, to hear the said matter, and all other matters, of what kind, nature, or condition soever they shall be, objected against the said bishop, summarily, ‘et de plano’ or otherwise, as to your discretions shall be thought most meet, with full power and authority to suspend, excommunicate, commit to prison, or deprive the said bishop, if the offense shall so appear to merit, or to use any other censure ecclesiastical, which, for the better hearing and determining of the cause shall be requisite and appertain: any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding.

In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents.

Witness ourself at Westminster, the eighth of September, in the third year of our reign. [A.D. 1549.] The commission, being sealed with the king’s broad seal, was by his highness’s council forthwith delivered at the court unto Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the commissioners mentioned in the same, being there all together present; who, upon the receipt thereof, determined, by virtue of the same, to sit at the archbishop’s house at Lambeth, the Tuesday 407 34 then next ensuing, which was the tenth day of that present month of September, and therefore appointed the bishop of London to be summoned to appear before them, as at that time and place.

The manner of whose behavior at his appearance, because it both declareth the froward nature and stubborn condition of the person, and also what estimation and authority he thought the commissioners to be of, I thought it not unmeet first, before I enter into the process, somewhat to note and describe unto you.

At his first entry into the place within the archbishop’s house at Lambeth, where the archbishop and others of the commissioners sat, he passed forth directly by them with his cap upon his head (making as though he saw them not), until one plucked him by the sleeve, willing him to do reverence unto the commissioners: whereat he laughingly turned himself, and spoke unto the archbishop on this wise: “What, my lord! are you here? by my troth I saw you not.” “No,” said the archbishop, “you would not see.” “Well,” quoth he, “you sent for me: have you any thing to say to me?” “Yea,” said the commissioners, “we have here authority from the king’s highness to call you to account for your sermon you made lately at Paul’s Cross, for that you did not there publish to the people the article which you were commanded then to preach upon.” At which words the bishop, either for that he did not greatly delight to hear of this matter, or else because he would make his friends believe that he was called to account only for his opinion in religion (as afterwards in the sequel of this process it more plainly appeareth), began to turn his talk unto other matters, and said unto the archbishop, “In good faith, my lord, I would one thing were had in more reverence than it is.” “What is it?” said the archbishop. “The blessed mass,” quoth he: “you have written very well of the sacrament, I marvel you do no more honor it.” The archbishop of Canterbury, therewith perceiving his subtlety, and seeing his gross blindness, to commend that which was utterly contrary to his opinion, said unto him again: “If you think it well, it is because you understand it not.” The other then, adding unto his former gross ignorance an obstinate impudency, answered, “I think I understand it better than you that wrote it.” Unto which words the archbishop replied, “Truly I will easily make a child that is but ten years old to understand therein as much as you. But what is this to the matter?”

Moreover, at what time as they began to enter the judicial prose. outing of their commission, and had called forth the denouncers to propound such matter as they had to object against him, he, hearing them speak, fell to scorning and taunting of them, saying to the one, that he spoke like a goose: and to the other, that he spoke like a woodcock, utterly denying their accusations to be true. Whereupon the archbishop seeing his peevish malice against the denouncers, asked him, if he would not believe them, whether he would credit the people there present? and therewithal (because many of them were also at the bishop’s sermon at Paul’s) he stood up and read the article of the king’s authority during his young age; saying unto them, “How say you, my masters! did my lord of London preach this article?” whereunto they answered, “No, no.” At which words the bishop turning himself about, deriding said, “Will you believe this fond people?”

Besides this, at all his appearings he used many irreverend, uncomely, obstinate, and froward words and behaviors towards the commissioners and others (in defacing their authority with the terms of pretensed commissioners, pretensed witnesses, and unjust, unlawful, and pretensed proceedings, with recusation of some, and terming others daws, woodcocks, fools, and such like), which I will here omit, for they do more manifestly appear in the sequel of the story in the time and place as they happened; adding yet this much by the way, that although such stoutness 408 of heart and will, if it had been in a cause true and rightful, might have perchance seemed, in some men’s judgment, to be somewhat sufferable, yet, to say the truth, in what case soever it be, being immoderate, as this shall appear, it beseemed no wise man, and therefore much less one of his calling. For, if his cause had been good, why did he not take the wrong patiently and meekly, as the true canon law of the gospel doth teach him? If it were (as it was indeed) naught and wrong, whereto served so bold sturdy stoutness, but to show the impudency of the person, and to make the case worse, which was bad enough before?

But belike he was disposed to declare, if need were, what he was able to do in the law, in shifting off the matter by subtle dilatories, and frivolous cavilling about the law. And if that would not help, yet with facing and brasing, and railing upon the denouncers with furious words, and irreverent behavior toward the king’s commissioners, he thought to countenance out the matter before the people, that something might seem yet to be in him, whatsoever was in the cause. For to conclude, for all his crafty cautels and tergiversations alleged out of the law, yet neither his cause could be so defended, nor his behavior so excused, but that he was therefore both justly imprisoned, and also, in the end, most lawfully deprived; as by the sequel of this process may well appear, the manner whereof is as followeth.

THE FIRST ACTION OR SESSION AGAINST BONNER, BEFORE THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS.

Upon Tuesday , 409 the 10th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1549, and in the third year of the reign of king Edward VI., Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of all England, associated with Nicholas Ridley then bishop of Rochester, sir William Peter, knight, one of the king’s two principal secretaries, and Master William May, doctor of the civil law, and dean of Paul’s, by virtue of the king’s commission, sat judicially upon the examination of Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, within the archbishop’s chamber of presence, at his house in Lambeth, before whom there then also personally appeared the said bishop. At which time the commissioners, first showing forth their commission, requested sir William Peter, that he would openly publish and read the same. That done, the archbishop, in the name of the rest, declared unto the bishop, that a grievous complaint had been heretofore made and exhibited against him in writing unto the king’s majesty and his most honorable council, and that therefore his highness, with their advice, had committed the examination thereof unto him, and other his colleagues there present; as also unto sir Thomas Smith, knight, the other of his majesty’s two principal secretaries, though then absent: and therewithal showed also forth a bill of complaint, exhibited unto the king by William Latimer and John Hooper, ministers; which they likewise requested sir William Peter to read.

These things ended, the bishop, like a subtle lawyer, having most like some secret intelligence before of these matters (whatsoever he pretended to the contrary), pulled out of his bosom a solemn protestation ready written, which he then exhibited unto the commissioners, requesting that the same might be there openly read; the copy whereof is in tenor and form hereunder to be seen. This protestation being read, he requested the commissioners that he might have the bill of. complaint delivered him; which when he had well perused, he said, that the same was very general, and so general, as that he could not directly answer thereunto. Whereunto the archbishop answered, that the special cause of the complaint against him was, for that he had transgressed the king’s commandment, given unto him by his council, in that he, in his late sermon made at Paul’s Cross, did not set forth unto the people the king’s highness’s royal power in his minority, according to the tenor of the article delivered unto him by them for that purpose; and for proof thereof called forth William Latimer and John Hooper, preachers, who before that time had put up the bill of complaint unto the king against him.

Upon whom when the bishop had earnestly looked, and well beheld them, he said, “As for this merchant Latimer, I know him very well, and have borne with him, and winked at his doings a great while, but I have more to say to him hereafter. But as touching this other merchant Hooper, I have not seen him before, howbeit I have heard much of his naughty preaching.”

And then, turning himself again unto the archbishop (of purpose, most like, to make his friends think that he was not called thither to answer for his contemptuous disobedience, but for matters of religion), said unto him, “Ah, my lord! now I see that the cause of my trouble is not for the matter that you pretend against me, but it is for that I did preach and set forth in my late sermon the true presence of the most blessed body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ to be in the sacrament of the altar. For as for these my accusers, as they be evil, infamed, notorious, and criminous persons, so are they manifest and notable heretics and seducers of the people, especially touching the sacrament of the altar; and most of all this Hooper.

For whereas, in my late sermon at Paul’s cross, I preached, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar, after the words of consecration, there is the true body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ, the selfsame in substance that was hanged and shed upon the cross, he, the same day at afternoon, having a great rabblement with him of his damnable sect, openly in the pulpit, within my diocese, did preach erroneously to the people against it; and, maliciously inveighing against my sermon, denied the verity and presence of Christ’s true body and blood to be in the same sacrament, and also falsely and untruly interpreted and expounded my words. And especially, where I preached and affirmed the very true body and blood of our Savior Jesus Christ to be in the said sacrament, the selfsame in substance that was hanged and shed upon the cross, he, like an ass (as he is an ass indeed), falsely changed and turned the word ‘that’ into ‘as,’ like an ass, saying, that I had said as it hanged, and as it was shed upon the cross.”

The archbishop hereupon, perceiving the bishop’s drift, and hearing him talk so much of the presence of Christ’s body and blood in the sacrament, said unto him, “My lord of London! ye speak much of a presence in the sacrament; what presence is there, and of what presence do you mean?”

Wherewith the bishop, being somewhat stirred and moved in his mind (as appeared by his choleric countenance), spake again to the archbishop very earnestly, and said, “‘What presence,’ my lord? I say and believe that there is the very true presence of the body and blood of Christ. What believe, you, and how do you believe, my lord?” Upon which words the archbishop, because he saw his answer dark and subtle, and minding somewhat to nip the gross absurdities of the papists, asked him further, whether he were there, face, nose, mouth, eyes, arms and lips, with other lineaments of his body? Whereat the bishop shaking his head, said, “Oh! I am right sorry to hear your grace speak these words;” and therewith boldly urged the archbishop to show his mind therein; the 36 aforenamed sir William Peter, at that time beholding and looking very earnestly upon the archbishop, but saying nothing to it. And then my lord of Canterbury, being further provoked by the bishop of London to declare what, and how, he believed in the sacrament of the altar, wisely weighing the fond presumption of the party, with the place and occasion of their assembly, refused then so to do, saying, that their being there at that time was, not to dispute of those matters, but to prosecute their commission committed to them by their prince; and therefore willed him to answer them unto such things as were objected against him.

Whereupon, under his protestation, he required to have a copy both of the commission, and also of the denunciation, given unto him, with time to answer thereto; which the commissioners willingly granted, assigning him there to appear again before them upon Friday then next following, at eight o’clock before noon; and then to answer the tenor of the denunciation. And so, for that day (he, complaining somewhat of the shortness of his time to answer), they all together departed.

THE SECOND APPEARANCE OF BONNER411 IN THE CHAPEL OF LAMBETH, BEFORE THE ARCHBISHOP AND OTHER FOUR COMMISSIONERS, THE BISHOP OF ROCHESTER, SECRETARY PETER, SECRETARY SMITH, AND THE DEAN OF PAUL’S.

Upon Friday the 13th of September aforenamed, four commissioners, associated then also with sir Thomas Smith, knight, the other of the king’s two principal secretaries, and joint commissioner with them, sat judicially in the archbishop’s chapel, within his house at Lambeth; before whom (according to their former assignment) there and then appeared the bishop of London. To whom the archbishop, in the name of the rest, first said, “My lord of London! the last time you were before us, we laid certain articles and matter to your charge touching your disobedience to the king’s majesty, and you have this day to make your answer thereunto: wherefore now show us what you have to say for your defense.”

Whereto the bishop, first asking the archbishop if he had all said and done, and he again saying, “Yea,” made this answer: “My lord, the last day that I appeared before you , 412 I remember there sat in the king’s majesty’s commission, your grace, you my lord of Rochester, you Master Secretary Peter, and you Master Dean of Paul’s; but now, I perceive, there sitteth also Master Secretary Smith, who, because he sat not at the beginning, nor took there the commission upon him, ought not so to do: for by the law, they that begin, must continue the commission.” Whereupon the archbishop first answered, that he was no lawyer, and therefore could not certainly show what the law willeth in that case; “But,” saith he, “if the law be so indeed, surely I take it to be an unreasonable law.” “Well,” said the bishop, “there be here that know the law, and yet I say not this to the intent to stand or stick much in this point with you, but to tell it you as it were by the way; for I have here mine answer ready.”

Then said Master Secretary Peter to the bishop, “My lord! in good sooth I must say unto you, that although I have professed the law, yet, by discontinuance and disuse thereof, and having been occupied a long time in other matters from study of the law, I have perhaps forgotten what the law will do precisely in this point. But, admit the law were so as you say, yet yourself know, my lord, that this is our certain rule in law, ‘quod consuetudo est juris interpres optimus;’ and I am sure you will not, and cannot deny, but that the custom is commonly in this realm in all judgments and commissions used to the contrary; and, in very deed, we all together at the court, having the commission presented unto us, took it upon us; and therefore, for you to stick in such trifling matters, you shall rather in my judgment hurt yourself and your matter, than otherwise.” “Truly, Master Secretary!” said the bishop, “I have also of long while been disused in the study of law, but having occasion, partly by reason of this matter, to turn my books, I find the law to be as I say; and yet, as I said, I tell you hereof but by the way, not minding to stick much with you in that point.”

At which words, Master Secretary Smith said also unto the bishop, “Well, my lord of London! as cunning as you make yourself in the law, there be here that know the law as well as you: and for my part I have studied the law too, and I promise you these be but quiddities and quirks invented to delay matters, but our commission is to proceed summarily, and ‘de plano,’ and to cut off such frivolous allegations.” “Well,” said the bishop again, “look well on your commission, and you shall find therein these words, ‘To proceed according to the law and justice:’ and I ask both law and justice at your hands.”

Then Master Secretary Peter willed him to stand no more thereupon, but to proceed unto his answer: whereupon he took forth a writing, wherein was contained his answer to the denunciation exhibited the Wednesday 413 before by Latimer and Hooper, and delivering it unto the archbishop, said, that it was of his own hand-writing, and for lack of sufficient time written so hastily and coarsely, that it could scarcely be read by any other, and therefore he desired to read it himself; and so taking it again, read it openly, the copy whereof here followeth; which, 37 as here may appear, contained, among other, much matter and causes against Latimer and Hooper, the denouncers, why they ought not in law to be heard or admitted against him, but utterly to be repelled.

THE ANSWER OF BISHOP BONNER TO THE DENUNCIATION OF LATIMER AND HOOPER. I Edmund, bishop of London, concerning William Latimer and John Hooper, the pretensed denunciators of this matter here now before you, and for answer unto the unlawful, untrue, and uncharitable, pretensed denunciation of them, lately indeed, contrary to justice and good reason, exhibited here and read before you, under protestation heretofore made by me, and read unto you, remaining in the acts of this court, unto which I refer me, and have the same here again for repeated and rehearsed to all purposes agreeable to the law, do, for my necessary defense and help, allege and say as followeth. 1. First, I do allege and say, that the said William Latimer and John Hooper, or either of them, were not, nor now are, to be admitted in any wise, by virtue of this or any other commission, as denunciators against me their bishop; especially, for that they and either of them have, as well before the time of their pretensed denunciation, and also then and since, been and be vile and infamed, notorious criminous persons, and also open and manifest notable heretics: especially concerning the sacrament of the catholic church, and namely concerning the blessed sacrament of the altar; 38 by reason of which their heresies, they were and be, by the order of the said catholic church, here in this realm of England, justly and duly excommunicated and accursed, and have divided themselves thereby from the unity and integrity of Christ’s catholic church; and for such persons they have been and are named, reputed, and taken openly, notoriously, and commonly, amongst the catholic people of this realm of England, and especially of this city of London; familiarly haunting and conversant with sacramentaries, and openly known condemned heretics, and favorers and abettors of the same, and their detestable and pestilent doctrine and heresy. 2. Item, That the said John Hooper, amongst other his poisoned and venomous doctrine, and amongst other his erroneous, detestable, and abominable errors and heresies taught and spread abroad here within this realm, infecting and poisoning the king’s subjects therewith, hath, before the time of the said pretensed denunciation, damnably and detestably made divers erroneous and heretical books, especially one, entitled, ‘A Declaration of Christ, and of his Office,’ printed (as he falsely surmiseth) in Zurich by Augustine Fries , 415 wherein he, in many places, heretically and damnably denieth the true presence of Christ’s body in the blessed sacrament of the altar, and also, in effect, denieth the verity of Christ’s blessed body upon the cross, calling it, mathematical,’ 39 and excluding thereby the true and very substance thereof. 3. Item, That the said John Hooper doth persevere, and continueth still, in his said poisoned and wicked venomous doctrine, in all points maintaining and defending the same, and every part thereof, all the ways he can, especially against, the presence of Christ’s blessed body in the sacrament of the altar; and his said books, especially the said ‘Declaration of Christ and of his office,’ he doth yet allow and maintain as good and catholic, whereas indeed it is heretical, wicked, and damnable: the contents of which doctrine and book so entitled, the said Latimer, especially touching the heresy against the verity of Christ’s body, and his true presence in the sacrament of the altar, hath heard, taught, read, preached, believed, holden, maintained and kept; and so, at this present, doth yet believe, hold, maintain, and keep; contrary to the faith of Christ’s catholic church, and the unity of the same observed amongst all true Christian people; incurring thereby heresy, excommunication, and schism, to the loss both of their souls, and of their believers’. 4. Item, That the said Latimer and Hooper, and either of them, being of these vile and detestable qualities, and consequently, by the ordinance of the catholic church of Christ, as well of this realm, as also throughout all Christendom, being so excommunicated and cast out thereby from the said church, are not to this pretensed denunciation against me their bishop, nor to any judicial act, to be admitted, nor yet to be accompanied withal, or answered unto; but are, by Scripture, and the order of Christ’s catholic church here in this realm, utterly and truly to be excluded, avoided, detested, eschewed, and abhorred, in all manner of wise, of all faithful and true Christian people, fearing God, and desiring the advancement of the truth. 5. Item , 416 That whereas the said Latimer and Hooper, in their said pretensed denunciation, amongst other things, do untruly deduce that they have made their said pretensed denunciation, not moved of any malice or evil will, but for the good tranquillity and governance of this realm, which, as they pretend in their gay and glorious proem, they would seem to have a great care and solicitude of, whereas in very deed they and such as they are, by sundry ways, and especially by their corrupt doctrine, and heretical naughty preaching, and infecting of the king’s majesty’s people, have disturbed and greatly inquieted the good tranquillity and governance of this realm, as evidently and notoriously it is well known; the truth is, that this their saying is evidently and plainly false; for notorious it is, and lawfully shall be proved, that the said Hooper, conspiring with the said Latimer, and other heretics of their factious sect and damnable opinion, did, the first day of September last past, after that I, the said bishop of London, had made the sermon at Paul’s Cross, assemble maliciously, uncharitably, and unlawfully, a great rabblement of such as himself is, within my diocese and jurisdiction, and, under the color of reading, did openly and manifestly rail and inveigh against me the said bishop, for my said sermon; not for any such matter, pretense, or cause, as is falsely and untruly surmised in the said pretensed denunciation, but only and chiefly for that I, the said bishop, as became a Christian man, and especially him that had and hath cure and charge of his flock, faithfully and truly to teach them, did, taking occasion of the communion not frequented nor reverenced, but neglected and contemned, confess and declare my faith and belief openly before my audience, touching the blessed sacrament of the altar ministered in the same communion, affirming, as the catholic church affirmeth and teacheth, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar there is the very true body of our Savior Christ, the selfsame in substance that hanged upon the cross, and the very true blood of our Savior Christ, the selfsame in substance that was shed upon the cross,40 Against which affirmation and assertion, being catholic and true, the said John Hooper (albeit now colorably, and falsely, and foolishly, he pretendeth another matter more plausible in his opinion and judgment in sundry places of the city and suburbs of London) hath since that time maliciously 41 inveighed and taught, learning and teaching his audience heretically (being many in number, and assembling in great routs) to reprove, contemn, and despise, the said blessed sacrament of the altar, and not to have a true and faithful belief of it, as hitherto always the catholic church hath ever had, 42 the said William Latimer, and the rabblement of his complices, conspiring and agreeing in points therein, and inducing others to do the same; not making any such pretense at all, as they, in their said pretensed denunciation, do falsely surmise and deduce; but only and chiefly offended for my said assertion and affirmation of the verity of Christ’s body and blood in the sacrament of the altar. 6. 417 Item, That whereas the said William Latimer and John Hooper, in their said pretensed denunciation, do further deduce, and falsely surmise, that I, the said bishop of London, had delivered to me from the king’s majesty, by the hands of the lord protector’s grace, and the rest of the king’s majesty’s council, certain injunctions with articles to be insinuated and preached to the king’s majesty’s subjects, at a certain day limited, and after such sort, form, and manner, as is in the said pretensed denunciation surmised untruly and deduced: it is notorious and evident, as well by the tenor and continue of that writing which was to me, the said bishop of London, delivered by the hands of sir Thomas Smith, knight, one of the two principal secretaries to the king’s majesty, as otherwise, that the said surmise, in such sort and fashion as it is deduced and made, is not true in this behalf, referring me to the tenor of the said writing, which neither was signed with the king’s majesty’s hand, nor sealed with any his majesty’s seal or signet, 43 nor yet subscribed by any of the said council, or delivered after such sort as is alleged and pretended, as more evidently hereafter shall appear, and sufficiently be proved, for my lawful necessary defense in this behalf. 7. 417 Item, That in case any such injunctions, with articles after such form and fashion, had so been delivered unto me as is surmised and pretended, yet false and untrue it is that I, the said bishop, either left out, or refused to declare, the same for any such cause or causes falsely and untruly surmised, in the said pretensed denunciation, or else so perversely and negligently did, as likewise in the said pretensed denunciation is deduced; which thing may well appear in the discourse of my said sermon, where, in substance and effect, I declared faithfully and truly these points specially following; that is to wit, that all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them damnation, and those that refuse the higher power resist the ordinance of God; and he that dieth therefore in rebellion, is by the word of God utterly damned, and so loseth both body and soul, alleging for this purpose the 13th chapter of St. Paul to the Romans, and It at large declaring unto the audience.

