CHAPTER - SECTION 1 Ecclesiastical Researches, page 302,303, 2 Dr. Mosheim traces the derivation of this word to a kind of slipper which they wore, as a distinguishing badge of the sect, and Gibbon has adopted his opinion. But I agree with Mr. Robinson in thinking it very unlikely, that people who could not descend from their mountains into neighboring states, without hazarding their lives through the furious zeal of inquisitors, should tempt danger by affixing a visible mark on their shoes. The above opinion, therefore, appears to me much more probable. 3 See volume 1, chapter 3, section 4. 4 Dr. Rankin’s History cf France, volume 3. p. 198-202. To this contemporary and able writer, I have much pleasure in tendering my acknowledgments for the eminent services which, in this instance, he has rendered to the cause of truth and virtue. His patient research, and his cool, correct, and discriminating judgment, have greatly abridged my labor on this branch of the subject. 5 See volume 1, p. 222. 6 Perrin Histoire des Vaudois, chapter 1. 7 Perrin’s History, chapter 1, 8 Ibid. chapter 1. 9 Perrin’s History, chapter 2.

SECTION 1 This pontiff was bishop of Rome in the days of Constantine the Great, about the year 330. 2 The meaning of this does not seem very obvious. The words in the original are, Quidam autem hoc dicunt tantum per bonos fleri, alii per omnes qui verba consecrationis sciunt; and the reason of the obscurity is, that, as I shall hereafter shew, they did not allow any but pastors to administer the eucharist. 3 There appears something like a consciousness about Reinerius, that in this monstrous accusation he was calumniating the Waldenses, for in the following words he qualifies the charge by describing them as not avowing it. The reader will presently see their sentiments on the subject of marriage, and be convinced of the foulness of this slander. I shall, therefore, at present, only quote from their own apology a short extract, in which they repel the charge of countenancing lasciviousness. “It was this vice,” say they, “that led David to procure the death of his faithful servant, that he might enjoy his wife — and Ammon to defile his sister Tamar. This vice consumes the estates of many, as it is said of the prodigal son, who wasted his substance in riotous living. Balaam made choice of this vice to provoke the children of Israel to sin, which occa-sioned the death of twenty-four thousand persons. This sin was the occasion of Samson’s losing his sight; it perverted Solomon, and many have perished through the beauty of a woman. The remedies for this sin are fasting, prayer, and keeping at a distance from it. Other vices may be subdued by fighting; in this we conquer by flight; of which we have an example in Joseph.” — Perrin’s Hist. chapter 4. 4 Many will think that Reinerius must have been at great loss for substantial grounds of accusation against the Waldensea, when he could condescend to enumerate such childish things as these. 5 This is precisely the charge which was brought against the Paulicians; see Note, volume 1, chapter 3, sect 4, and the remarks there offered upon it. 6 The reader must not understand the teaching here alluded to as referring to public teaching in the church, for the Waldenses permitted nothing of that kind in their females, and the Scriptures pointedly forbid it: but he refers to their mode of propagating their sentiments by conversation, and I shall have an opportunity of shewing, in a future section, from the writings of this same Reinerius, the very simple and striking manner in which they did this. 7 “Nothing is so well known to the curious in these matters, as the following verse, upon the Vaudois (Waldenses) in the year 1100: — Que non vogli maudir ne jura, ne mentir, N’occir, ne avoutrar, ne prenre de altrui, Ne s’avengear deli suo ennemi, Loz dison qu’ es Vaudes & los feson morir. THAT IS, Whosoever refuses to curse, to swear, to lie, to kill, to commit adultery, to steal, to be revenged of his enemy—they say he is a\parVAULDOIS, and therefore they put him to death.”

Voltaire’s Genesis History, chapter 59. 8 Eccles. Researches, p. 463. 9 The sect of the Manichaeans derived its origin from a person of the name of Manes, or Manichaeus, as he is sometimes called by his disciples.