Furthermore, speaking of the rebels in Devonshire, Cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere within this realm; standing in doubt whether I might put them in the place of those that put trust in themselves and despised all others, or in the place of both, doing as they did; forgetting God, not duly considering the king’s majesty, their supreme head next and immediately under God; forgetting their wives, their children, their kinsfolk, their alliance, acquaintance, and friends, yea themselves, and their native country, and most unnaturally rebelling against their sovereign lord and king, whom, by God’s law they were bound to love, serve, and faithfully obey; I did, to the best of my power, dissuade rebellion, and exhort the audience unto true obedience being thus commanded: And all rebellion being, in like manner, forbidden, under pain of eternal damnation, all these rebels in Cornwall, Devonshire, Norfolk, or elsewhere, who take upon them to assemble a power and force against their king and prince, against the laws and statutes of the realm, and went about to subvert the order of the commonwealth, did not only deserve therefore death, as rebels and traitors, but also did accumulate unto themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the burning fire of hell, with Lucifer, the father and first author of pride, disobedience, and rebellion.

And here I did ask, who had induced the said rebels thus to do? To which I answered by another question, demanding who moved and induced Eve to take the apple and break her obedience against God’s commandment? who moved also and induced Cain to kill his brother Abel? yea, who moved Judas the apostle to betray his master Christ? Was it not the devil? Yes truly, and he it is (said I) that of his great malice and hatred to men and good order hath moved and induced these rebels to this unnatural rebellion against their prince and sovereign lord. Whereupon I asked, what pretences they had, and, answering thereto, said, that amongst others they had masses and holy water; upon which I, exclaiming against them, said, Good Lord! is not this a marvelous thing, to palliate, color, excuse, and maintain rebellion and inobedience, to pretend mass or holy water? as who saith that these things had been instituted and ordained to defend, maintain, and excuse rebellion, treason, and inobedience; which I told the audience they could not do. And thereupon I brought four texts of Scripture to prove this thing that I said, alleging Numbers 16, 1 Kings 15 44 (1 Samuel) 418 , Leviticus 10, and the fourth, that myself added also, St. Luke 13 joined with the 5th of Acts, setting them forth the best I could, as one not much exercised in preaching, but restrained therefrom. And here I concluded, that whatsoever pretences these rebels had of masses, holy water, or such other, it could not in anywise excuse or defend their rebellion and inobedience, referring myself herein to the indifferent hearers in the said audience.

And here, pulling out a writing, sent from the king’s majesty’s, privy, council. unto me, touching the victory against the said rebels, which for brevity of time my memory would not serve to declare without book, I did rehearse it in writing word by word; in doing whereof it well appeared, that I did not favor the opinion of the said rebels, or maintain their enterprise, but contrariwise did detest them and all their doings, declaring obedience to be better than sacrifice; and that in disobedience and rebellion nothing could or did please Almighty God. Further, taking occasion of the proud Pharisee and the humble Publican ascending into the temple to pray, and noting the outward, and extern doing of them both, with the success thereof, I declared to the audience touching the order of the church and the extern rites and ceremonies of the divine service, that forasmuch as God requireth humility of heart, innocency of living, knowledge of him, charity and love to our neighbor, and obedience to his word, to his ministers, and to the superior powers, we must bring all these things to all our prayers, to all our service; and that this is the sacrifice that Christ requireth, and that these be the things that make all other things pleasant to Almighty God: further saying, that the extern rites are but exercises of religion, and appointed by superior powers, and that in the choosing thereof we must obey the magistrates, and that we also do see that those things ever have been, and shall be, diverse, as the time and place is; and yet all hath pleased God, so long as humility of heart, innocency of living, knowing of God, charity and love to our neighbor, with obedience to God’s word, God’s ministers, and the superior powers, are concurrent and present therewith.

Moreover, I then said, that if any man should use rites, and disobey thereby the superior powers, the devotion of his ceremony was made evil by his disobedience; insomuch flint that which (standing the law) might be good, was, by pride, disobedience, and rebellion, made evil and unprofitable; putting example in the fact of Saul, reserving the fat sheep for sacrifice; and in Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and also in Nadab and Abihu, Aaron’s two children, and in the Galileans, whose blood Pilate did mix with their sacrifices. And thereupon I told the audience 419 that they must do herein especially two things the first they must join to and with their devotion faithful obedience, and then they shall win the garland, and otherwise have a zeal, ‘sed non secundum scientiam,’ deserving no thank or praise of God; and also they must, with and to their obedience, join devotion, knowing that God more doth require and consider the heart, than the outward doing. And thereupon I exhorted the audience, that when they came to take the communion, or to hear or say the service, appointed by the king’s majesty, they must bring devotion and inward prayer with them, or else their prayers shall be but vain, as wanting and lacking that thing which God requireth, that is, the heart and mind to pray to him. And herein, because I marveled that the communion was no more frequented now-a-days, and lamenting the irreverent coming to it and using of it; fearing that it proceeded of an evil opinion and belief touching the sacrament of the altar, ministered and distributed at the same communion; and to the intent to make the people have better opinion of it than they seemed to have, I did faithfully, truly, and plainly declare my belief of the said sacrament, wherewith the said Latimer and Hooper, with their complices, were so much offended and aggrieved. 8. Item, That whereas the said William Latimer and John Hooper do further, in the said pretensed denunciation, untruly, and uncharitably deduce and allege, that I, in my said sermon, did treat of such things as most should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension, it doth hereby evidently and clearly appear, that either the said pretensed denunciators do take and esteem a declaration faithfully made of the loyal obedience of subjects to the king’s majesty, the supreme and sovereign lord, and the great peril and danger of rebellion committed by subjects against their king and prince and sovereign lord, to be a moving, provoking, and stirring-up of people to discord and dissension; or else that the affirmation and assertion catholic of the verity of Christ’s body and blood in the blessed sacrament of the altar, set forth by me as afore, doth effect and work such disorder and dissension. For evident it is to all those who indifferently heard my said sermon, that I (grounding myself upon Scripture, and taking occasion of the Sunday then occurrent) did speak specially and earnestly of these two things, without taxing of any man specially by name, or other circumstance, to slander them thereby; and I did both set forth the obedience and duty of all subjects generally to their king, and specially, of subjects of this realm to the king’s majesty that now is, whose minority to all people of this realm is more than manifest, and is also apparent or evidently known to all the whole world beside.

And also, I did then declare and lay open the imminent danger and great peril of rebellion in subjects against the high powers and authority, and also specially of the rebellion late committed by them of Devonshire, Cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere, against the king’s majesty that now is, which I would not have done, except I both had believed 46 that all the king’s subjects without exception were bound to obey the king’s majesty, even as he now is, was, and shall be, during his life, which our Lord long preserve to all our comforts and wealth! and also that the rebellion of late so committed against his majesty was damnable, and utterly detestable and condemned by God’s law: and herein I refer me to the indifferent hearers of this my sermon, wishing that this Latimer and Hooper, with all the rest of these new preachers, did mean as faithfully, truly, obediently and catholicly, as I always have done, towards the king’s majesty, his honor, authority, royal power, and surety of his person and realm; and did not more move, encourage, and stir the king’s majesty’s subjects to sedition, tumult, and inobedience, by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, than I did at any time encourage, move, or stir any of them in any wise, or give occasion to any of the same. 9. Item, whereas the said Hugh Latimer and John Hooper do falsely surmise in their pretensed denunciation, that it was of no light ground looked for, that I, the said bishop of London, should more apertly have declared the injunctions and articles aforesaid, and that it did so appear unto their judgments; I do say, that their judgments are corrupted and only set to slander and picking of quarrels in this behalf, being well assured and so credibly informed, that all the worshipful and honest catholic persons of my said audience were fully satisfied, both as touching obedience to the king’s majesty in his tender age and minority, and also touching the penalty and great peril of punishments of the rebellion so lately committed against the said majesty by the aforesaid rebels. And, moreover, I do say, that before my lord protector’s grace, and the rest of the king’s majesty’s most honorable council then present, 47 I made my excuse, and alleged many impediments for my not preaching at the cross; and did not further promise but to do the best I could, which of my fidelity and conscience I did; not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that might be to the satisfaction of all people, both good and bad, in every condition and point; specially, in this behalf, collecting and gathering together, with all diligent study, all that might make, in my judgment and opinion, for the better setting forth of the same.

Thus have you Bonner’s answer to the denunciation aforesaid: wherein first he alleged, or rather shamelessly and slanderously cavilled:

That those his denouncers were vile, infamed, and notorious criminous persons, and also open and manifest heretics, as well against the rest of the sacraments of the church, as chiefly against the sacrament of the altar; and were for the same, by the orders of the church, excommunicated and accursed, and were so taken of all the Catholics of this realm, and especially by Hooper; who, besides other his poisoned doctrine and heresy amongst the people, had also, before the time of the denunciation, made divers erroneous and heretical books against the true presence of Christ’s body in the sacrament of the altar, and did also continue in the same, allowing and maintaining it as good and catholic: which books and doctrine (chiefly against the sacrament of the altar) Hugh Latimer had, and then likewise did allow, believe, and teach, to the loss of both their own souls, and also of their believers’; and therefore were not now, nor ought at any time, to be admitted either in this their denunciation against him, or in any other judicial act; and that the rather also, because that although they pretend, in their denunciation, that they made not the same of any malice or evil will towards him, but for the good tranquillity and quiet governance of this realm, yet was it notoriously known, that as well the same day at afternoon in which he the said bishop preached at the cross of Paul’s, as also at sundry other times, they two, conspiring with others of their faction, did maliciously and unlawfully within his diocese assemble together a great rabblement of such as themselves were, and there, under color of reading, did openly raft and inveigh against him, not for any the causes pretended in their denunciation, but because he had in his sermon declared (as the catholic church taught), that in the sacrament of the altar there was the very true body and blood of Christ, the same in substance that was hanged and shed upon the cross.

Then, after these vain and frivolous allegations against the denouncers, he cometh and answereth to the substance of their denunciation, and saith:

That whereas they, in the same, do falsely surmise, that there were delivered unto him from the king’s majesty, by the hands of the lord protector and the rest of his highness’s council, certain injunctions and articles to be published and declared unto the people at a day limited in the same, their information, in such sort as it was deduced, was most false and untrue, for that the articles delivered unto him by sir Thomas Smith, one of the king’s secretaries, were neither signed with the king’s own hand, nor sealed with his highness’s seal or signet, nor yet subscribed by any of his council, etc.

Where mark, I beseech you, the subtlety of a disloyal papist, who, because the articles were not sealed by the king and his council, would therefore make them not to be of any such force as that the breach thereof should cause him to incur the danger of contemptuous disobedience. But admit they were not signed nor sealed (of which thing, by the way, in the denunciation there is no mention yea or nay), yet it is manifest by the second bill of articles ministered unto him by the commissioners, in the fourth act of his process, that, at such time as he was before the council, those articles were, by the commandment of the lord protector, openly there read unto him by one of the secretaries, and, after addition of the article concerning the king’s lawful power and authority during his young years, were also delivered unto him by the hands of the lord protector, in the presence of the rest of the council; who, thus receiving them, promised there faithfully to accomplish all the contents thereof. After which, they were again delivered unto secretary Smith, to amend such things therein as the lord protector and the rest of the council had there appointed: which being accordingly done (as the bishop himself at the last receipt thereof confessed), they were finally delivered unto him by the secretary; and therefore was this but a poor shift. Now after this, he maketh this supposition:

That in case it were true, that the injunctions were delivered him according to their information, yet was it untrue that he did omit or refuse to declare the same for any such causes as they had alleged against him; and that did well appear in the discourse of his sermon, which tended principally (as he said) to the disallowing and condemnation of all rebels, and chiefly of the rebels in Norfolk, Suffolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall, or elsewhere within this realm of England, who, forgetting their allegiance and duty unto their prince, assigned to them by God’s word as their supreme head, their natural love and care for their country, wives, children, and kinsfolk, did both deserve death bodily as traitors, and also accumulate unto themselves damnation of body and soul eternally, with Satan the father and first mover of all rebellion and disobedience. And herewithal further exclaiming against the pretences of those rebels, who, amongst other things, pretended the mass and holy water, with such like, which were never ordained for the purpose to color and maintain rebellion (as, he said, he then proved out of Numbers 16, 1 Kings 15, Leviticus 10, Luke 13, and Acts 5, in the best manner that he could, as one not exercised greatly in preaching, but restrained therefrom), but having humility of heart, innocency of living, knowledge of God, love to our neighbors, with obedience to Godword, ministers, and superior powers concurrent with them, they, being external rites and ceremonies of the church, were exercises of religion, and appointable by superior powers; and yet that which (standing the law) might be good, was by pride and disobedience made evil and unprofitable.

And here he further said thus:

Because he saw the people slack in coming to the communion and divine service, 48 set forth by the king’s majesty, and to the intent he would make them have a better opinion of the sacrament than he thought they had, he then faithfully did declare his belief therein.

Wherewith his denouncers being offended, they uncharitably and untruly deduced, in their pretensed denunciation, that in his sermon he did treat of such things as most should stir up unto dissension and tumult; whereby it appeared unto him, that his denouncers either took his catholic assertion of the verity of Christ’s body and blood in the sacrament of the altar, or else his faithful declaration made of the obedience of subjects unto the king’s majesty their supreme and sovereign lord, with the peril and danger of rebellion committed against him, to be the cause of disorder and dissension; for that (saith he) of these two points he chiefly spake, and especially of obedience to the king, whose minority was more than manifestly known, as well amongst the people of this realm, as elsewhere, throughout the world besides: which he would not have done except he had believed that both all his subjects were bounden to obey him, even as he then was and should be during his life; and also that the rebellion of late committed against him was detestable, and condemned by God’s word: and therefore he wished that his two denouncers, with all the rest of the new preachers, did mean as faithfully, obediently, and catholicly, towards the king’s honor, royal power, and surety of person, as he did; and had not more moved the people to tumults and disobedience by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, than he had at any time given any occasion thereunto.

Then finally he concluded and said thus:

That whereas his aforesaid denouncers surmise, that it was of no light ground looked for, as it appeared in their judgments, that he should more apertly have declared the contents of the injunctions and articles than he did, that their judgments were in that behalf corrupted, and set to slander and picking of quarrels; for he was well assured, and credibly informed, that all his honest and catholic audience were fully satisfied, both touching their obedience to the king’s majesty in his tender age, and also concerning the great penalty and peril that the late rebels incurred by their disobedience.