He was by birth a Persian, educated among the Magi, and himself one of their number before he embraced the profession of Christianity, about the end of the third century. His doctrine was a motley mixture of the tenets of Christianity, with the ancient philosophy of the Persians, in which he had been instructed during his youth. The following view of his system is given by Dr. Mosheim, Volume 1.

Cent. 3. chapter 5: “That there are two principles from which all things proceed—the one a most pure and subtle matter, calledLIGHT, the other a gross and corrupt substance calledDARKNESS. The being who presides over light is called God—he that rules the land of darkness bears the name of Hyle, or Demon. The ruler of the light is supremely happy, and consequently benevolent and good—the prince of darkness is unhappy in himself, and desiring to render others partakers of his misery, is evil and malignant. These two beings have produced an immense multitude of creatures, resembling themselves, whom they have distributed through their respective provinces. He held that Christ is that glorious intelligence whom the Persians called Mithras — a splendid substance, endowed with life, and having his residence in the sun. The Holy Ghost a luminous and animated body, diffused throughout every part of the atmosphere which surrounds this terrestrial globe. He held that the God of the Jews was the prince of darkness — affirmed that the Old Testament was not the word of God, but of the prince of darkness, and rejected as spurious the four Gospels, and indeed most of the canonical Scriptures — maintained the transmigration of souls,” etc.,etc.

It is really surprising that Mr. Robinson, the acute, the ingenious, the liberal minded Mr. Robinson, should have charged the Albigenses with adopting this absurd system, without producing any evidence to support such an opinion. Few writers have combated the foul misrepresentations of the Catholics with more zeal and success than he has done; but in this instance he has joined their senseless clamor against the Albigenses. It is a very questionable point, whether the sect of the Mani-chaeans had any existence at the period of which Mr. R. is treating, and I am strongly inclined to think they had not, at least in Europe. But even though that could be proved, I may venture to affirm that it was utterly out of the power of Mr. R. or any other person to produce from the confessions, catechisms, testimonies, or conduct of the Albigenses the least trace of Manichaeism. I am tempted on this occasion to adopt the lofty language of Dr. Allix, when defending the Piedmontese Waldenses from the same charge brought against them by the catholic bishop Bossuet. “I defy the impudence of the devil himself,” says he, “to find in their writings the least shadow of Manichaeism.”—Remarks , chapter 17. The fact is, that, on this subject, the catholic writers misled Mosheim and Limborch; and these latter historians have misled Mr. Robinson. Indeed, an impartial reader will easily perceive throughout this gentleman’s account of “the Vallies of Piedmont,” in his Ecclesiastical Researches, the strongest indications of a jaundiced eye. Speaking of Leger’s History of the Waldenses, he adds, “Orthodoxy is proved and overproved in it, for it will be allowed that an apostolical church with the Athanasian creed is above par.” He cannot therefore believe that the Catholics inflicted upon the “poor Waldenses,” the horrible cruelties which are detailed by Leger, though he has no difficulty in believing them to have inflicted cruelties full as great upon others! 10 I suspect this should have been every Lord’s-day, or first day of the week, for it is certain they did not come together for worship every day; nor indeed was the thing practicable. 11 Hist. Script. Bohem. p. 222. et seq. in Dr. Allix’s Remarks, p. 211-219. 12 Hist. Bohem. p. 141. ubi supra.

SECTION 1 Morland’s History of the Churches of Piedmont, p. 30. 2 Alluding probably to the voluntary penances and mortification imposed by the Catholics on themselves. 3 Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois, ch. 12. 4 Voltaire’s Univ. Hist. ch. 116. 5 This is the work to which the late Bishop Hurd refers us, in his “Introductory Sermons on the Study of the Prophecies,” vol. 2: p. 30.

Ser. 7. note (t.) where he says, “In this (twelfth century) was composed a very remarkable tract on the subject of Antichrist, which may be seen in Mede’s Works, p. 721.” 6 Mr. Milner has overlooked this circumstance altogether, and reasons from this Treatise in behalf of the antiquity of those churches, as though the date it bears was unquestionable. See his History, volume 3. p. 477. 7 Perrin’s Histoire des Vaudois, part 2, book 5, ch. 8. 8 Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois b. ch. 4, and Usher de Christ. Ecclea. succ. et statu. 9 1243. Dr. Allix’s Remarks, p. 239. 10 Allix’s Remarks, p. 245.

SECTION 1 Allix’s Remarks, p. 235. 2 Usher de Christ. Ecclesiastes success, et statu. — Perrin, book 1, chapter 5. 3 Usher, ubi supra, 4 History of Popery, Volume 1. p. 421. 5 A city and province in the south of France. 6 Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois, chapter 5. 7 Vesembecius’s Oration on the Waldenses, quoted by Pewin, in his Hist. des Vaudois, chapter 5. 8 Joachim Camerarius, in his History, p. 352. quoted by Ferrin, book 1, chapter 5. 9 Vesembeclus’s Oration on the Waldenses, in Perrln, chapter 5. 10 Memorials of Rostain, Archbishop of Ambrun, quoted in Perrin, chapter 5. 11 Thuani Hist. sui temporis, lib. 6, sect. 16. and lib. 27. 12 Reinerius contra Waldenses, in Ferrin, book 2, chapter 1. 13 ldem. cap. de studio pervertendi alios et medo docendi, fol. 98. 14 The reader should keep in mind, that at this time the use of the Bible was not allowed by the pope to the laity, and indeed very few of the clergy knew any thing about its contents. 15 REINERI. cap. 8. Quomodo se ingerant familiaritati magnorum. 16 Vera effigies hereticorum nostrae aetatis [1613] praesertim Anabaptistarum. 17 Morland’s History of the Churches of Piedmont, p. 58. — Perrin’s Vaudois, chapter 6. 18 Preface to Morland’s History, p 7. 19 History.of the reformed Churches in France, tom. 1, book 1, page 35. in Perrin, book 1, chapter 6. 20 Preface to his Sermons, quoted by Perrin chapter 6. 21 Ferrin’s History, book 1, chapter 6. 22 Perrin’s History, book 1, chapter 6. 23 Remarks on Ecclesiastes Hist. volume 3, p. 303. 24 Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois, book 1, chapter 8, where the references to these authors are given. 25 Limborch’s History of the Inquisition, Volume 1, chapter 8. 26 Mosheim’s Ecclesiastes History, cent. 16, sect. 3, part 2, chapter 3.

SECTION 1 As I shall have occasion, in the subsequent pages of this work to make frequent references to “Limborch’s History of the Inquisition,” it is proper the reader should be apprised of the degree of credit which is due to that author’s statements. He was a native of Amsterdam, born 1633, a person of great learning and talents, which raised him to the rank of professor of divinity in that city. When his History of the Inquisition first came over to England, it was received with the highest approbation by many of the principal nobility and clergy. In particular Mr. Locke, that incomparable judge of men and books, bestowed the highest eulogiums upon it,—commended it for its method and perspicuity, and the authorities by which it is so abundantly confirmed, — aud pronounced it to be a work of its kind absolutely perfect. In a letter to Limborch himself, he tells him, that he had so fully exposed their secret acts of wickedness and cruelty, that if the Papists had any remains of humanity in them they must be ashamed of their horrid tribunals, in which every thing that was just and righteous was so monstrously perverted; and that it was proper it should be translated into the vulgar language of every nation, that the meanest people might understand the antichristian practices of that execrable court. The Papists became so alarmed at its publication, that the cardinals, inquisitors general at Rome, condemned it by an edict, and forbade the reading of it, under the severest penalties. 2 Limborch’s History of the Inquisition, Volume 1. chapter 10. 3 Robinson’s Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 321. 4 Miscellaneous Tracts, volume 1. 5 Bishop Burnet’s Remarks concerning Persecution, prefixed to his Translation of Lanctantius’ Relation of the Deaths of the Primitive Persecutors. Aunst . 1687. p. 34, etc. 6 “PATERINES, after the example of the martyrs.” Notwithstanding the obscurity which rests upon the etymology of this name, does it not appear evident from this Imperial Edict, that it was then understood to have been conferred on these people on account of the sufferings to which they were exposed—and if so, may it not be derived from the Latin verb Pati, “ to suffer?” 7 For the meaning of this, the reader may revert to volume 1, chapter 4. 8 The reader will find these Edicts entire in the first volume of Limborch’s History of the Inquisition, chapter 12. 9 The phrase “heretical pravity,” will sound rather uncouth to modern ears that have not been accustomed to the jargon of the catholic writers, but the reader should be told that it is the usual slang of those writers for denoting the w ickedness of thinking differently from the church of Rome. 10 Remarks, volume 3, p. 303. 11 Robinson’s Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 12 Watson’s History of Philip II king of Spain, and in Robertson’s History of Charles V. 13 Voltaire’s Univ. Hist. volume 2, chapter 118. 14 See Father Paul Sarpi’s History of the Council of Trent; and Dr. G.