And besides that, when he was before the lord protector and the rest of the council, after he had made his excuse, and alleged many impediments for his not preaching at the cross, he did not then further promise but to do the best he could; which he hath of his fidelity and conscience accomplished, not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that might satisfy the people in any point concerning the premises.

Whilst he was thus reading these answers, objecting against his denouncers 420 such causes and quarrels as he before alleged, for which he would have earnestly had the denouncers to be repelled of the commissioners, the archbishop of Canterbury replied, that if there were any such law, he thought it not to be a good or godly law, but a law of the bishop of Rome. “For,” said he, “if my matter and cause be good, what should I care who accuse me, yea although he were the devil of hell?” “No, sir,” said the bishop of London, “it is the king’s law used in the realm.” “Well, my lord,” said the archbishop, “ye be too full of your law: I would wish you had less knowledge in that law, and more knowledge in God’s law, and of your duty.” “Well,” answered the bishop again, “seeing your grace falleth to wishing, I can also wish many things to be in your person.”

Then spake secretary Peter to the bishop, as touching these denouncers: “We are not so straitened in this matter, but that we may proceed against you, either at their promotion or without them, at our pleasure.” “A God’s name, then,” said Bonner, “put them by, and then do as your pleasure shall be, so you do me right, for I ask but right.” “Nay,” said secretary Smith, “you ask you wot not what: you would have us follow your mind in these quiddities and quirks; and all is nothing else but to delay justice. And you do herein as thieves, murderers, and traitors, not to have the truth known.” “Say you so to me?” quoth the bishop: “I thank you. Well, I could say somewhat to you also, were ye not in the place ye be; but let it pass. As for my matter, I fear it not, it is not so evil as you make it; for I have your own hand-writing for my discharge, which when I shall see time, I shall show forth.” “My hand!” quoth the secretary. “Let me see it, and let it be read openly.” “So it shall,” said the bishop, “when I shall see time.”

Then said Master Smith, “You do use us thus, to be seen a cunning lawyer.” “Indeed,” quoth the bishop, “I knew the law, ere you could read it.” With that, secretary Peter willed the bishop to proceed in, reading of his answers; who so did, and when he had finished, Latimer delivered up a writing in paper unto the archbishop and the rest of the commissioners; who then said unto the bishop of London, “Here be certain articles which we intend to minister unto you.”

The bishop therewith said, “Do you minister them of your office, or at the promotion of these men (pointing to Latimer and Hooper), for I perceive they gave them unto you?” “Nay,” said secretary Peter, “we will minister them unto you, ‘ex officio mero.’ “ The 50 copy of which articles here followeth:

ARTICLES MINISTERED TO BONNER BISHOP OF LONDON BY THE COMMISSIONERS THE FIRST TIME, FOR HIM JOINTLY AND SEVERALLY TO ANSWER UNTO.

First , it is reported, that you have received from the king’s majesty, by the hands of my lord protector’s grace, sitting in the council chamber at council with the rest of the lords of the council, the tenth of August , 421 certain injunctions to be done and followed by you, and articles to be preached by you; that you did there and then accept the said injunctions, and promise to observe and follow the same. 2. Item, That you have not truly, sincerely, and wholly, declared all the articles enjoined to you, in your last sermon, as they were put unto you. 3. Item, Whether ye have written your sermon or no? and if ye have written it, whether of your own counsel only, or by whose help; and who hath seen the same written before and since ye did preach it? 4. Item, That ye have not declared in your sermon, that the old rite of prayers, as matins and mass, said after that sort in this realm, by reason of disobedience is naught, although a man have devotion unto it; according as it is in your articles. 5. Item, That you have not, in your sermon, declared the articles of the king’s majesty’s power in his minority, as it was commanded you, to the refutation of the evil opinion and error of the rebels; and, if you have declared it, how and after what sort ye have declared it? 6. Item, Whether ye will take upon you to defend the said rebels’ opinion or no? 7. Item, That ye know, or have heard say, that certain persons within your diocese, sithe the time that the said injunctions were given unto you, have heard, been at, or celebrate, mass or evensong in the Latin tongue, and after the old rite and manner, other than according to the king’s majesty’s book. 8. Item, That ye have not convented them before you, nor inflicted punishment unto them. 9. Item, That ye know or have heard say, that there be notable adulterers, fornicators, or incestuous parsons in your diocese; and you cited none of them, nor seen them punished. 10. 423 Item, That ye were at Master Dr. Cox’s the king’s almoner’s sermon at Paul’s cross, about Midsummer was twelve months, wherein he declared the great contempt of the bishop of Winchester in not observing the injunction given unto him. And, especially, in that he did not entreat as he ought to have done, and was commanded, of the king’s majesty’s authority in his minority. Additionall 11. Item, That the rites of the common service of the church, now set forth, be in some part of your diocese diversely used; and you, knowing or hearing of the same, have not called any ministers of the service before you for the redress of such diversity, nor corrected the misusers thereof.

Hereupon, after an oath given unto the bishop 424 “de fideliter respondendo,” he desired a copy of the articles, requiring also a competent time to be given unto him to make answer thereunto.

To whom secretary Peter replied, saying, “My lord, here be certain of the articles touching your own fact, which you may answer unto forthwith; as whether you wrote your sermon or not before you preached it.”

Whereunto the bishop answered, that he wrote it not, but he drew certain notes of it. “Then whose counsel,” said he, “and advice, used you in making your sermon?”

To which he also answered, that he had therein used his own counsel and books; “and yet my chaplains,” quoth he, “be much suspected for my doings in many things, and sometimes I for theirs, when there is no cause why.”

These words ended, the commissioners assigned him Monday, the 16th of September then next following, to appear before them; and to make his full answers unto all the articles ministered unto him by them this day; the contents whereof are as followeth.

THE FORM AND TENOR425 OF THE ARTICLES MINISTERED UNTO THE BISHOP OF LONDON, BY THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS, AT THE THIRD SESSION.

Monday, the 16th of September, the archbishop, associated with the bishop of Rochester, secretary Smith, and Dr. May, dean of Paul’s, sat judicially within his chapel at Lambeth; before whom there and then appeared the bishop of London, according as he was assigned in the last session; at which time he exhibited unto the commissioners in writing his answers unto the last former articles. But before the same were there read, the archbishop said unto him, that his late answer, made the 13th of September, unto the denunciation, was very obscure, and therewith also contained much matter of slander against Latimer and Hooper, and much untruth; and therefore they desired there to purge themselves. Whereupon Latimer, first obtaining leave to speak, said to this effect: ‘That the bishop of London had most falsely, untruly, and uncharitably accused him, laying to his charge many reigned and untrue matters in his former answers to the denunciation, and such as he should never be able to prove. For whereas in his said answer he alleged, that he [Latimer] and John Hooper, with other heretics conspiring against him, did the first day of September, after the bishop’s sermon, assemble themselves together unlawfully against the said bishop, that saying of his was most untrue. For neither that day, nor yet before that day, nor until certain days after, he ever knew or spake with Hooper. And as touching his own preaching there, openly accused by the bishop, he said, he never held, taught, or preached any thing concerning the blessed sacrament, otherwise than he ought to do, nor otherwise than according to the Scriptures, and true catholic faith of Christ’s church; and therefore offered himself to be tried by the archbishop, or other such learned men as it should please the king’s majesty, or the said commissioners to appoint; and further to suffer, to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, if the bishop could justly prove true the things that he had there shamefully laid to his charge.

Then Master Hooper, upon like license obtained, said to this effect: ‘This ungodly man,’ pointing to the bishop, ‘hath most uncharitably and ungodly accused me before your grace and this audience, and hath laid to my charge, that I am a heretic: whereas, I take God to record, I never spake, read, taught, or preached any heresy, but only the most true and pure word of God. And whereas he saith, I frequent the company of heretics, I do much marvel of his so saying; for it hath pleased my lord protector’s grace, my singular good lord and master, and my lady’s grace, to have me with them, and I have preached before them, and much used their company, with divers other worshipful persons; and therefore I suppose this man. meaneth them. And further, whereas he saith that I have made heretical books against the blessed sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, calling it mathematical, 52 I perceive that this man knoweth not what this word ‘mathematical’ there meaneth, and therefore understandeth not my book, which, I take God to be my judge, I have made truly and sincerely, and according to his holy word; and by the same his holy word and scriptures, I am always (and shall be) ready to submit myself to your grace’s judgment and the superior powers, to be tried.’

Which ended, with many such more words of like importance, the archbishop, to shorten this matter, asked the bishop how he could prove that Hooper and Latimer assembled together against him the first of September, as he had alleged, seeing they now denied it; and therefore willed him to answer forthwith thereunto.

The bishop then answered that he would duly prove it, so that he might be admitted to do it according to law: and with that he pulled out of his sleeve certain books, saying, “I have this varlet’s books which he made against the blessed sacrament, which you shall hear.” Then, as he was turning certain leaves thereof, Hooper began again to speak; but the bishop turning himself towards him, tauntingly said, “Put up your pipes; you have spoken for your part; I will meddle no more with you:” and therewith read a certain sentence upon the book. This done, he said, “Lo! here you may see his opinion, and what it is.” At which words the people standing behind, and seeing his irreverent and unseemly demeanor and railing, fell suddenly into great laughing; whereat the bishop being moved, and not perceiving the cause wherefore they did laugh, turned him towards them in a great rage, saying, “Ah woodcocks! woodcocks!”

Then said one of the commissioners, “Why say you so, my lord?” “Marry,” quoth he, “I may well call them woodcocks, that thus will laugh, and know not whereat; nor yet heard what I said or read.” “Well, my lord of London,” said the archbishop, “then I perceive you would persuade this audience, that you were called hither for preaching of your belief in the sacrament of the altar, and therefore you lay to these men’s charge ( meaning Hooper and Latimer 426 ), that they have accused you of that: howbeit, there was no such thing laid to your charge; and therefore this audience shall hear openly read the denunciation that is put up against you, to the intent they may the better perceive your dealing herein.” And therewithal he said unto the people, “My lord of London would make you believe, that he is called hither for declaring and preaching his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar: but, to the intent you may perceive how he goeth about to deceive you, you shall hear the denunciation that is laid in against him read unto you:” and thereupon he delivered the denunciation unto sir John Mason, knight, who there read it openly. This done, the archbishop said again unto the audience, “Lo! here you hear how the bishop of London is called for no such matter as he would persuade you.”

With this the bishop, being in a raging heat, as one clean void of all humanity, turned himself about unto the people, saying, “Well, now hear what the bishop of London saith for his part.” But the commissioners, seeing his inordinate contumacy, denied him to speak any more, saying, that he used himself very disobediently; with more like words of reproach.

Notwithstanding he, still persisting in his unreverent manner of dealing with the commissioners, pulled out of his sleeve another book, and then said unto the archbishop, “My lord of Canterbury, I have here a note out of your books that you made touching the t blessed sacrament, wherein you do affirm the verity of the body and blood of Christ to be in the sacrament, and I have another book also of yours of the contrary opinion; which is a marvelous matter.”

To this the archbishop answered, that he made no books contrary one to another, and that he would defend his books, howbeit he thought the bishop understood them not: “For I promise you,” quoth he, “I will find a boy of ten years old, that shall be more apt to understand that matter than you my lord of London be.”

Thus 427 , after much multiplying of like words, the commissioners, thinking not good to spend any more waste time with him, willed him to show forth his answers unto the articles objected the last day against him: whereupon he, having them ready, did read the same openly to them; wherein, after many words of his former protestation recited, with a marvelous lamentation to see that one of his vocation, at the malicious denunciation of vile heretics, should be used after such strange sort, having nevertheless done the best he could to declare his obedience unto the king’s majesty for the repressing and discouraging of rebellion and rebels, and also for the advancement of the verity of Christ’s true body and his presence in the sacrament of the altar, for which only the malicious denouncers with their complices had studied to molest and trouble him, he then cometh to answering the articles, and saith, that to the first, second, and fourth, he hath already, in the former answers to the denunciation, sufficiently answered, and therefore was not bound by law to answer any further. As to the third and fifth, he said to this effect:

That he began to write his sermon, but being soon weary, he did only make certain notes thereof, without help of any other, saving that he showed them to his chaplains, requiring them to put him in remembrance thereof. Amongst the which, for the better setting forth of the king’s majesty’s power and authority in his minority, he had collected as well out of histories, as also out of the Scriptures, the names of divers young kings, who, notwithstanding their minority, were faithfully and obediently honored, and reputed for very true and lawful kings: as Henry III., being but nine years old; Edward III., being but thirteen years; Richard II., being but eleven years; Henry VI., being not fully one year; Edward V., being but eleven years; Henry VIII., being but eighteen years of age. And out of the Old Testament, Osias and Achas, who were but sixteen years old; Solomon and Manasseh, being but twelve years; Josias, Joachim, and Joash, being but eight years of age when they entered their reigns. All which notes, with many others, he had purposed to declare, if they had come into his memory, 53 as indeed they did not, because the same was disturbed, partly for lack of use of preaching, and partly by reason of a bill that was delivered to him from the king’s council, to declare the victory then had against the rebels in Norfolk and Devonshire, which being of some good length, confounded his memory; and partly also for that his book in his sermon time fell away from him, wherein were divers of his notes which he had collected for that purpose: so that he could not remember what he would, but yet, in generality, he persuaded the people to obedience to the king’s majesty, whose minority was manifestly known to them and to all others.

Then, as to the sixth (he said), he knew not the rebels’ opinion, 54 and therefore could not answer thereunto. And as for answer to the seventh, eighth, ninth, and eleventh articles, which touched his pastoral office, he said that notwithstanding his manifold and great troubles, as well by his own business and his family’s sickness, as. also by uncharitable informations made against him, yet he hath not failed to give order unto his officers straitly to look unto such matters; and such as he hath known, which were very few or none, he caused to be punished according to the laws. All which answers, with others written with his own hand, hereunder follow.

THE ANSWERS OF BONNER UNTO THE ARTICLES OBJECTED TO HIM BY THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS THE FIRST TIME.

I, Edmund, bishop of London, under protestation heretofore by me made, exhibited, and repeated before you, which, in all my sayings and doings, I intend to have repeated and rehearsed again, to all lawful effects and purposes, for my honest and necessary defense; with protestation also of the nullity and iniquity of your process I had made in this behalf; and likewise of the generality, uncertainty, obscurity, contrariety, repugnancy, variety, insufficiency, and invalidity of the things alleged and deduced before you against me, as well in the commission and denunciation in divers parts, as also touching the articles and interrogatories so ministered unto me: lamenting not a little, that one of my vocation, at the malicious denunciation of vile, heretical, and detestable persons, 55 should be used after this strange sort; having done the best I could to declare mine obedience unto the king’s most excellent majesty, for the repressing and discouraging of rebellion and rebellious persons, and for the advancement of the verity of Christ’s true body and his presence in the most blessed sacrament of the altar: for which only the malicious denunciators with their complices have studied to molest and trouble me; although colorably they would be seen to pretend other causes, especially the good and tranquillity of this realm, which our Lord God knoweth they care nothing for, but contrariwise do let and impeach the same; corrupting and infecting with their poisoned and false doctrine, and teaching the king’s subjects in this realm, to the great peril and danger thereof many ways: do answer unto certain pretensed articles and interrogatories ministered by you indeed unto me the said bishop, the 13th day of September, 1549, as followeth: To the first article objected against me, beginning thus: “First it is reported,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘to observe and follow the same,’ I do say, and for answer do refer me unto my former answers heretofore, that is to wit, the 13th of September, made and exhibited by me before you unto the said pretensed denunciation, touching this matter: alleging withal, that a report of things doth not absolutely prove, nor necessarily infer things to be in very deed true after such a sort, fashion, manner, and form as sometimes they be reported and rehearsed.

To the second, beginning thus: ‘Item, whether that you,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘as they were put unto you;’ I do answer and say, that this article doth depend on the first article next before, which, after such sort, fashion, manner, and form as it is deduced, was justly by me, in my answer made unto the same, denied; and I therefore now am not bounden by the law eftsoons to make other answer thereunto.

To the third, being an interrogatory, and beginning thus: ‘Item, whether,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘ye did preach;’ I do answer and say, that I began to write a piece of my sermon, and being soon weary thereof, I did leave off, and did make only certain notes of my said sermon, and put the same notes in writing of mine own hand, without help or counsel of any other; and the same notes did show unto my chaplains Master Gilbert Bourn and Master John Harps field, both before and also since my said sermon, only desiring them to put me in remembrance of my said notes and process to be made thereupon, and also to search out for me the names of such kings as were in their minority when they began to reign.

To the fourth article, beginning thus: ‘Item, that ye have not declared,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘as it is in your article;’ I do answer and say, that this article doth depend upon the first and second articles here before denied, deduced in such sort, manner, and form as is expressed in the same; and moreover I say, that already answer is made hereunto by me, in my former answers made to the said pretensed denunciation.

To the fifth article, beginning thus: ‘Item, that ye have not,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘declared it;’ I do answer and say, that this article also doth depend upon the first and second articles; and that answer is made thereunto by me already in my former answers made unto the said pretensed denunciation. And moreover I do say, that for the better advancement and setting forth of the king’s majesty’s royal power and authority, even in his minority, and for the due obedience of his majesty’s subjects unto his highness, even during the said minority, I had collected together, as well out of histories as also out of the scripture of the Old Testament, the names of divers kings being in minority, who, notwithstanding their said minority, were faithfully, duly, and reverently obeyed, honored, served, taken, and reputed, for very true and lawful kings, as Henry III., being but nine years old when he entered to reign and govern as king; Edward III., being but thirteen years of age; Richard II., being but eleven years old; Henry VI., being not fully one year of age; Edward V., being but eleven years old; Henry VIII., being about eighteen years old; and so all these kings, being in their minority as the king’s majesty that now is, and yet having authority and power regal, as appertaineth; and in the Old Testament, Osias and Achaz were very true kings in their minority, being but sixteen years of age; Solomon and Manasses being but twelve years of age; Josias and Joachim being but eight years of age; and Joash being but eight years old: all which things, I say, I had collected in notes, communicating the same with my said two chaplains; and praying them to put me in remembrance, if in numbering of them, or in setting forth in my other notes, at the time of my sermon, I did fail, or have default of memory in any wise. And all these things I would have specially set forth in my said sermon, if they had come to my memory, as indeed they did not, partly for disturbance of my memory not accustomed to preach in that place, partly also by reason of a certain writing that was sent to me from the king’s majesty’s privy council, being of good length, to declare unto the people touching the victory against the rebels, especially in Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall; confounding my memory in things which before I had set in good order; and partly also for the falling away of my book in the time of my said sermon, in which were contained divers of my said notes touching the king’s majesty’s minority, as is aforesaid, having yet nevertheless otherwise, in generality and speciality, persuaded the people to obedience unto the king’s said majesty, whose minority to them and all others is notoriously and manifestly known; and his majesty, saving of these late rebels, faithfully, truly, and reverently obeyed of all the rest of his subjects.

To the sixth, which beginneth, ‘Whether ye will,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘the opinion or no;’ I do answer and say, that not knowing certainly of which rebels the article meaneth, nor yet what their opinion is indeed, I ought not to be driven to make answer hereunto, nor yet can make good and perfect answer therein though I would.

To the seventh article, beginning thus: ‘Item, that ye know,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘the king’s majesty’s book;’ I do answer and say, that albeit I have by the space of these five weeks last past and more, been in manner continually in business and trouble, as well in providing for my said sermon, as otherwise, specially by reason of my family, much vexed with sickness, to my great disquietness and charge, and also by reason that I have been so much troubled and cumbered by informations and complaints unjustly and uncharitably made against me, over and besides the having of divers and sundry persons, which daily resort and come unto me for their suits and business, both in matters of justice and otherwise, yet I have not omitted to send forth to my archdeacons and other my officers, to inquire and search diligently in this behalf, and to certify me accordingly; and yet I cannot hear certainly of any that have heard, been at, or celebrated masses or evensongs in the Latin tongue, after the old rite and manner, except it be in the house of my Lady Mary’s grace, or in the houses of the ambassadors, nor yet there, nor in any of them, but by flying and not assured report; and without knowing the names and persons that so have heard, been at, or celebrate the same: and in this behalf how far I can and ought to proceed, and after what sort, I do refer me unto the statute late made in that behalf.

To the eighth article 428 , beginning thus: ‘Item, that ye have,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘punishment unto them;’ I do answer and say, that this article doth depend on the next article going before; and so consequently answer is already thereunto made.

To the ninth article, beginning thus, ‘Item, that ye know,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘nor see them punished;’ I do answer and say, that touching such as either have been denounced or detected for such criminous and culpable persons to me or my officers, there hath been process already made before my said officers, as it appeareth in my register, and the acts of my court; and moreover, I have given express commandment to my said officers, to inquire and search for more such offenders, and to certify me thereof, that I may proceed against them accordingly.

To the tenth article, beginning thus: ‘Item, ye were,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘the king’s majesty’s authority in his minority;’ I do answer and say, that as touching the time mentioned in the article, and the declaration to be made by Dr. Cox, I do not well remember either the same time, or yet the special points and substance of the said Dr. Cox’s declaration. Truth it is, I was at a sermon made at Paul’s cross by the said Dr. Cox, wherein he inveighed against my lord of Winchester; and, as far as I can now call to my remembrance, it was touching disobedience wherewith my lord of Winchester by the said Dr. Cox seemed to be charged; and for a sermon also that my lord of Winchester was seeming to have made before the king’s majesty in the court of Winchester.

To the eleventh article , 429 being by itself delivered unto me the 14th of this present September, 1549, in the night, at my house of London, beginning thus, ‘Item, that the rites,’ etc., and ending thus, ‘the misuses thereof;’ I do answer and say, that [have already given commandment to my officers to make diligent search and inquire herein, and to certify accordingly, to the intent I may proceed therein as appertaineth; and would before this time myself have also inquired and proceeded, had I not so been of all sides oppressed and pestered with multitude of other necessary business, as I have been, to my great disquietness and trouble.

When he had ended the reading of these answers , 430 the commissioners said unto him that he had in the same very obscurely answered unto the fifth article, ministered the 13th of September; wherefore they willed him there expressly to answer by mouth, whether he had, according to the injunctions delivered unto him, declared the article beginning thus: “You shall also set forth in your sermon that our authority,” etc.: whereunto he again answered, that he had already made as full and sufficient an answer in writing, as he was bound to make by law.

The judges then replied, that the answers already made in that part were obscure and insufficient, so that it appeared not certainly whether he had preached indeed according to the same injunction or not; and therefore they eftsoons willed him, as before, directly to answer whether he had so accordingly preached or no, the bishop still answering as before.

The judges again demanded of him, whether he would otherwise answer or no? To the which he said, No, unless the law should compel him. Then they asked him whether he thought the law did compel him to answer more fully or no? He answered, No; adding further, that he was not bound to make answer to such positions.

The commissioners then, seeing his froward contumacy, told him plainly, that if he persisted thus in his frowardness, and would not otherwise answer, they would, according to law, take him ‘pro confesso,’ and, ‘ex abundanti,’ receive witness against him; and therewithal did recite again to him six of the first and principal articles, demanding his final answer thereunto: who said, as before, that he had already fully answered them by writing; but whereas they requested to have his notes, which he said he had made of his sermon, they should have them if they would send for them. And whereas in his answer to the sixth article, he doubted what the opinion of the rebels was, the judges declared unto him that their opinion was, “that the king’s majesty, before his grace came to the age of one and twenty years, had not so full authority to make laws and statutes, as when he came to further years; and that his subjects were not bound to obey the laws and statutes made in his young age.” Whereunto the bishop answered, that he was not of the opinion of the rebels mentioned in that article, as did well appear by his answers, as well unto the denunciation, as also unto the fifth article objected against him.

Which ended, they, perceiving his scornful carelessness, presently did admit for witness, upon the articles objected against him, Master John Cheek, Henry Markham, John Joseph, John Douglas, and Richard Chambers, whom also they onerated with a corporal oath upon the holy evangelists, truly to answer and depose upon the same articles in the presence of the bishop, who, under his former protestation, like a wily lawyer, protested of the nullity of the receiving, admitting, and swearing of those witnesses, with protestation also to object against the persons and sayings of the witnesses in time and place convenient; demanding also a competent and lawful time to minister interrogatories against them, with a copy of all the acts to that day: wherewith the delegates were well pleased, and assigned him to minister his interrogatories against Master Cheek on that present day, and against the rest, on the next day before noon.

All which interrogatories whoso listeth to peruse, may hereunder read the same, the 57 said bishop protesting “de nimia brevitate et angustia temporis et de gravamine sibi in ea parte et aliter per hunc processum illato:” CERTAIN INTERROGATORIES 431 EXHIBITED BY BONNER TO BE MINISTERED AGAINST THE AFORESAID WITNESSES, UPON THE ARTICLES ABOVE-MENTIONED, THE EIGHTEENTH OF SEPTEMBER.

I Edmund, bishop of London, under my protestations heretofore made before you, do minister these interrogatories ensuing, against all and singular the pretensed witnesses already received and sworn, as hereafter to be received and sworn against me the said bishop in this matter; requiring and desiring under the said protestation, that all and singular the said pretensed witnesses may be examined in virtue of their oath upon the said interrogatories, and every part and parcel of them.

First , That all and singular the said witnesses, in virtue of their oath, be examined generally and specially of all and singular the interrogatories commonly used and accustomed to be made in such matters; especially touching their age, their condition, their dwellingplace, now and heretofore, by the space of these twelve years last past; with whom all this time they have also dwelled, and been familiar or conversant; with the names and the places and persons and other circumstances expedient in this behalf; and by whom they have been found and maintained, and for what purpose. Et interrogetur conjunctim, divisim, et de quolibet. 2. Item, Touching the pretensed articles made in this behalf, and injunctions mentioned in the same, that they and every of them, in virtue of the said oath, may be examined whether they know their said articles and injunctions to be true in all parts; how they know them to be true; by whom, when, and in what place: deposing the formal words of the said pretensed articles and injunctions in especial, as they are deduced in the first article . 432 And therein let them depose how he or they know the said articles and injunctions to he received from the king’s majesty: how also he or they know that I, the said bishop, received the said injunctions at the hands of the lord protector’s grace: how also they were sitting in the council chamber: moreover who were the rest of the council then sitting, specifying their names and surnames, or titles: also, whether the tenth of August 433 of this resent year, or of the last year. Moreover whether the articles or injunctions were joined together, or apart: whether the tenor thereof, and the form and manner of the doing and following, touching me the said bishop, and also touching the preaching thereunto, was as is deduced in the first article: declaring moreover, when, where, and how, I, the said bishop, accepted the said injunctions, or promised to observe and follow the same, and by what express words. Et interrogetur ut supra. 3. Item, Whether the said witnesses, or any of them were present at my last sermon made at Paul’s cross: where they then stood, by whom, when they came to it, and at what part of the said sermon: how long they tarried thereat, at what part thereof or in all they were offended: what were the formal words, or at the leastwise in substance, that I, the said bishop, then uttered, or wherewith they were offended, and by what occasion: and who with him or them did hear it, and in what place their contests did stand; how long they tarried, and at what part they came thither or departed thence. Et interrogetur ut supra. 4. Item, Whether the said witnesses or any of them were desired or required, by any person or persons, to be witness in this matter; and by whom, when, where, and how the same was done, and in whose presence. Et interrogetur ut supra. 5. Item, Whether they or any of them had consulted with others to come unto my sermon, for what purpose, by whom they were induced and moved, and how they agreed; and what they did after my said sermon for the impugnation or depraving thereof. Et interrogetur ut supra. 6. Item, Whether they or any of them have been or be conversant or familiar with any that hath been known, noted, or reputed for a sacramentary, in denying the verity of Christ’s true and corporal presence in the sacrament of the altar; and whether he and they detest and abhor and abstain from the company of all such persons as be known, noted, or suspected for sacramentaries in that behalf, and what opinion he and they have with their contests touching the said presence, Et interrogetur ut supra. 7. Item, Whether they or any of them have wished me, the said bishop, to be deprived or put in prison; and whether they or any of them have reported and said that I shall be deprived or imprisoned, rejoicing thereof; and for what cause they have so wished or reported, or any of their contests. Et interrogetur ut supra. 8. Item, Whether they or any of them have been in times past a friar, preacher, minorite, Augustine, or Carmelite, monk, canon, observant, or religious person, professing solemnly poverty, chastity, and obedience, according to the laws, customs, or ordinances of this realm, then used and observed. Et interrogetur ut supra. 9. Item, Whether they or any of them, being so professed, have been, or be since that time, married to any person; having likewise or otherwise been professed or loose, or been a widower; and how oft they have been married, and whether any of their wives be yet alive. Et interrogetur ut supra. 10. Item, Whether they or any of them have read the commission in this matter, and whether they or any of them do know or think, that the commission, injunctions, articles, and denunciation, do agree together or no: and wherein they think or know discrepancies or diversities to be between them in this behalf, Et interrogetur ut supra. 11. Item, If they, or any of them do depose, that I have not sincerely and wholly declared as is contained in the second article, let him and every of them be examined, in virtue of their oath, how they do know it, and by what means; declaring whom they think to have knowledge therein with them. Et interrogetur ut supra. 12. Item, If they or any of them do depose that I have transgressed and offended in the fourth article beginning thus: ‘Item, That ye have not declared,’ etc. let them and every of them be examined, in virtue of their oath, whether they know that these words following, ‘as matins, masses, now said after that sort in this realm,’ were and be put in the injunction pretended to be ministered unto me, the said bishop, or no. Et interrogetur ut supra. 13. Item, If they or any of them do depose that I have transgressed and offended touching the fifth article, let them and every of them be examined, in virtue of their oath, whether the injunctions pretended in this behalf were signed with the king’s usual signet, or other at all; whether it was sealed with any seal: whether it was subscribed by the lord protector’s grace, or any of the privy council: whether it was in full council sitting delivered unto me by the lord protector: whether it was delivered to me, the rest of the king’s majesty’s privy council there then sitting: whether on the said days as is contained in the fifth article: by whom it was written, when, and where. Et interrogetur ut supra. 14. Item, If they or any of them depose, that I do defend the opinion of the rebels, let them be examined, and every of them, what rebels they be, what is their opinion, and how the law of this realm doth determine therein, declaring by what words and facts I, the said bishop, did speak and do; and at what time and place, and in whose presence such words or acts were spoken or done. Et interrogetur ut supra. 15. Item, If they or any of them do depose, that I know, or have heard say credibly, that since the time of the said pretensed injunctions, certain persons within my diocese have heard, been at, or celebrated mass or evensong in the Latin tongue, and after the old rite and manner, other than according to the king’s majesty’s book, let them and every of them be examined, in virtue of his said oath, how they know that I so know, or have heard say; and of the name or names of the party or parties; and of the time and place when, and where it was; and whether any denunciation or detection were, according to the statutes and ordinances of this realm, made unto me or no. Et interrogetur ut supra. 16. Item, If they or any of them do say, that I know or have heard say of such notable adulterers and offenses mentioned in the ninth article, let them and every of them be examined, in virtue of his and their oath, what they do know that I do know, or have heard say; and who be the persons; where they dwell; who hath denounced or detected them; and how I could and ought to have cited them and punished them in this behalf. Et interrogetur ut supra. 17. Item, Whether they or any of them do say, that I know certainly now, what Dr. Cox declared in his sermon at Paul’s cross, as is deduced in the tenth article: let them be inquired and every of them, in virtue of their oaths, how they can prove it, by whom, and after what sort. Et interrogetur ut supra. 18. Item, If they or any of them do say, that I do know or hear certainly of the diversity of the rites of the common service of the church, now set forth, and of the ministers and parsons transgressing therein, let them and every of them, in virtue of their oath, be examined whether there hath been any detection or denunciation made to me thereupon; and how they know or can prove that I have been culpable and negligent herein. Et interrogetur ut supra. 19. Item, Whether they or any of them have been spoken unto or solicited herein to testify, and after what sort; by whom, when, and where; and what was their conference and communication therein. Et interrogetur ut supra. 20. Item, That they and every of them declare and show the true and sufficient cause of their testimony, in all and singular the premises.

After this the judges delegate assigned the bishop to appear again before them upon Wednesday then next ensuing, between the hours of seven and eight of the clock before noon, in the hall of the archbishop’s manor of Lambeth, there to show the cause why he should not be declared “pro confesso,” upon all the articles whereunto he had not then fully answered, and to see further process done in the matter. The 59 said bishop of London, being by the said judges delegate, at and in the time of his act and process sped the sixteenth day of September, examined openly, upon certain of the articles aforesaid, answered to them as followeth:

Touching the first, the judges’ delegate demanded of him, whether he hath received from the king’s majesty by the hand of my lord protector’s grace, and other of the king’s honorable council in the council-chamber, certain injunctions in writing, beginning, ‘By the king,’ and ending, ‘Forasmuch,’ etc.. Whereunto the said bishop answereth, that he hath already made a sufficient answer thereunto in writing.

To the second article the said bishop of London saith, that he hath already made a sufficient answer.

Touching the third article, the judges require the said bishop to deliver such notes of his sermon as, he saith, he made; which he promiseth they shall have, if they send for them.

To the fourth article he saith, he hath also answered heretofore.

Touching the fifth, it is answered as afore in the acts.

To the sixth he saith, he hath made a full and sufficient answer already; and because, as the judges said, he doubteth what the opinion of the rebels is, it is now declared unto him by the said judges, that this is their opinion; videlicet, that the king’s majesty, before his grace be come to the age of twenty-one years, hath not so full authority to make laws and statutes, as when he cometh to further years; and that his subjects be not bound to obey the laws and statutes made in the said young age, as appeareth by the tenor of the which article proceeding: and they require his answer thereunto. The said bishop answereth: that he is not of the opinion of the rebels mentioned in this article; and saith further, that this may appear by his answer made to the pretensed denunciation, and also by his answer to the fifth of their articles objected against him decimo tertio Septembris.

And so Bonner, still protesting of the nullity and invalidity of all their proceedings, they did, for that present, depart.

In this mean while the commissioners certified the king’s majesty and his council, of the bishop’s demeanor towards them, and what objections he had made against their proceedings, making doubts and ambiguities, whether, by the tenor of his majesty’s commission, the commissioners might proceed not only at the denunciation, but also at their mere office; and also whether they might as well determine as hear the cause.

Whereupon his majesty, by advice aforesaid, for the better understanding thereof, did, the 17th of September, send unto the commissioners a full and perfect declaration and interpretation of his will and pleasure in the aforesaid commission, giving them hereby full authority to proceed at their own discretions, as appeareth more at large by the tenor thereof ensuing:

A CERTAIN DECLARATION436 OR INTERPRETATION OF THE KING Touching certain points and doubts in his former Commission, with License given to the Commissioners, as well to determine as to hear, in the case of Bonner.

Edward the sixth by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the church of England, and also of Ireland, in earth the supreme head; To the most reverend father in God, Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of England; the right reverend father in God Nicholas, bishop of Rochester; our trusty and right well-beloved councilors, sir William Peter and sir Thomas Smith, knights, our two principal secretaries; and William May, doctor of law civil; and dean of Paul’s; greeting: Whereas we of late, by the advice of our most entirely beloved uncle Edward duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of our privy council, have addressed unto you, five, four, or three of you, our letters patent of commission, bearing date at Westminster the eighth day of September, in the third year of our reign; willing you by force thereof to hear the matters and cause of contempt therein expressed, and calling before you as well the denouncers thereof, as also the right reverend father in God Edmund bishop of London, against whom such denunciation is made, as in our said letters of commission more at large doth appear; we be now credibly informed, that upon the said commission divers doubts and ambiguities have and may rise: As, whether you, by the tenor of the said commission, may proceed not only at the denunciation, but also of mere office: And also, whether ye may as well determine, as hear the said’ cause.