Campbell’s Lectures on Ecclesiastical History.

SECTION 1 Baronius’s Annals, sect. 18. n. 4. quoted in Limborch, chapter 9. 2 Bzovius. A. 1199. sect. 38. in Limborch, chapter 9. 3 Rankin’s Hist. of France, volume 3, and Limborch’s History of the Inquisition, chapter 9. 4 Limborch’s Inquisition, chapter 11. 5 See volume 1, chapter 4, sect. 4. 6 Perrin’s History of the Albigenses, book 3, chapter 2. 7 Dr. Grosvenor’s Sermon against Popery, at Salter’s Hall, 1735. 8 Clarke’s Martyrology, chapter 24. 9 Rankin’s History of France, volume 10 Limborch’s Inquisition, chapter 11. 11 Perrin’s History of the Albigenses, book 3, chapter 4, Bzovius, A. 1209, sect. 1, and Ranaldus, A. 1209, sect. 22, in Limborch’s History of the Inquisition, volume 1, chapter 11. 12 Perrin’s History of the Albigenses, book 3, chapter 5. 13 Clarke’s Martyrology, p. 110. Perrin’s History of the Albigense, p. 2, book 3, chapter 7. 14 Clarke’s Martyrology, p. 111. 15 Hist. Albigenses, cap. 37. in Rankin’s France, volume 3. p. 214. 16 Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois, book 2, chapter 2. 17 “In the council of Toulouse, held in the year 1229, a most severe and sanguinary inquisition was established against heretics. One of its canons is, ‘it shall not be permitted to laymen to have the books of the Old and New Testament; only they who out of devotion desire it, may have a Psalter, a Breviary, and the hours of the Virgin. But we absolutely forbid them to have the above mentioned books translated into the vulgar tongue.’ This is the first time, says the Abbe Fleury, in his Ecclesiastical History, that I have met with this prohibition: but it may be favorably explained by observing that the minds of men being then much irritated, there was no other method of putting a stop to contentions, than by taking away from them the Holy Scriptures, of which the heretics made a bad use.” A poor excuse indeed! says Dr.

Jortin. Remarks, volume 3, p. 311. 18 Mr. Robinson has here given the very words of the Inquisitor Reinerius, who, describing the Waldneses, says, “Ita, est communis opinio Catharorum, quod graviter peccaret, quicumque occiderit avem aliquam a minima usque ad maximam; et quadrupedia, a mustela usque ad elephantem.” That is, “It is also a common opinion among the Puritans (Cathari) that man sins grievously who kills any bird, from the least to the greatest—or a quadruped, from a weasel to an elephant.” Contra Waldneses, cap. 6. 19 Voltaire’s remark upon this curious piece of Catholic history, may be thought by some not altogether impertinent, “Is it likely,” he asks, “that only eighteen hundred men would attack an army of an hundred thousand in the open field, and divide themselves into three bodies? ‘It is a miracle,’ some writers will say, but military people, upon reading such a story, will tell them it is nonsense and absurdity.” General History, volume 1, chapter 1. 20 A singular disclosure was made after this battle, and as the circumstance tends to throw a ray of light upon the secret history of these times it deserves to be recorded. When the battle of Murat was over, there was found among the slain belonging to the Albigenses a knight in black armor. On examining, behold it was discovered to be Peter, king of Arragon—that very monarch, who had formerly been engaged in negotiating between the pope’s legate and the earl of Beziers. (see p. 127.) There also lay one of his sons and many of the Arragonian gentlemen and vassals, who, while ostensibly supporting the Roman church had in disguise, been fighting in defense of the Albigenses! 21 See Robinson’s Ecclesiastical Researches, chapter 10, and Dr. Allix’s Remarks on the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of the Albigenses, chapter 21.