For further declaration whereof we do now interpret and declare, that our full mind and pleasure, by the advice aforesaid, was by our said commission, and now is, that you should proceed as well by mere office, as also by the way of denunciation, and by either of them, or by any other ways or means at your discretions, whereby the truth and merits of the cause may be most speedily and best known; and that ye might and may as well finally determine as hear the said matters; in all your orders and doings cutting away all vain and superfluous delays, and having respect to the only truth of the matter. And this our declaration we send unto you of our sure knowledge and mere motion, by the advice aforesaid; supplying all default, ceremony, and point of the law, which hath, shall, or may arise of your doings by reason of any default of words in our said former commission or any part thereof, any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding. And therefore we will and command you to proceed in the said matters accordingly, as well to our aforesaid commission as this our declaration; and so fail ye not. In witness whereof we have made these our letters patent.

At Hampton-court, the seventeenth day of September, in the third year of our reign.

THE FOURTH SESSION437 60 AGAINST BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON, BEFORE THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS, IN THE GREAT HALL AT LAMBETH, THE EIGHTEENTH OF SEPTEMBER.

After this declaration being sent down and received from the king, the bishop of London (according to the commissioners’ assignment the Monday before) appeared again before them upon Wednesday the l8th of September, in the great hall at Lambeth; where under his wonted protestation, first he declared, that although he had already sufficiently answered all things, yet, further to satisfy the term assigned unto him, to show cause why he ought not to be declared “pro confesso,” upon the articles theretofore ministered against him, and to the which he had not fully answered, he had then a matter in writing to exhibit unto them, why he ought not so to be declared, which he read there openly; the copy and words whereof be as follow.

MATTER439 61 EXHIBITED UP TO THE COMMISSIONERS BY BONNER, WHY HE OUGHT NOT TO BE DECLARED FOR CAST AND CONVICT.

I, Edmund, bishop of London, under protestation heretofore by me made before you, which I have heretofore repeated; and, especially, under protestation of the nullity and invalidity, injustice and iniquity, of your pretensed and unlawful process made by you against me; and, especially, against your pre-tensed assignation made by you the last session unto me appearing in your pre-tensed acts: do say, that your said assignation is unavailable, nothing worth in law, unlawful, unjust, and unreasonable; and I, therefore, not bound by the law to obey unto [it], for just and reasonable causes hereafter following. First, it is true, notorious, and manifest, that the said pretensed assignation, in words and pronunciation, was made by you sir Thomas Smith, one of the pretensed commissioners in this matter, without express consent given unto you by your pretensed colleagues in the commission; or, at least, he, as a commissioner, did proceed herein with the rest of the said colleagues , 438 and did indicte the acts, prescribing to the actuary or scribe, what he therein should write. Item, It is likewise notorious and manifest, that the said colleagues aid, in your absence, begin to sit as commissioners and judges, by virtue of the said commission pretended to be sent unto you, and began to make process against me, as appeareth in the acts of the first session in this matter; by reason whereof ye ought not by the law to have intermeddled therein otherwise than the law doth suffer you to do; which ye have done indeed naughtily and unlawfully, contrary to justice and good reason, and are unmeet to be commissioner against me in this behalf. Item, It is likewise true, notorious and manifest, that the answers being already given by me fully, lawfully, and sufficiently, so far as the law bindeth me, as well to the pretensed denunciation in that matter, as also to all and singular articles, that in any wise against me have been objected in this behalf; and nothing at the least wise sufficient and good in law alleged, declared, specified, or apparent to the contrary in any specialty or particularity; by reason whereof I ought not further, without special allegation, declaration, specification, and appearance, to make other or more special answer herein, no cause in law sufficient and reasonable compelling and enforcing me thereunto. I am not by law bound to do further than I have done, referring me as well to my answers given to the said pretensed denunciation and articles, as, also, unto the king’s ecclesiastical laws, used and observed commonly here within this realm. Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that in all proceedings hitherto ye have proceeded so extraordinarily and unduly in this matter, that ye have confounded all kind of lawful process; sometimes proceeding ‘ad denunciandum;’ sometimes ‘ex officio mero;’ sometimes ‘ex officio mixto;’ contrary to the king’s ecclesiastical laws, and contrary also to the commission directed in this behalf; referring me to all the same. And it may be said herein, that hitherto ye have proceeded against me ‘summarie,’ against the true sense of the word, and proceeded also ‘cum strepitu,’ but ‘sine figura judicii.’ Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that divers of the articles pretensed are superfluous and impertinent, not relevinge, though they were proved, containing in them untruth and falsity; some also be obscure, general, and uncertain, not canynge have certain answere made unto them. And also others be depending of articles being denied, or at the least way qualified; some also captious and deceitful, to bring the answer into a snare; some also containing matter of divers sorts, part whereof is not true, but false; and some also being articles of the law, and such sort that, by the king’s ecclesiastical laws, a subject of this realm is not bound to make answer unto them, but lawfully may refuse and deny to do it, by reason of the said just and reasonable causes being in this behalf. Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that ye sir Thomas Smith, when I, Edmund bishop of London, was last with the council in the council-chamber at Whitehall: ye the said sir Thomas, after the departure of the lord protector from the said council, and after the departure of the rest of the lords of the said council, did write yourself certain articles or injunctions, amongst which was that of the king’s majesty’s minority and his authority in the same, which articles or injunctions ye writ yourself; and afterwards, also, ye copied them upon an altar or table within the said council-chamber; and your self, and none other, did then write the same, and deliver it to me. By reason whereof it cannot be, nor is, true, that which in the commission, denunciation, articles, and other things is deduced and objected against me in this behalf; referring me as well to the tenor of the said commission, denunciation, injunctions, and articles, as also unto my allegations and answers herein made unto the same, remaining in the acts of this cause and matter.

When these fond and frivolous objections were thus read 440 , the archbishop, seeing his inordinate and intolerable contempt towards them, charged him very sharply, saying thus: ‘My lord of London, if I had sitten here only as archbishop of Canterbury, it had been your part to have used yourself more lowly, obediently, and reverently towards me than you have; but, seeing that I, with my colleagues, sit here now as delegates from the king’s majesty, I must tell you plain, you have behaved yourself too, too much inordinately. For at every time that we have sitten in commission, you have used such unseemly fashions, without all reverence and obedience, giving taunts and checks as well unto us, with divers of the servants and chaplains, as also unto certain of the ancientest that be here, calling them fools and daws, with such like, as that you have given to the multitude an intolerable example of disobedience. And I assure you, my lord, there is you, and one other bishop whom I could name, that have used yourselves so contemptuously and disobediently, as the like I think hath not before been heard of or seen; whereby ye have done much harm.

At these words 441 the gross bishop ( a beast, a man might justly term him 442 ) said scornfully to the archbishop, “You show yourself to be a meet judge.”

The archbishop, then proceeding, laid to his charge how indiscreetly, the last day in the chapel, he had called all the people woodcocks.

Whereunto he answered, that the last session William Latimer, one of the denouncers, being there present, had practiced with the audience, that when he lifted up his hand to them, they should (and did as it were by a token given them) say as he said, and (lo as he did; as, at one time, upon the lifting up of his hand, they cried, “Nay, nay;” and at another time, “Yea, yea,” and laughed they could not tell whereat; with such like fashions.

Unto which words Latimer, seeing his vain suspicion, replied, saying, that he lifted not up his hand at any time but only to cause them to hold their peace.

Then secretary Smith said to the bishop, that in all his writings and answers that he had hitherto laid in, he would not once acknowledge them as the king’s commissioners, but used always protestations, with divers ink-horn and naughty terms, calling them pretensed commissioners, pretensed delegates, pretensed commission, pretensed articles, pretensed proceedings; so that all things were pretensed with him. ‘Indeed,’ said secretary Smith, ‘such terms the proctors of churches use, to delay matters for their clients, when they will not have the truth known. But you, my lord, to use us the king’s majesty’s commissioners with such terms, you do therein very lewdly and naughtily. And I pray you what other thing did the rebels? For when letters or pardons were brought them from the king and his council, they would not credit them, but said they were none of the king’s or his council’s, but gentlemen’s doings, and made under a bush; with such like terms. But now, my lord, because hitherto we cannot make you confess whether, in your sermon that you preached, ye omitted the article touching the king’s majesty’s authority in his tender age or not, but still have said that ye will not otherwise answer than ye have done, and that ye have already sufficiency answered (with many such delays), so as we can by no means induce you to confess plainly what you did, yea or nay; therefore, I say, to the intent we may come to the truth, we have dilated the matter more at large, and have drawn out other articles whereunto you shall be sworn; and then I trust, you will daily with us no more as you have done: for, although ye make your answers in writing, yet you shall be examined by us, and make your answers by mouth to the same articles; or else you shall do worse. Indeed I do not, as I said, discommend your protestations and terms of law, if it were in a young proctor that would help his client’s cause; but in you, it may not be suffered so to use the king’s commissoners.’

Then did the delegates minister unto him 443 certain new articles and injunctions, and did there onerate him with a corporal oath in form of law, to make a full and true answer thereunto.’ The bishop, notwithstanding, still (according to his wonted manner) under his former protestation, protested of the nullity and invalidity of these articles, injunctions, and process, desiring also a copy thereof, with a competent time to answer thereunto. To whom the judges decreed a copy, commanding him to come to his examination to the archbishop the next day at eight of the clock before noon.

Then the commissioners did receive for witness upon these new articles now ministered unto the bishop, sir John Mason, knight, sir Thomas Chalenor, knight, Master William Cecil, Armigel Wade, and William Hunnings, clerks to the king’s majesty’s council, whom they onerated with a corporal oath in the presence of the bishop, who, still protesting of the nullity of their receiving and swearing, objected against them and their sayings; and therewith, repeating his interrogatories already ministered, said, he had more to minister by to-morrow at eight of the clock.

The same day and time likewise the bishop, exhibited unto the commissioners an information, or rather cavillation, against William Latimer, which also I thought to impart unto the reader.

THE62 INFORMATION444 GIVEN AGAINST WILLIAM LATIMER, PRIEST OF SAINT LAURENCE POULTNEY, BY EDMUND, BISHOP OF LONDON, THE EIGHTEENTH DAY OF SEPTEMBER, A.D. 1549.

In the said act and session, Edmund bishop of London giveth information and saith: that that said William Latimer, priest — tending the good and tranquillity of this realm of England, as he saith, and that the same is very greatly and manifestly hindered and impeached, when that any of the king’s majesty’s people and subjects do believe or say, that the king’s majesty, our sovereign lord. in his minority hath not full power and authority royal, as fully and justly as when his majesty doth come to full and perfect age: and, likewise, that it is so hindered and impeached, when any of the king’s majesty’s said people and subjects doth believe or say, that the king’s said people and subjects are not bound to obey the king’s majesty in his said minority — hath, of late, in open audience reported and said, that the said William Latimer hath, with his ears, heard divers persons of this realm, at sundry and divers times, unreverently, inobediently, and not faithfully, speak of the king’s majesty — that now is, words in effect and substance as followeth, or such like: ‘Tush! the king,’ meaning the king of England that now is, ‘is but a babe or child: what laws can he make? or what can he do in his minority? Let him have a toast and butter, or bread and milk; and that is more meet for him, than to make laws or statutes to bind us to obey them. We are not bound to obey, till he be past his minority, and come to his full and perfect age.’

And those words were spoken before you, my lord of Canterbury, my lord of Rochester, Master Thomas Smith, and Master William May, by the mouth of the said William Latimer at your last session; and the said William Latimer was neither controlled by any of you for these words ne any of them, ne yet commanded to bring in such persons as had uttered and spoken the said words, but passed in silence: saving that I, the said Edmund, did speak against the said William Latimer in this behalf, telling him that I would detect and denounce hereof. By all which appeareth that the said William Latimer hath long concealed, and not opened the words aforesaid, in such places, and to such persons, as of bounden duty he ought and should; but kept the persons and sayings secret, either not taking this matter of such importance as he pretended, either else unfaithfully and untruly behaving himself towards the king’s majesty and his council; worthy, therefore, to be convented and punished, with his alders and abettors, favorers and councilors.

These vain cavillations ended 445 , the commissioners for that day finished their session, assigning the bishop to appear in that same place again t upon Monday then next following, between the hours of six and nine, in the forenoon, then and there to show a final cause why he should not be declared “pro confesso.” And so delivering him a copy of the articles, they departed; the contents whereof ensue:

ARTICLES AND POSITIONS446 GIVEN BY THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS TO THE BISHOP OF LONDON, TO BE ANSWERED BY HIM JOINTLY AND SEVERALLY IN EVERY POINT THE SECOND TIME. 1. That ye were sent for to the lord protector’s grace, and the rest of the council, and came thither into the court at Westminster the tenth of August, or some other day of the same month. 2. Item, That at the same time the lord protector and divers other of the king’s majesty’s privy council sitting in council, ye were called in; and there the said lord protector did, on the king’s majesty’s behalf, declare unto you divers faults and abuses which were found in you, and gave you strait charge to amend them; adding threatening, that else you should be otherwise looked unto. 3. Item, That the said lord protector’s grace did declare unto you, for better admonition and amendment of you, that you should have, from the king’s majesty, by his advice and the rest of the privy council, certain articles and injunctions, to observe and follow, given you in writing. 4. Item, That there and then the said lord protector commanded sir Thomas Smith knight, secretary to the king’s majesty, to read a certain paper book of injunctions and articles unto you, the said secretary standing at the council-table’s end, and you standing by and hearing the same. 5. Item, That the said lord protector there and then willed certain things in the said book of injunctions to be reformed, as whereas ye were appointed to preach sooner, at your request it was appointed unto you to preach the Sunday three weeks after the date of the said writing. 6. Item, That in the said articles the lord protector’s grace found fault, because an article or commandment unto you set forth and declared of the king’s majesty’s authority now in his young age and of his laws and statutes in the same time, was omitted; and therefore, either immediately before you came into the council chamber, or you being present and standing by, commanded the said secretary Smith to put it in writing, and annex it to the rest of the articles. 7. Item, That the said secretary Smith, then and there did, immediately upon commandment, write into the said book or paper, wherein the rest of the articles were written, the said article, namely, You shall also set forth in your sermon, that the authority of our royal power is (as truth it is) of no less authority and force in this our young age, than was that of any of our predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appear by example of Josias and other young kings in the Scripture; and therefore all our subjects to be no less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, than if we were of thirty or forty years of age. 8. Item, That the lord protector did so deliver you the book or paper, willing, first, the said secretary Smith to amend all things as he had appointed. 9. Item, That ye then and there did promise to the lord protector’s grace, that ye would observe and fulfill all in the said injunctions and articles contained. 10. 447 Item, That all things in the said book putten and mentioned by the said secretary Smith, and the same so read to you by him, and you first agreeing that all that was by him so written was by the lord protector’s appointment, the said book was so delivered unto you then and there, by the said secretary Smith in the council chamber. 11. Item, That you have the said book in your possession, or else know where it is, the true copy whereof in effect is annexed to these articles. 12. Item, That ye were commanded in the same injunctions to preach the Sunday three weeks after the delivery thereof at Paul’s, and there to treat upon certain articles, as is specified in the said book of injunctions, and especially the said article, beginning, ‘Ye shall also set forth,’ and ending, ‘thirty or forty years of age.’ 13. Item, That for the accomplishment of part of the said injunctions and commandment, you did preach the first day of September last past at Paul’s cross. 14. Item, That at the said sermon, contrary to your injunctions, ye omitted and left out the said article, beginning, ‘Ye shall also set forth in your sermon,’ etc., and ending, ‘thirty or forty years of age.’ 15. Ye shall also answer whether ye think and believe that the king’s majesty’s subjects be bound to obey as well the laws, statutes, proclamations, and other ordinances made now in this young age of the king’s majesty, as the laws, statutes, proclamations, and ordinances made by his highness’s progenitors.

These articles being thus ministered 448 to the said bishop of London, the next day being Thursday and the 19th of September, the forenamed commissioners sat in the archbishop’s chamber of presence at Lambeth, attending the coming of the bishop of London; before whom there appeared Robert Johnson, the bishop’s registrar , 449 and there did declare unto the commissioners, that the bishop his master could not at that time personally appear before them without great danger of his bodily health, because that he feared to fall into a fever by reason of a cold that he had taken by too much over-watching himself the last night before, whereby he was compelled to keep his bed: nevertheless, if he could without danger of his bodily health, he would appear before them the same day at afternoon.

This excuse the judges were content to take in good part. Yet, said master secretary Smith, if he were sick indeed, the excuse was reasonable, and to be allowed; “but,” quoth he, “I promise you my lord hath so dallied with us, and used hitherto such delays, that we may mistrust that this is but a reigned excuse: howbeit, upon your faithful declaration, we are content to tarry until one of the clock at afternoon.” And so they did, willing Master Johnson to signify then unto them, whether the bishop could appear or not.

At which hour Robert Johnson and Richard Rogers, gentlemen of the bishop’s chamber, appeared again before the commissioners, declaring that (for the causes afore alleged) their master could not appear at that time neither. Whereupon master secretary Smith said unto them, ‘My lord of London your master hath used us very homely, and sought delays hitherto; and now, perhaps, perceiving these last articles to touch the quick, and therefore loath to come to his answer, he reigneth himself sick. But, because he shall not so deceive us any more, we will send the knight marshal unto him, willing him, if he be sick indeed, to let him alone, for that is a reasonable excuse; but, if he be not sick, then to bring him forthwith to us: for I promise you he shall not use us as he hath done; we will not take it at his hands. And, therefore, master Johnson (said he), you do the part of a trusty servant as becometh you; but it is also your part to show my lord his stubborn heart and disobedience, which cloth him more harm than he is aware of.

What! thinketh he to stand with a king in his own realm? Is this the part of a subject? Nay, I ween we shall have a new Thomas a Becket. Let him take heed; for if he, play these parts, he may fortune to be made shorter by the may appeal if he think good; but whither? To the bishop of head. He Rome? So he may help himself forwards. I am sure 450 he cannot appeal but to the same king, who hath made us his judges, and to the bench of his council; and how they will take this matter when they hear of it, I doubt not. He would make men believe, that he were called before us for preaching his opinion of the sacrament, wherein I assure you he did both falsely and naughtily; yea and lewdly; and more than became him; and more than he had in commandment to do; for he was not willed to speak of that matter, and perhaps he may hear more of that hereafter: but yet we will lay no such thing to his charge, and therefore we will not have him to delay us as he doth.’

This ended, the delegates notwithstanding decreed to tarry again for him until two of the clock at afternoon the next day, being Friday, and the 20th of September.

INTERROGATORIES451 63 DEDUCED AND MINISTERED BY BONNER, THE SECOND TIME, AGAINST THE WITNESSES AFORENAMED AND ASSIGNED; FOR THEM TO BE DEPOSED UPON BY THE COMMISSIONERS. 1. First, If they, or any of them, depose upon the first article and position, thus beginning: ‘That ye were sent,’ etc., and ending thus: ‘of the same month:’ let them, in virtue of their oath, be examined, whether that they know or believe surely, that that writing of articles and injunctions, which sir Thomas Smith knight, one of the principal secretaries to the king’s majesty, saith, was delivered by the hands of the lord protector’s grace in the council-chamber, to me the bishop of London, had, amongst other things, this clause following: ‘Given at our palace at Westminster the seventh day of August, in the third year of our reign.’ And whether they know or believe, that there were any other articles and injunctions besides that writing bearing the said date; and, if they say so, let them be inquired and examined upon their oath, of the whole tenor thereof, and every part and parcel of the same, with the date thereof, seal, subscription, sign, and other circumstances expedient for knowledge in this behalf: and let them give a sufficient cause of their knowledge herein. Et interrogetur conjunctim, divisim, et de quolibet. 2. Item, Whether they, or any of them, do know or credibly have heard say, that I, the said bishop, received from the king’s majesty, by the hands of the lord protector’s grace, sitting in the council-chamber at council with the rest of the lords of the council the tenth of August, certain injunctions to be done and followed by me the said bishop, and articles by me to be preached. Et, etc. 3. Item, In case they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the second article, beginning thus: ‘Item, that at,’ etc.; and ending thus, ‘I looked unto:’ let them be examined in virtue of their oath, if they know certainly the time touched in the said article, and whether it be of the seventh of August or of the tenth thereof; or of what other special time, with causes of their knowledge therein; and whether the declaration touched in the said article was by mouth, or in writing; and of the tenor thereof: with declaration of the former words in that behalf, and who were present thereat. Et, etc. 4. Item, In case they, or any of them, do depose upon the third article, let them in virtue of their oath be examined of the time and place thereof, and what should be the articles and injunctions in every part; the date thereof, and causes of their knowledge therein, and who and how many were there present. Et, etc. 5. Item, In case they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the fourth article, let them be examined as before, whether that pretensed paper or book of instructions and articles mentioned in the said article was the selfsame in all points, that is spoken of in the first interrogatory; and whether the said paper or book was signed with the king’s majesty’s hand, or sealed with any his grace’s seal or signet, or subscribed with any of the hands of the king’s majesty’s council; and let them give cause of their knowledge, and who and how many were present thereat, and of the time. 6. Item, In case they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the fifth article, let them and every of them be interrogated and examined in virtue of their oath, whether the said book was delivered to me the said bishop, or not; and of the time thereof, with causes of their knowledge; and how many and who were present thereat, and of the special place wherein it was done. 7. Item, in case they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the sixth article, let them be examined as before, whether any such article was written and delivered to me, the council sitting within the council-chamber; and of the time thereof, with causes of their knowledge; and how many and who were present thereat, and of the special place wherein it was done. 8. Item, In case they, or any of them, do depose upon the seventh article, let them, in virtue of their oath, be examined of the special time and place; and whether, at the delivery thereof, the lord protector or the rest of the council were then present, or not; with the causes of their knowledge. 9. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the eighth article, let them be examined as before, whether the lord protector or the rest of the council were present in the councilchamber, or departed before master secretary Smith had the article touched in the seventh article before expressed, beginning thus: ‘Item, that the said secretary,’ etc.; and ending thus, ‘forty years of age.’ 10. Item, Let them, and every of them, in virtue of their oath, be examined whether I, the said bishop, at any time that motion was made either of sermon to be made by me, either else of articles to be declared by me, did only excuse mine inability for lack of exercise: but also added, that in case I should be enforced by the council to preach or declare, I would do the best I could, without further promises, or taking upon me to do. 11. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the tenth article, let them be examined in virtue of their oath, whether the things mentioned in the said article were put into the book and amended, the lord protector and the rest of the council being present or absent; and who and how many were then present, with the causes of their knowledge therein. 12. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the eleventh article, let. them be examined in virtue of their oath, whether they know, think, or believe, that that book which is in my possession, or else known where it is, be the very true book that was delivered in this behalf unto me; and whether they know, think, or believe, that the copy annexed to the articles be a true copy thereof, in all words and sentences agreeable unto the same; giving causes of their knowledge therein. 13. Item, If they, or any of them, depose upon the contents of the twelfth article, let them be examined in virtue of their oath, by whom I was so commanded, as in the article is contained; by what words, in what place, before whom, in writing or by mouth, at what time and after what sort; giving causes of their knowledge therein. 14. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the thirteenth article, let them be examined as before, whether they or any of them did hear me preach; when came they to my preaching; where did they stand; what words and sentences they then heard; who was with them there as contests; with cause of their knowledge; and how many of their acquaintance were then present. 15. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the contents of the fourteenth article, let them be examined, in virtue of their oath, how and by what means they know it was so; and whether of a malicious set purpose, or else by forgetfulness. 16. Item, If they, or any of them, do depose upon the fifteenth and last article, let them be examined as before, whether they be lawyers or no; specially whether they know certainly the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm in this behalf or no; giving sufficient causes of their knowledge in this behalf. 17. Item, Touching Master Cicell, one of the pretensed witness, let him be examined in virtue of his oath, whether the eighteenth day of September 1549 , 452 in open audience in the court kept in the Great Hall at Lambeth, he, the said Master Cecil, did not openly, and with vehemence, report and say, that I, the bishop of London, was the most inobedient and willful that he had seen or heard of, and one that most evil behaved himself to the commissioners; with other words unseemly then spoken: specifying the said words, and to whom they were spoken; and how many and who answered unto them, and what they said.

THE FIFTH ACTION453 OR PROCESS THE TWENTIETH OF SEPTEMBER, AGAINST BONNER BISHOP OF LONDON, BEFORE THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS.

At which day and time the bishop appeared himself personally before them in the same Chamber of Presence; where first he did exhibit his answers unto the last articles ministered unto him the eighteenth of September; the contents whereof hereunder follow:

THE ANSWER OF THE SAID BISHOP OF LONDON454 MADE UNTO THE ARTICLES MINISTERED UNTO HIM THE SECOND TIME.

The answers of me, Edmund bishop of London, under mine accustomed protestation given unto the articles of late ministered and exhibited against me here in this court; with special protestation also, that I do not intend in any wise to make answer to any of the said articles otherwise than the law of this realm doth bind me to do, nor to speak or say contrary to any thing that in my former answers I have said or done; and that if it so chance me to do, it is not, nor shall it be, with my good will or full consent; and that so soon as I shall perceive it, I intend to revoke it, and so now as then, and then as now, do so in that case revoke, to all honest and lawful purposes.

To the first article I do answer and say, that there was a messenger, whose name I know not, that came unto me to Fulham, as I now remember, but I do not remember the day thereof; and he said that my lord protector’s grace required me to come by and by to speak with him. And thereupon, having made the said messenger to break his fast, I repaired to the court at Westminster; but not upon the tenth day of August, but some other day of the said month 455 .

To the second article I do say, that it is obscure, uncertain, and over general, especially in those words ‘at the same time,’ which may be referred to the tenth of August, and then answer already is made thereunto; and it may be referred to some other day of the said month of August, either before the tenth of August, or after.

And because it remaineth undeclared, I am not bound in law to answer unto it, neither yet to these words and sentences in the said article, to wit, ‘then, and there,’ for they, without declaration, are uncertain, obscure, and general; and I, before the specification and declaration thereof, not bound herein to make an answer, especially having already made full and sufficient answer in this matter, according to the commission, as I do take it, and according unto the law; which also willeth, that if a certain answer be looked for, the position and article must before be certain.

To the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth articles, he answereth all after one manner and sort, as thus: That it doth depend on the articles, to which for causes aforesaid, he saith, he is not bound in law to make answer, especially having already made. Saving that in the sixth he addeth thereunto, that he at no time heard the lord protector find fault, nor commanded, as is deduced in the said article, so far as he doth find. Also saving the seventh article, where he addeth, ‘Nevertheless confessing and acknowledging, with heart and mouth, the king’s majesty’s authority and regal power and minority, as well and full as in his majority.’

Also saving the eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh articles, where he addeth, ‘As they be deduced, they are not true; as appeareth in conferring one with another.’

To the twelfth and fourteenth articles, he addeth, ‘As they be deduced, they are not true;’ confessing, nevertheless, the king’s majesty’s authority and power regal, as before is expressed.

To the fifteenth article he answereth and saith, that it is a position in law, and that yet both now and heretofore he hath made answer thereunto in effect and substance, as appeareth in his former answers, and so shall do always according to the law and his bounden duty, acknowledging, as he hath already done, the king’s majesty’s regal power in his minority, to be no less than in his majority; and the subjects bound to obey unto his grace, his laws, statutes, and ordinances, and his said authority, as well in his minority as in his majority; not allowing, but expressly condemning the opinion of all rebels holding the contrary.

After this, perceiving that master secretary Smith 456 was somewhat more quick with him than others of the commissioners, and that he would not suffer him any longer to daily out the matter with his vain quiddities and subtleties in law, but ever earnestly urged him to go directly to his matter, and therewithal sometimes sharply rebuking him for his evil and stubborn behavior towards them; Bonner, to deface his authority (as he thought), did also then exhibit in writing a recusation of the secretary’s judgment against him; the form and manner whereof, as he exhibited it unto the judges, I thought here also to exhibit unto the reader as hereunder followeth:

THE RECUSATION457 OF THE JUDGMENT OF SIR THOMAS SMITH, MADE BY THE BISHOP OF LONDON THE FIRST TIME.

In the name of God, Amen. Forasmuch as equity, natural reason, and all good laws, do require that judges shall be of that integrity, wisdom, circumspection, learning, and indifferency, that, exercising the office and room of a judge, they may and shall do it without hatred, malice, or grudge against any person convented or called before them; uprightly, sincerely, and duly executing and doing their office unto them in any wise committed: and forasmuch also as all judgments and process ought to have their due course, and proceed without suspicion or corruption in any wise: and finally, forasmuch as very dangerous it is to appear and make defense before an incompetent judge, who commonly and accustomably, of private and unlawful corrupt affection to the one side, and for malice, hatred, and envy borne against the other side, rather serveth his carnal, corrupt, and willful appetite, than by any thing else is moved to obedience and keeping of good order, law, or reason, touching him that is con-vented and compelled to make answer against his will: I therefore, Edmund bishop of London, having perceived and felt by all the sayings, proceedings, and doings of you sir Thomas Smith, knight, one of the two principal secretaries to the king’s majesty, in this matter attempted and moved against me, that ye have been, and yet continually are, a notorious and manifest enemy of me the said Edmund, and much offended that I should in any wise allege and say, or use any such things for my most defense, as the law giveth me license and liberty to do; yea, hearing most favorably and effectually my denouncers and enemies with both ears in any thing that they shall allege, purpose, attempt, or do against me, though their persons in law are not in any wise to be heard or admitted, nor yet their sayings true; and not hearing me so much as with one ear in my lawful sayings and doings in this behalf; but, contrariwise, opening your mouth at large, ye have sundry times, against good wisdom and reason, outraged in words and deeds against me the said Edmund, saying, among other words: ‘that I did as thieves, murderers, and traitors are wont to do, being myself (as ye untruly did say), inwardly indeed culpable; and yet outwardly otherwise unable to defend the matter against me, but only by taking exceptions, and making frivolous allegations against my judges and commissioners; and that I have been and am as sturdy, willful, and disobedient, as may be in your judgment and opinion, maintaining and upholding the rebels and their opinions; and that I shall answer by mouth, or else smart and do worse; or else ye will send me to the Tower, there to sit and be joined with Ket and Humphrey Arundel the rebels: ‘over and besides divers other threatenings and comminatory words by you pronounced and uttered unseemly, and far unmeet to proceed out of the mouth of you, that are in such room and place as ye be in.

And moreover, increasing your malice, evil will, and grudge borne against me, ye have, amongst other things, untruly surmised, written, alleged, and said, that a certain book of articles and injunctions by the lord protector’s grace in the full council, after a certain prescribed fashion and form in the denunciation, commission, and articles which, de facto , were induced, brought in, and objected against me, was delivered unto me: and, moreover, of an evil will and ungodly intent and purpose, contrary. to the truth, ye have withdrawn, added, altered, and qualified divers things in the same, otherwise than they were spoken and done; and yet ye are not ashamed to allege, write, and say, that all is true, and one consonant and agreeable in all points with the other, whereas indeed it is not so. 64 And yet have further, de facto, against the law’, and against the commission to you directed, and against my just and lawful allegations and sayings, proceeded unlawfully and unjustly against me, attempting many things against me unlawfully and unjustly, as appeareth in the acts of this matter, to the which I do refer me so far forth as they make for me, and be expedient by me and for me to be alleged and referred unto yourself also unlawfully and unjustly, de facto, with your colleagues; the which, without you had begun the said matters, proceeding where by the law ye so ought not to have done indeed, but abstained therefrom, as heretofore sundry times I have alleged, appearing in the acts of this court; I do, upon these just and reasonable causes, according to the order of the king’s majesty’s ecclesiastical laws, refuse, decline, and recuse you the said sir Thomas Smith, as an incompetent, unmeet, and suspect judge, against me in this behalf; and decline your pretensed jurisdiction in this matter for causes aforesaid, desiring nothing but justice, and offering myself prompt and ready to prove them as far as I am bound, and according to the order of the king’s majesty’s ecclesiastical laws of this realm in this behalf, as time, place, and otherwise shall require.

This recusation ended, the secretary told him plain, that, notwithstanding, he would proceed in his commission 458 , and would be still his judge until he were otherwise inhibited; and said unto him further, “My lord! whereas you say in your recusation, that I said that you did like thieves, murderers, and traitors; indeed I said it, and may and will so say again, since we perceive it by your doings.”

Whereupon the bishop in a great and stout rage replied, saying, “Well, sir! because you sit here by virtue of the king’s commission, and for that ye be secretary to his majesty, and also one of his highness’s council, I must and do honor and reverence you; but as you be but sir Thomas Smith, and say as ye have said, that I do like thieves, murderers, and traitors, I say ye lie upon me, and in that case I defie you; and do what ye can to me, I fear you not, and therefore, ‘quod facis, fac citius.’ “ Whereat the archbishop with the other commissioners said unto hint, that for such his unreverent behavior he was worthy imprisonment.

Then the bishop, in more mad fury than before, said again unto him, “A God’s name, ye may do de facto , send me whither ye will, and I must obey you therein 459 ; and so will, except ye send me to the devil; for thither I will not go for you. 65 Three things I have; to wit, a small portion of goods, a poor carcase, and mine own soul: the two first ye may take (though unjustly) to you; but as for my soul, ye get not, “Quia anima mea in manibus meis semper.” “Well,” said the secretary, “then ye shall know that there is a king.” “Yea, sir,” saith the bishop, “but that is not you; neither, I am sure, will you take it upon you.” “No, sir,” said again the secretary, “but we will make you know who it is.”

And with that the commissioners commanded the bishop and all the rest to depart the chamber, until they called for him again.

Now, in the mean while 460 that the commisioners were in consultation, the bishop with Gilbert Bourn his chaplain, Robert Warnington his commissary, and Robert Johnson his registrar, were tarrying in a void quadrant-place before the door of the same chamber; where the bishop, leaning on a cupboard, and seeing his chaplains very sad, said unto them in effect as followeth: ‘Sirs, what mean you? Why show you yourselves to be so sad and heavy in mind, as appeareth to me by your outward gestures and countenances? I would wish you, and I require you, to be as merry as I am (laying therewith his hand upon his breast); for, afore God, I am not sad or heavy, but merry and of good comfort; and am right glad and joyful of this my trouble, which is for God’s cause; and it grieveth me nothing at all. But the great matter that grieveth me and pierceth my heart, is, for that this Hooper and such other vile heretics and beasts, be suffered and licensed to preach at Paul’s cross, and in other places within my diocese and cure, most detestably preaching and railing at the blessed sacrament of the altar, and denying the verity and presence of Christ’s true body and blood to be there: and so infect and betray my flock. But, I say, it is there in very deed, and in that opinion I will live and die, and am ready to suffer death for the same. Wherefore ye, being Christian men, I do require you, and also charge and command you, in the name of God, and on his behalf, as ye will answer him for the contrary, that ye go to the mayor of London, and to his brethren the aldermen, praying and also requiring them earnestly, in God’s name and mine, and for mine own discharge on that behalf, that from henceforth, when any such detestable and abominable preachers, and especially those who hold opinion against the blessed sacrament of the altar, do come to preach unto them, they forthwith depart out of their presence, and do not hear them; lest that they, tarrying with such preachers, should not only hurt themselves in receiving their poisoned doctrine, but also give a visage to the encouragement of others, who thereby might take an occasion to think and believe, that their erroneous and damnable doctrine is true and good: and this eftsoons I require and command you to do.’

And then turning himself about, and beholding two of the archbishop’s gentlemen, who in the same place kept the chamber-door where the commissioners were in consultation, and perceiving that they had heard all his talk, he spoke unto them also and said: ‘And, sirs, ye be my lord of Canterbury’s gentlemen; I know ye very well; and therefore I also require and charge you, in God’s behalf, and in his name, that ye do the like, for your parts, in places where you shall chance to see and hear such corrupt and erroneous preachers; and also advertise my lord your master of the same, and of these my sayings, that I have now spoken here before you, as ye are Christian men, and shall answer before God for the contrary.’

With this the commissioners called for the bishop again 461 , who did read unto them an instrument, containing a provocation to the king, which he made in manner and form here following:

THE FIRST APPELLATION INTIMATED BY EDMUND BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON.