SECTION 1 Mr. Robinson, refering to this subject, has the following pertinent remark. “It is a curious phenomenon in politics, that the family which allowed its subjects religious liberty, when all other princes oppressed concience, should, in a country enthusiastically fond of liberty, become in the end, the most absolute monarchs in the Christian world. Such is the king of Sardinia, who is also duke of Savoy, and to whose eldest son, the heir apparent, the title of the Prince of Piedmont is hereditary.” Eccles. Researches, p. 459. 2 Limborch, on the authority of Pegna in Eymeric, says, “as he was going from Como to Milan, A.D. 1252, to extirpate heresy, a certain believer of heretics attacked him in his journey, and despatched him with many wounds. He was connonized and worshipped as a martyr.” 3 Mede on the Apocalypse, p. 503. and Newton on the Prophecies, volume 2, p. 257. 8th ed. 1789. Clark in his Martyrology doubles the number. 4 Bzovius, A. 1233. sect. 8,9. 5 Constans on the Revelation, in Perrin, book 2, chapter 9. 6 See chapter 5, section 5. 7 Russell’s Modern Europe, volume 1, letter 52. 8 Mons. Voltaire drily asks, “How could the emperor be a heretic and an infidel at the same time?” A very pertinent question certainly. 9 Walch’s History of the Popes. 10 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 2. 11 Limborch’s Inquisition, chapter 15. 12 Vignier’s Bibliotheca Historialis, part 3. Anno 1330, in Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 2. 13 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 11. 14 Perrin, book 2, chapter 15, 15 Milner’s Church History, volume 3, p. 496. 16 There is a passage in the writings of that eminent Catholic Historian, Thuanus, relating to the subject wc are now upon, which deserves the reader’s attention, as throwing considerable light upon the history of this dark period, and certainly no writer was more competent to give us information. “Against the Waldenses,” says he, “when exquisite punishments availed little, and the evil was exasperated by the remedy which had been unseasonably applied, and their number increased daily, complete armies, were at length raised, and a war of no less weight than what our people had before waged against the Saracens, was determined against them. The result was that they were rather slain, put to flight, spoiled every where of their goods and possessions and dispersed abroad, than convinced of their error and brought to repentance. So that they who at first defended themselves by arms, fled into Provence, and the neighboring Alps of the French territory, and found a shelter for their life and doctrine in those places. Part of them withdrew into Calabia, and continued there a long while, even to the pontificate of Plus IV. Many passed into Germany, and fixed their abode among the Bohemians, and in Poland and Livonia. Others, turning to the West, obtained refuge in Britain. ” Thuani Praefatio ad Henricum 4, p. 7. 17 Matthew Paris—Life of Henry III Perrin’s Hist. book 2, chapter 13, 18 Perrin’s Hist. book 2, chapter 14, and Limborch, chapter 16. 19 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 16. 20 So his name is written by Bishop Newton, Proph. volume 2. Bishop Hurd calls him Grostete. Introd. to Proph. volume 2. Milner and others call him Grosseteste. The reason of this variation probably is, that he was either of French extraction, or assumed this latter name after his residence in France; for the name of Greathead in English, and Grosseteste in French, are synonymous. 21 Matthew Paris, p.876. See also Pegge’s Life of Greathead.

SECTION 1 See page 13,37, and 38 of this volume and the note from Thuanus, page 158. 2 Thuanus’s History of his own Times, book 6. 3 It appears that before the death of Wickliff, his principles had extended into Bohemia, and that John Huss had begun to sow the seeds of reform in that country also. The following letter, written by our great English reformer, in the last year of his life, is too valuable to be omitted.

LETTER FROM WICKLIFF TO HUSS Health and Salvation; and if anything can be devised or expressed more loving and dear in the bowels of Jesus Christ. “Dear brethren in the Lord, whom I love in the truth, and not I only, but all those who know the truth; I say that the truth, which dwelleth in us by the grace of God, shall be with us for ever. I rejoiced greatly at the brethren, coming to us from you, bearing testimony of you in the truth, and that ye walk in truth. I have heard how antichrist troubleth you, causing many and various tribulations to the faithful in Christ. And no wonder that such things should be done among you, since the law of Christ suffereth oppression from its adversaries over all the world; and from that red dragon with many heads, which John speaks of in the Revelation, that cast out of his mouth water as a flood after the woman, that she might be carried away of it. But the Lord, who is faithful, will certainly rescue his dearly beloved spouse. Let us be strengthened and comforted in the Lord our God, and in his infinite goodness, and be firmly persuaded that he will not permit his beloved to fail of his proposed reward for them, if we only love him (as we ought) with our whole heart. For adversity shall not prevail over us, if iniquity do not prevail. Therefore let no affliction, pressure, or torment, for the sake of Christ, cast us down, or cause us to despair; since we know, that whomsoever the Lord accounteth as sons, he chasteneth. For the Father of Mercy exerciseth us in adversity in this present life, that he may afterwards spare us; as that gold which a skillful workman chooseth is tried in the fire by him, that afterwards he may put it into his pure, eternal, treasure. We know that this present life is but short and transitory: but that life which we expect, and which is to come, is happy and eternal. Let us labor, while we have time, that we may be found worthy to enter into that rest. Let me entreat you to consider, that we see nothing else in this life, but grief, anguish, and sorrow; and what ought to trouble the faithful most of all, a contempt and trampling down of the divine laws. Let us endeavor, as much as lies in our power, to lay hold of thase good things, which shall always endure and be eternal; denying our transient and frail senses.

Let us look back upon and consider the behavior of our ancestors in former ages. Let us call to mind the saints of both the Old and New Testament; how they bore tossings, tempests, and adversities, in this sea of trouble, — imprisonments, and bonds. They were stoned; they were sawn asunder; they were slain by the sword. They wandered about in sheep and in goat skins, and other such like things; as the Epistle to the Hebrews recounteth at large; all walking in, and following the footsteps of Christ, in that narrow path, who said, “Where I am, there shall my servant be also.” Since we have such a cloud of witnesses of the saints in former times placed before us, let us lay aside every offense and weight, yea, sin, which besets us, and run with patience the race that is set before us; looking to Jesus, the author and finisher of our faith; who cheerfully endured the cross, despising all contempt and shame. Let us consider how he bore such contradiction against himself from sinners, and let us not be weary with desponding minds: but let us beg assistance from the Lord, with all our heart, and fight manfully against his adversary, antichrist. Let us love his laws with all our heart, and be not fraudulent and deceitful laborers; but act boldly in all things, as far as the Lord permits us; and let us be valiant in the cause of God, and in hope of an eternal reward.—Do thou, therefore, O Huss! a brother greatly beloved in Christ, unknown to me indeed in person, but not in faith and love; (for, what part of the world can tear asunder, and separate those whom the love of Christ unites?) be comforted and strengthened in the grace which is given thee. As a good soldier of Jesus Christ, war in word and in deed; and recall into the way of truth as many as thou art able: because neither by erroneous and deceitful decrees, nor by the false opinions and doctrines of antichrist, is the truth of the Gospel to be kept in silence and in secret. Rather comfort and strengthen the members of Christ, by weakening the wiles and deceit of Satan: because antichrist shall come to an end in a short time; it is the will of the Lord! It is a great joy to me, that not only in your kingdom, but elsewhere, God hath so strengthened the hearts of some, that they suffer with pleasure, imprisonments, banishments, and even death itself, for the word of God. I have nothing more to write, beloved bretheren, only that I willingly confess I would strengthen you and all the lovers of Christ’s laws, in the law of the love of God. Therefore I salute them from the bowels of my heart; particularly your companion; (Probably Jerome of Prague.) entreating that you would pray for me and the whole church.