In the name of God, Amen. It shall appear to all men by this public instrument that A.D. 1549, the 20th day of September, the third year of the reign of our most high and renowned prince Edward the Sixth, 66 by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and in earth the supreme head of the church of England and Ireland, in a chamber within the palace of the said bishop, situated in London, and in the presence of me the public notary, and of the witnesses hereafter named, the aforesaid bishop did personally appear, and there aid show forth in writing a certain protestation and appellation, the tenor whereof ensueth:

In the name of God, Amen. I, Edmund bishop of London, say, allege, and propound, before you being a public notary, and these credible witnesses here present, that although I, the aforesaid Edmund, have attained the bishopric aforesaid by the benevolence of the prince of famous memory king Henry the Eighth, and was lawfully elected and translated to the same, with its rights and appurtenances 462 , and have of a long time possessed peaceably and quietly the same, and presently do possess, being taken as bishop and lawful possessor of the said bishopric, and am lawfully called, taken, and reputed notoriously and publicly; and, moreover, do keep residence and hospitality in the same, according to the order, state, person, and dignity, and as the revenues of the same would permit; and have exercised and done all things appertaining to my pastoral office, as the laws do require, as hereafter I trust by God’s grace to do and observe; a man of good name and fame, neither suspended, excommunicated, nor interdicted, neither convicted of any notable crime or fact, always obeying readily the commandment of the church, and other my superiors in all lawful causes; nevertheless, fearing upon certain probable causes, likely conjectures, threatenings, and assertions of certain injurious men my enemies, or at the least, such as little favor me, that great damage may come to me hereafter about the premises or part of them; and lest any man by any authority, commandment, denunciation, inquisition, office, or at the request of any person or persons, may attempt prejudice or hurt to me or my said dignity, either by my excommunication, interdiction, sequestration, spoiling, vexing and perturbing by any manner of means; do appeal unto the most high and mighty prince our sovereign lord Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, France, etc.., and in these my writings do provoke and appeal to his regal majesty. I do also require apostles,67 so much as in this case they are to be required, the first, second, and third time, earnestly, more earnestly, and most earnestly of all, submitting myself unto the protection, tuition, and defense of my aforesaid most dread sovereign lord, for the safeguard of me, my dignity and title, and possession in the premises, and to all that will cleave to me in this behalf. I do also protest, that I will be contented to correct, reform, and amend this my present protestation, and to the same to add, to take away, and to bring the same into the best form and state that may be devised by the counsel of learned men, or as the case shall require; and the same to intimate according to time and place, and the order of the law, and still shall require.’

Upon all the which things the aforesaid Edmund, bishop of London, did require the public notary hereunder written to make unto him, and the witnesses hereafter named, one, two, or more copies of this protestation.

These things were done the year, day, and time above written, there being present Gilbert Bourn, bachelor of divinity, John Harpsfield and Robert Colen, masters of arts, John Wakeling and Richard Rogers, learned men; being of the diocese of Worcester, Westminster, Coventry, Lichfield, and Gloucester, and specially requested to be witnesses of the same. And I, France Harward, of the diocese of Worcester, and public notary by the king’s regal authority, forasmuch as I was present when the foresaid protestation, appellation, and other the premises were done, the year of our Lord, the year of the reign of the king, the day of the month and place aforesaid, the witnesses above named being present, and forasmuch as I did enact the same, therefore to this present public instrument, written faithfully with mine own hand, I have put to my mark, being specially requested unto the same.

Which thing after he had read, he did, under his protestation, first intimate unto the archbishop, the bishop of Rochester, and Dr. May, and then protesting also not to recede from his recusation, did likewise intimate the same unto Master Secretary Smith, requiring the registrar to make an instrument as well thereupon, as also upon his recusation, with witness to testify the same.

Then the delegates did again proceed to the examination of the last answers, and finding the same imperfect, they demanded of him (according to the first article), what special day of August he was sent for by the lord protector? To whom he obstinately answered, that he was not bound to make other answer than he had already made, unless they did put their articles more certain: neither would he otherwise answer as long as master secretary Smith was there present, whom he had before recused, and therefore would not recede from his recusation.

The secretary, seeing him so willful and perverse 464 , said sharply unto him, “My lord! come off, and make a full and perfect answer unto these articles, or else we will take other order with you to your pain.” “In faith, sir,” then said the bishop again, “I have thought ye had been learned; but now, before God, I perceive well that either ye be not learned indeed, or else ye have forgotten it for I have so often answered lawfully and sufficiently, and have so often showed causes sufficient and reasonable, why thereunto I ought not by law to be compelled (you showing nothing to the contrary, but sensuality and will), that I must needs judge that you are too, too ignorant herein. “Well,” said Master Secretary, “ye will not then otherwise answer?” “No,” said the bishop, “except the law compel me.”

Then said the secretary, “Call for the knight-marshal, that he may be had to ward.”

With that all the rest of the commissioners charged the bishop, that he had at that time sundry ways very outrageously and irreverently behaved himself towards them sitting on the king’s majesty’s commission, and especially towards sir Thomas Smith, his grace’s secretary; and therefore, and for divers other contumelious words which he had spoken, they declared they would commit him to the Marshalsea.

By this time the marshal’s deputy came before them, whom Master Secretary commanded to take the bishop as prisoner, and so to keep him, that no man might come unto him; for if he did, he should sit by him himself.

When the secretary had ended his talk, the bishop said unto him, “Well, sir, it might have become you right well, that my lord’s grace here present, being first in commission, and your better, should have done it.”

Then the commissioners, assigning him to be brought before them on Monday next before noon, between seven and nine of the clock in the hall of that place, there to make full answer to these last articles, or else to show cause why he should not be declared “pro confesso,” did, for that present, break up that session . Now as the bishop was departing with the under-marshal 467 , he in a great fury turned himself again toward the commissioners, and said to sir Thomas Smith, “Sir, whereas ye have committed me to prison ye shall understand that I will require no favor at your hands, but shall willingly suffer what shall be put unto me, as bolts on my heels, yea, and if ye will, iron about my middle, or where ye will.”

Then departing again, he yet returned once more, and foaming out his poison, said unto the archbishop; “Well, my lord! I am sorry that I, being a bishop, am thus handled at your grace’s hand; but more sorry that ye suffer abominable heretics to practice as they do in London and elsewhere, infecting and disquieting the king’s liege people. And therefore I do require you, as you will answer to God and the king, that ye will henceforth abstain thus to do: for if you do not, I will accuse you before God and the king’s majesty; answer to it as well as ye can.” And so he departed, using many reproachful words against sundry of the common people, who stood and spoke to him by the way as he went.

THE SIXTH ACTION468 OR PROCESS UPON MONDAY THE TWENTY-THIRD OF SEPTEMBER, HAD AGAINST BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON’, BEFORE THE COMMISSIONERS, IN THE GREAT HALL AT LAMBETH.

It was assigned, as ye heard, in the fourth act prosecuted the 18th day of September, that upon Monday then next following, being the 23d of the same month, the bishop should again appear before the commissioners within the great hall at Lambeth, then to show a final cause why he should not be declared “pro confesso,” upon all the articles whereunto he had not fully answered.

According to which assignment, the same 23d day of September, the bishop was brought before them by the under-marshal (to whom for his disobedient and obstinate behavior he was before that time committed), and there did first declare unto them, that his appearance at that time and place was not voluntary, but coacted; for that he was against his will brought thither by the keeper of the Marshalsea; and therewithal also, under his former protestation, recusation, and appeal, did then again intimate a general recusation of all the commissioners, alleging in the same, that because the archbishop, with all his colleagues, had neither Observed the order of their commission, nor yet proceeded against him after any laudable or good fashion of judgment, but, contrariwise, had sundry times, as well in his absence as in his presence, attempted many things unlawfully against his person, dignity, and state, especially in committing him to strait prison, and yet commanding him to make answer: and further, because that he, with the rest, had proceeded in commission with sir Thomas Smith knight, supporting and maintaining all his evil doings (notwithstanding that he the said bishop had before justly recused and declined from him), he, therefore, did also there refuse and decline from the judgment of the said archbishop and his colleagues, and did except against their jurisdiction as suspect, and they, thereby, unmeet persons to proceed against him. Therefore, according to his former appeal, he intended to submit himself under the tuition, protection, and defense of the king’s majesty; for whose honor and reverence’ sake (he said) they ought not to proceed any further against him, but quietly suffer him to use the benefit of all the recusations, provocations and other lawful remedies before alleged, with other superfluous words, at large to be read and seen, as followeth.

THE SECOND RECUSATION469 MADE BY EDMUND BONNER, BISHOP OF LONDON.

In the name of God. Amen. Forasmuch as both natural reason and all good policies of laws, especially of this realm of England, do admit and suffer him that is convented before an incompetent and suspect judge, to refuse him and to decline his jurisdiction, inasmuch as the law and reason on the one side willeth process to run uprightly and justly, and that on the other side corruption and malice earnestly labor to the contrary, and need therefore to be bridled; and because you, my lord of Canterbury, with your colleagues in this behalf (deputed as ye say commissioners against me), neither have observed your said commission, neither yet proceeded hitherto against me after any laudable, lawful, or any good fashion of judgment; but, contrariwise, contrary to your commission, and against the law, good reason, and order, have, at sundry times and in sundry acts, attempted and done many things against me unlawfully, unseemly, and unjustly, and suffer the like to be attempted and done by others, not reforming and amending the same, as appeareth in divers and sundry things remaining in your Acts:

And moreover, because you, my said lord, with your said colleagues, have (both in, nine absence, being let with just causes of impediment, which, according to the laws of this realm, I have fully alleged, and very sufficiently and. justly proved, according to the order of the king’s ecclesiastical laws), injuriously, and much to the hindrance of my name, person, title, dignity, and state, and also otherwise, especially in my presence; against all laws, good order, and reason, without good cause or ground attempted and done many things against me, especially touching mine imprisonment; sending me to strait ward, and yet commanding me to make answer, as appeareth in your unlawful acts:

I, for these causes, and also for that ye my said lord and your said colleagues, proceeding with sir Thomas Smith knight (whom upon just and lawful causes I have refused, recused, and declined), have favored, yea maintained, supported, and borne him in his unlawful and evil doings, do also refuse, recuse and decline you my said lord, with the rest of your said colleagues agreeing and joining with you; and do except against your proceedings, doings and jurisdiction as suspect, and thereby unmeet persons to proceed herein against me.

And further, I do allege, that having provoked 470 to the king’s most excellent majesty, as appeareth by the tenor of my provocation remaining in your Acts, whereunto I do protest that I intend to adhere and cleave, submitting myself unto the tuition, protection, and defense of his said majesty in this behalf, ye in any wise ought not (if ye regard the person and authority of his grace’s royal power, as ye ought to do) to proceed herein against me; especially for the honor and reverence ye ought to have unto his majesty in this behalf. And because it appeareth that ye do not duly and circumspectly consider the same, as ye ought to do, but more and more do grieve me; that not considered, I both here to all purposes repeat my former recusation, provocation, and all other remedies that heretofore I have used and mentioned in your said acts; and also do, by these presents, refuse, recuse, and decline you my said lord, and your said colleagues, and your jurisdiction, upon causes aforesaid, offering myself prompt and ready to prove all the stone, before an arbiter and arbiters, according to the tenor and form of the law herein to be chosen, requiring you all, for that honor and reverence ye ought to bear to our said sovereign lord, and his laws allowed and approved in this behalf, that ye do not attempt or do, nor yet suffer to be attempted or done, any thing in any wise against me, or unto my prejudice; but suffer me to use and enjoy the benefit of my said former, and this, recusation, provocation, allegation, and other lawful remedies mentioned in your said acts. And in case ye do de facto, where ye ought not de jure, attempt, or suffer any thing to be attempted or done against me in any wise herein, I protest herewith, and hereby, of my great grief and hurt in that behalf; and that not only I do intend to appeal from you, but also, according to the king’s ecclesiastical laws, to accuse and complain upon you, as justly and truly I both may and ought to do.

Notwithstanding these recusations, and former appellations, the archbishop with the rest told him plain, that they would be still his judges, and proceed against him according to the king’s commission, until they did receive a supersedeas, which if he did obtain, they would gladly obey.

Then the bishop, seeing that they would still proceed against him, did there likewise intimate another appellation unto the king’s majesty, expressing therein in effect no other matter, but such as is already alleged in the two former recusations and appeals; laving that he requireth that letters dimissory or appellatory might be given him according to the law, and that for his better safeguard he did. o submit himself under the protection of the king.

THE68 SECOND APPEAL MADE AND PUT IN BY THE BISHOP OF LONDON.

In this appeal he beginneth: ‘In the name of God, Amen.’ Then, first, he showeth therein, by what authority, and for what causes, he may lawfully make his appeal for his defense. Secondly, he showeth to my lord of Canterbury, and to his other colleagues, expressed in the said commission, how that against law, order, honesty, reason, yea and against the tenor of their commission, they have unjustly, unseemly, unreverently, and ungodly, grieved, evil-handled, and endomaged him, as well in sending for lure after such sort as they did, as also in their unlawful and ungodly proceeding against him. And especially of the outrageous and uncharitable behavior of sir Thomas Smith, secretary to the king’s majesty; ‘who,’ saith Bonner, ‘as exempt from law and reason, saith, He will follow his will therein, and not the law.’ And thereof in complaining to the archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the commissioners in his appeal, he saith, ‘They ought not so to do, especially at the denunciation and promotion of two vile famous sacramentaries.’

In consideration whereof he showeth he hath a just and lawful remedy granted by the laws of the realm, especially a recusation and provocation, which he had exhibited, and which remained in the Acts of their Court, unto the which he referred himself; which, he saith, had not been duly considered of their parts: but they had proceeded and done contrary, in making him prisoner in his own house, where he had good cause to be absent there-from by the laws of this realm; and also in sending him to the Marshalsea, where they could not nor ought not so to have done, after his recusation and provocation duly and lawfully made from them to the king’s majesty; and there he calleth him ‘supreme head.’

And further he saith, because he was much damnified and grieved at their unjust and unlawful doings and proceedings against him, he therefore refused and recused them as before he had done, and did appeal to his sovereign lord king Edward VI.; and there he confesseth him again ‘supreme head’ of the church.

After this, again, in this appeal he accuseth them of their unjust doings, and namely sir Thomas Smith knight; who, contrary to the law, notwithstanding his recusation, provocation, and allegations against them, have appointed him a term to show cause why he ought not to be taken ‘ pro confesso.’ And therein he doth ask and desire, first, second, and third, yea, instantly, more and most instantly, letters dimissory, appellatory libels, or Apostles, to be given him according to order of law, submitting himself and his whole cause and causes, goods, dignity, state, and title, unto the protection and defense of the king’s majesty, according to law and custom in that behalf: unto which appeal, he saith, he will adhere, join, and cleave, and prosecute it to all purposes thereof profitable for him in that behalf, according to the law, and not to go therefrom.

Further he saith, that the time of his first appeal remaineth unto him yet: and therefore, for that they are suspect judges for causes aforesaid, he maketh a new appeal; and therein intimateth his said recusation again with this present appeal, to the intente they should forbear to do him further wrong, out of respect to the king’s grace; unto whom he maketh his appeal, that, being delivered from them, he might prosecute his said recusation and appeal, as appertaineth and to the law is agreeable. The commissioners for all this stuck still unto their commission, and would not in any case defer; but urged him straitly to make a more full answer to his articles than he had done. To whom the bishop said, that he would stand unto his recusations and appellations before made, and would not make other answer.

Then the delegates demanded of him what cause he had to allege, why he ought not to be declared “pro confesso,” upon the articles whereunto he had not fully answered; the bishop still answering (as before) that he would adhere unto his appellation and recusation.

Whereupon the archbishop, with consent of the rest, seeing his pertinacy, pronounced him “contumax,” and in pain thereof declared him “pro confesso,” upon all the articles which he had not answered.

This done, master secretary Smith showed forth a letter which the bishop of London had before that time sent unto the lord mayor and the aldermen of the city of London, the tenor whereof ensueth as followeth.

A LETTER OF BONNER475 TO THE LORD MAYOR OF LONDON. ‘To the right honorable and my very good lord, the Lord Mayor of London, with all his worshipful brethren; my very dear and worshipful friends; with speed.

Right honorable! with my very humble recommendations: — Whereas I have perceived of late, and heard with mine ears, what vile beasts and heretics have preached unto you, or: rather, like themselves, prated and railed against the most blessed sacrament of the altar, denying the verity and presence of Christ’s true body and blood to be there, giving you and the people liberty to believe what ye list; teaching you detestably, that faith in this behalf must not be coacted, but that every man may believe as he will! by reason whereof, lest my presence and silence might unto some have been seen to have allowed their heretical doctrine, and given credit unto them, betraying my flock of the catholic sort, ye know I departed yesterday from the heretic prater’s uncharitable charity, and so could have wished that you, and all other that be catholic, should have done, leaving those there with him that be already east away, and will not be recovered. For your tarrying with him still, shall not only hurt yourselves in receiving his poisoned doctrine, but also shall give a visage that their doctrine is tolerable, by reason that ye are content to hear it, and say nothing against it. And because I cannot tell when I shall speak with you to advertise you, hereof, therefore I thought good, for mine own discharge and yours, thus much to write unto you, requiring and praying you again and again, in God’s behalf, and for mine own discharge, that ye suffer not yourselves to be abused with such naughty preachers and teachers, in hearing their evil doctrine that ye shall perceive them go about to sow. And thus our blessed Lord long and well preserve you all, with this noble city, in all good rest, godliness, and prosperity.

Written in haste, this Monday morning, the 16th of September. 1549.

Your faithful beadsman and poor bishop, Edmund Bonner.

This letter being read, the secretary demanded of him whether he wrote it not: to whom he would not otherwise answer, but that he would still adhere and stand unto his former recusations and appeals; which the commissioners seeing, determined to continue this case in state as it was until Friday then next following, between the hours of eight and nine of the clock before noon, assigning the bishop to be there at the, same time and place, then to hear a final decree of this matter, he still protesting as before.

THE SEVENTH SESSION OR APPEARANCE OF BONNER ON TUESDAY THE FIRST OF OCTOBER, BEFORE THE KING’S COMMISSIONERS AT LAMBETH, Upon Friday the commissioners, for divers urgent causes letting them, did not sit in commission according to their appointment, but deferred it until Tuesday the first of October then next following. Upon that day the bishop appearing before them, the archbishop made this declaration unto him:

That although as upon Friday last they had appointed to pronounce their final decree and sentence in thin matter, yet forasmuch as they thought that that sentence (although they had just cause to give it) should have been very sore against him, they had not only deferred the same until this day, but, minding to be more friendly to him than he was to himself, and to use more easy and gentle reformation towards him, had also made such suit and means for him, that although he had grievously offended the king’s majesty, and very disobediently behaved himself, yet, if he would in the mean while have acknowledged his fault, and have been contented to make some part of amends in submitting himself according to his bounden duty, he should have found much favor; so the sentence should not have been so sore and extreme against him as it was like now to be; for which they were very sorry; especially to see the continuance of such stubborn disobedience, whereby they were then more enforced to give such sentence against him.

The bishop, nothing at all regarding this gentle and friendly admonition and favor, but persisting still in his wonted contumacy, drew forth a paper, whereon he read these words following.

A DECLARATION OF BONNER BEFORE THE COMMISSIONERS.

I, Edmund bishop of London, brought in as a prisoner by his keeper, out of the Marshalsea, here before you my lord of Canterbury and your pretensed colleagues, do, under my former protestations heretofore by me made before you and remaining in your acts, declare that this my presence here at this time is not voluntary, nor of mine own free will and consent, but utterly coacted and against my will; and that being otherwise sent for or brought before you than I am (that is as a prisoner), I would not, being at liberty, have come and appeared before you, but would have declined and refused to make any appearance at all, and would have absented myself from you, as lawfully and well I might have done; standing to, using and enjoying all and singular my lawful remedies and defenses heretofore used, exercised and enjoyed, especially my provocation, and appellation heretofore interponed and made unto the king’s most excellent majesty, to whom eftsoons, ‘ex abundanti,’ I have both provoked and appealed, and also made supplication, as appeareth in these writings, which, under protestation aforesaid, I do exhibit and leave here with the actuary, of this cause; requiring him to make an instrument thereupon, and the persons here present to bear record in that behalf; especially, to the intent it may appear, I do better acknowledge the king’s majesty’s authority even in his tender and young age, provoking and appealing to his majesty as my most gracious sovereign and supreme head, with submission to hishighness (as appeareth in my appellation and other remedies) for my tuition and defense, than some other (I do mean you my lord of Canterbury and your said pretensed colleagues), who, by law and good reason, ought to have deferred and given place unto such provocation, appellation, and supplication, as heretofore lawfully have been by me interponed and made unto his majesty’s most royal person and authority in this behalf.

As soon as the bishop had read these words, he did deliver as well that paper, as also two other, unto the actuary, the one containing an appellation, and the other a supplication unto the king’s majesty; which appellation beginneth thus:

THE THIRD APPEAL476 MADE AND PUT IN BY THE BISHOP OF LONDON. ‘In the name of God, Amen.’ — Wherein first he showed ‘how naturally every creature declineth gladly from that thing which goeth about to hurt it; and also seeketh help and remedy to withstand such hurts and injuries.

Further, he showed ‘ that it is found by experience to be hurtful and dangerous to trust him that once hath hurt and beguiled, lest he might add more, rather than to take ought from.’

Moreover he showed, ‘that he had found heretofore, at the hands of the archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the colleagues in this matter, much extremity and cruelty, injuries, losses, and griefs, contrary to God’s law, and the laws and statutes of this. realm, and against justice, charity, and good order; being well assured, if they were not stayed but proceeded, they would add more evil to evil, loss to loss, displeasure to displeasure; as (said he) their servants have reported, and they agreeably do show the same.’

Again in the said appeal he showed ‘ that the bishop of Canterbury, and the other commissioners, ought to have considered and done better in that matter for honor and obedience to the king’s majesty, which hitherto they have not done (said he), in that they have not given place to his provocations and appellations heretofore made unto his grace justly and lawfully, and upon good and just causes; namely, for the unjust griefs they did against him, which (he said) do appear in the acts of that matter; as in pronouncing him contumacem unreasonably, without good cause; and further in assigning the term ad audiendum finale decretum , and in committing him to strait prison, as appeareth in their acts.

Therefore he did not only, ex abundanti, ad omnem juris cautelam , decline and refuse their pretensed jurisdiction as before, but also, by these presents here showed, he did appeal from the said archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest, unto the king’s majesty, asking also those letters of appeal which the law doth admit; saying, he did not intend to go from his former provocations and appellations, but to join and cleave unto them in every part and parcel, submitting himself to the protection and defense of the king’s majesty: and he therein made. intimation to the archbishop of Canterbury, and to his said colleagues, to all intents and purposes that might come thereof.’

Furthermore, as touching the supplication above mentioned, which Bonner, as we said, put up in writing to the commissioners, the copy thereof hereunder likewise ensueth.

THE SUPPLICATION OF BONNER477 TO THE CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND, WITH ALL THE REST OF THE KING’S MAJESTY’S MOST HONORABLE PRIVY COUNCIL.

Please it your most honorable good lordships, with my most humble recommendations, to understand, that albeit I have, according to the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm, made, supplication, provocation, and appellation unto the king’s most excellent majesty, from the unlawful and wicked process of the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Rochester, master secretary Smith, and the dean of Paul’s; as also as well from their unjust interlocutory, as also their definitive sentence, whereby in law I ought to have liberty to come abroad and prosecute the same, yet, such is the malignity of the judges against me, with bearing and maintenance of others, who sundry and many ways have sought my ruin and destruction, that I am here penned and locked up, used very extremely at their pleasure, and, for the contentation of the said master Smith, not suffered to find sureties, or to go abroad to prosecute and sue my said appellation.

In consideration whereof, it may please your said good lordship to take some order and redress herein, especially for that it is now the time that the king’s subsidy, now due, ought to be called upon, and justice also ministered unto his majesty’s subjects; which, being as I now am, I cannot be suffered to do. And thus, without further extending my letter therein, considering that your great wisdoms, experience, and goodness, can gather of a little, what is expedient and necessary for the whole, I do beseech Almighty God to preserve and keep well all your honorable good lordships.

Written in haste this seventh of October, 1549, in the Marshalsea.

Your honorable lordship’s poor orator, and most bounden beadsman, Edmund London.

These things ended , 478 the archbishop said unto him, “My lord! where you say that you come coacted, or else you would not have appeared, I do much marvel of you: for you would thereby make us and this audience here believe, that because you are a prisoner, ye ought not therefore to answer; which, if it were true, it were enough to confound the whole state of this realm. For I dare say, that of the greatest prisoners and rebels that ever your keeper there” (meaning the under marshal) “hath had under him, he cannot show me one that hath used such defense as you here have done.” “Well,” quoth the bishop, “if my keeper were learned in the laws, I could show him my mind therein.” “Well,” said the archbishop, “I have read over all the laws as well as you, but to another end and purpose than you did; and yet I can find no such privilege in this matter.”

Then master secretary Smith 479 did very sore burden and charge him, how disobediently and rebelliously he had always behaved himself towards the king’s majesty and his authority. Whereupon the bishop, under his protestation, answered again, that he was the king’s majesty’s lawful and true subject, and did acknowledge his highness to be his gracious sovereign lord, or else he would not have appealed unto him as he had; yea, and would gladly lay his hands and his neck also under his grace’s feet; and therefore he desired that his highness’s laws and justice might be ministered unto him. “Yea,” quoth Master Secretary, “you say well, my lord: but I pray you what other have all these rebels both in Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall, and other places done? Have they not said thus? We be the king’s true subjects; we acknowledge him for our king, and we will obey his laws, with such like: and yet, when either commandment, letter, or pardon, was brought unto them from his majesty, they believed it not, but said it was forged and made under a hedge, and was gentlemen’s doings; so that indeed they neither would nor did obey any thing.” “Ah, sir,” said the bishop, “I perceive your meaning; as who should say that the bishop of London is a rebel like them.” “Yea, by my troth,” quoth the secretary. Whereat the people laughed.

Then the dean of Paul’s 71 said unto him, that he marveled much, and was very sorry to see him so untractable, that he would not suffer the judges to speak. To whom the bishop disdainfully answered, “Well, master dean! you must say somewhat.” And likewise at another time as the dean was speaking, he interrupted him and said, “You may speak when your turn cometh.”

Then said the secretary Smith, “I would you knew your duty.” “I would,” quoth he again, “you knew it as well as I:” with an infinite deal more of other such stubborn and contemptuous talk and behavior towards them; which the commissioners weighing, and perceiving no likelihood of any tractable reason in him, they determined that the archbishop, with their whole consent, should at that present there openly read and publish their final decree or sentence definitive against him; which he did, pronouncing him thereby to be clean deprived from the bishopric of London, and further, as in the same appeareth in tenor as is hereunder to be seen; which sentence of deprivation ended, the bishop immediately did therefrom appeal by word of mouth, alleging that the same sentence there given against him, was ‘lex nulla:’ the tenor of whose words I thought here to express, according as they were by him uttered, in this wise as followeth: ‘I, Edmund, bishop of London , 480 brought in and kept here as a prisoner against my consent and will, do, under my former protestation heretofore made, and to the intent it may also appear that I have not, being so here in this place, consented or agreed to any tiling done against me and in my prejudice, allege and say that this sentence given here against me, is lex nulla ; and so far forth as it shall appear to be aliqua, I do say it is iniqua et injusta , and that therefore I do from it, as iniqua et injusta , appeal to the most excellent and noble king Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the church of England and also Ireland (next and immediately under God here on earth) supreme head, and unto his court of chancery or parliament, as the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm will suffer and bear in this behalf; desiring instantly, first, second, and third, according to the laws, letters reverential, or dimissories, to be given and delivered unto me in this behalf, with all things expedient, requisite, or necessary in any wise.

And thereupon also the said bishop required the public notary or actuary, William Say, to make an instrument, and the witness aforesaid and others present to record the same: to whom so appealing, and requiring as before, the said judge’s delegate said, that they would declare and signify to the king’s majesty what was done in this matter; and thereupon would defer or not defer to his said appellation, according as his grace’s pleasure and commandment should be given to them in that behalf.

And after all this, the said bishop of London said to them, “Jam functi estis officio. What will your grace do with me now, touching my imprisonment? will ye keep me still in prison? shall I not now be at liberty to prosecute mine appeal?” To whom the archbishop answering, said, that they perceived now more in that matter than they did at first, and that this matter was greater rebellion than he was aware of; and therefore they said that as yet they would not discharge him. And thereupon they committed him again to his keeper in prison.

This talk finished , 482 the archbishop, considering that most of the audience there present did not understand the meaning of the sentence, being read in the Latin tongue, said to them, “Because there be many of you here that understand not the Latin tongue, and so cannot tell what judgment hath been here given, I shall therefore show you the effect thereof:” and therewith he did declare in English the causes expressed in the sentence, adding thereunto these words: “Because my lord of London is found guilty in these matters, therefore we have here, by our sentence, deprived him of our bishopric of London; and this we show unto you, to the intent that from henceforth ye shall not esteem him any more as bishop of London.”

Then Bonner desired the archbishop to declare likewise what he had done, and how he had appealed. But the other, seeing his froward contempt, refused it, saying, you may do it yourself. Whereupon very disdainfully again he said, “Jam functi estis officio. What will your grace do with me touching my imprisonment? will you keep me still in prison?”

To whom the commissioners answered, that they perceived now more in the matter than they did before, and that his behavior was greater rebellion than he was aware of. And therefore they would not discharge him, but committed him again to his keeper to be kept in prison; where he most justly remained until the death of that most worthy and godly prince king Edward VI.; after which time he wrought most horrible mischief and cruelties against the saints of God, as appeareth hereafter throughout the whole reign of queen Mary. From the executing of the which like tyranny, the Lord of his great mercy keep all other such, Amen!

Now, immediately after his deprivation he writeth out of the Marshalsea other letters supplicatory unto the lord chancellor, and the rest of the king’s council, wherein he thus complaineth, that by reason of the great enmity which the duke of Somerset and sir Thomas Smith bare unto him, his often and earnest suits unto the king and his council could not be heard.

He therefore most humbly desired their lordships, for the causes aforesaid, to consider him, and to let him have liberty to prosecute his matter before them; and he would daily pray for the good preservation of their honors, as appeareth by the words of his own supplication hereunder following.

Thus after the commissioners had finished with Bonner, he, being now prisoner in the Marshalsea, leaving no shift of the law unsought how to work for himself as well as he might, drew out a certain supplication, conceived and directed to the king’s majesty, out of the said prison of the Marshalsea.

A SUPPLICATION483 MADE AND DIRECTED BY EDMUND BONNER, LATE BISHOP OF LONDON, TO THE PRIVY-COUNCIL.

To the right honorable, my lord chancellor of England, with all the rest of the most honorable privy-council:

Please it your most honorable good lordships, with my most humble commendations, to understand, that albeit heretofore I have made such suit, and to such persons as I cannot devise to make more, or to more higher; this is to wit, to the king’s most excellent majesty, and his most gracious person in divers sorts, and also unto your most honorable good lordships being of his privy-council, for redress of such notable and manifest injuries and extremities as have been, contrary to all law, honesty, and good reason, inflicted upon me by my lord of Canterbury, my lord of Rochester, Dr.

Smith, and Dr. May: yet, because the said Dr. Smith, being a minister to the duke of Somerset, and they both, my deadly enemies, hath sundry ways studied and labored my ruin and destruction, staying and letting heretofore all my lawful remedies and suits, having therein help and furtherance of these two other aforesaid persons, being ready at foot and hand to accomplish all their desires and pleasures, I shall at this present (having for a time forborne to trouble, for good respects, your most honorable good lordships with any my suits, and especially for your other manifold great affairs in the king’s majesty’s business, myself yet, the mean while, neither wanting good will, nor yet just cause, being where I am, to make such suit) renew my suit, and most humbly beseech your most honorable good lordships to give me leave to make most humble supplication again to your said lordships, for honest and lawful liberty to prosecute my appellation and supplication heretofore made to the king’s most excellent majesty; and, according to the law, to make my suit for redress of the said great and manifest injuries, extremities, and wrongs, done against me by the said persons. And your said lordships, over and besides the furtherance of justice many ways herein to me and others, and the collection of the king’s majesty’s subsidy now to be levied of the clergy in my diocese, which hitherto hath been and is stayed by reason of the premises, shall also bind me most greatly and entirely to pray daily for the good preservation of your said most honorable good lordships; in all honor, felicity, and joy, long to continue and endure unto God’s pleasure.

Written in the Marshalsea the 26th of October, 1549.

Your lordship’s most faithful and assured beadsman, Edmund London.

SUBSTANCE OF A SUPPLICATION MADE AND DIRECTED BY EDMUND BONNER, LATE BISHOP OF LONDON, TO THE KING’S MAJESTY, OUT OF THE PRISON OF THE MARSHALSEA.

In this supplication, first, after the used form of style, he prayed for the prosperous estate of the king long to reign. Then he showed that his faithful heart and service to him hath, is, and shall be, as it was to his father before.

Then he declared how he had been belied of evil men, and misreported not to bear a true heart to his grace, but a rebellious mind, in denying his royal power in his minority; whereas indeed, he saith, his grace should find him always, during life, both in heart, word, and deed, to do and acknowledge otherwise, and to be most willing to show, etc., and to do all other things for his grace, as willingly as any other subject, or as those that were his denouncers, who, he thought, were not sent of his grace, but pretensed commissioners, etc..

Further, he complained of his denunciation by certain commissioners (who said they were sent by his grace), alleging the same not to be lawful; and of his long and sharp imprisonment; and that the commissioners observed neither law nor reasonable order, but extremity. And whereas he had made appeal to his grace, and he could not have it; he desired to have law to prosecute and sue his appeal for his remedy, and that he (considering his vocation) might not be shut up and put from liberty, which his meanest subjects have.

Then he desired his grace’s letters of Supersedeas against the commissioners, and that the matter might be heard before the council; and then he doubted not but to be found a true faithful man, and herein to have wrong. So in the end he concluded, that this (prostrating himself even to the very ground, and humbly kissing his grace’s feet) was the only thing which he humbly desired, etc..

This done, and the supplication perused, the king eftsoons giveth in charge and commandment to certain men of honor and worship, and persons skillful in the law, as to the lord Rich, high chancellor, the lord treasurer, the lord marquis Dorset, the bishop of Ely, lord Wentworth, sir Anthony Wingfield and sir William Herbert, knights, I)r. Richard Wootton, Edward Montague lord chief justice, sir John Baker knight, with judge Hales, John Goshold, Dr. Oliver, and also Dr. Leyson, that they, scanning and perusing all such acts, matters, and muniments of the said Bonner by him exhibited, produced, propounded, and alleged, with all and singular his protestations, recusations, and appellations, should, upon mature consideration thereof, give their direct answer upon the same, whether the appellation of the said Bonner were to be deferred unto; whether the sentence defined against him stood by the law sufficient and effectual, or not: who, eftsoons, after diligent discussion, and considerate advisement had of all and singular the premises, gave their resolute answer, that the pretensed appellation of Edmund Bonner aforesaid was naught and unreasonable, and in no wise to be deferred unto; and that the sentence by the commissioners against him, was rightly and justly pronounced. 73 And this was the conclusion of Bonner’s whole matter and deprivation for that time.

Thus then, leaving Dr. Bonner awhile in the Marshalsea with his keeper, we will proceed (the Lord permitting) further in the course of our story, as the order of years and time requireth. And although the trouble of the lord protector 74 falleth here jointly with the deprivation of Dr. Bonner, yet, because he was shortly again delivered out of the same through the Lord’s mighty working, I will therefore delay the tractation thereof, till the time of his second trouble, which was two years after; and so, in the mean time returning again into our discourse, intend, by the Lord’s leave, to collect and continue the matters begun, touching the king’s godly proceedings for reformation of religion in the aforesaid year of our Lord concurring — the year 1549.

And here first a note would be made of Peter Martyr and of his learned travails and disputation in the university of Oxford the said present year with Dr. Chedsey and others, about the matter of the sacrament; which was, that the substance of bread and wine was not changed in the sacrament, and that the body and blood of Christ were not carnally and bodily in the bread and wine, but united to the same sacramentally.