And the God of peace, who raised from the dead that great shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, our Lord Jesus Christ, fit you for every good work; that ye may do what is acceptable to him, through Jesus Christ our Lord: to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen.” 4 Even to the present day, the derivation of this term remains a point of doubt and uncertainty. Clark in his Martyrology, p. 111. says, “About thistime, A.D. 1210, the English, who now possessed Guienne which bordered upon the Earldom of Toulouse, began to help the Albigenses, being stirred up thereto by Raynard Lollard, a godly and learned man, who by his powerful preaching converted many to the truth, and defended the faith of the Alblgenses.” He further adds, that “John le Meyer much commends this Lollard, who foretold many things by divine revelation, which, saith he, came to pass in my time, and therefore he putteth him into the rank of holy prophets. And as for his learning, it is evident by his Comment upon the Revelation, where he setteth forth many things that are spoken of the Roman antichrist.

This worthy man was afterwards apprehended in Germany, and being delivered to the secular power, was burnt at Cologne.” A few pages afterwards we find the following short paragraph in the same vohme. Anno Christi 1322, Lollard Walterus, from whom our English professors were called Lollards, was taken at Cologne, where he had privately preached, and through God’s blessing, drawn many from ignorance and error to embrace the truth, and persisting constantly in his opinions, he was condemned and burnt alive,” p. 124. The discrepancies in these two accounts are so many and palpable, that they are not easily reconciled. I find no evidence that there were two persons of the name of Lollard, at the distance of more than a century from each other, both preachers of the Gospel, and burnt at Cologne for heresy. It is observable too, that even the latter account fixes the martyrdom of Lollard two years before the birth of Wickliff, who, therefore, though he may have read some of his writings, could not possibly have seen him nor been instructed by him. 5 Collier’s Ecclesiastical History, volume 1, p. 598-9. Wood’s History of Oxon, 190-192. Lewis’s Life of Wickliff, Anglia Sacra, tom. 2, p. Walsingham, page 201-205. Biographia Britannica, Art. Wickliff Spelman’s Council. tom. 2, p. 629-636. Henry’s Great Britain, volume 7, 8vo. book 4, chapter 2, sect. 2. 6 Namely, Russia, Poland, Lithuania, Hungary, Transylvania, Sclavona, Croatia, Istria, Wallachia, etc., etc. See Dr. Watson’s History of Philip III, King of Spain, book 6. 7 Sleidan’s History of the Reformation, book 3, p. 53. 8 History of the Council of Constance, volume 1, passim. 9 Crantz’s History Of the Bohemian Brethren, p. 13. 10 Paul Stransky, de Repub. Bohem. p. 272. 11 Crantz’s History, p. 1. sect. 4. and Robinson’s Ecclesiastes Researches, p, 480.SYNOPSIS Hist. Persecut. Ecclesiastes Bohem. cap. 7. 12 Dupin’s Ecclesiastes Hist. 15th century. Lewis’s Life of Wickliff. Rolt’s Lives of the Reformers, p. 13. 13 As the affair of the safe-conduct, on which the aggravation of the injuries done to Huss so greatly depends, is placed in different lights by Protestant and Popish writers, it may not be improper to inquire into the merits of it, and to lay before the reader the principal topics of the argument on both sides of the question.

In answer to the Protestants’ exclamations against so notorious a breach of faith, the Papist thus apologizes: “We allow,” says Maimburgh, that “Huss obtained a safe-conduct from the emperor: but for what end did he obtain it? Why, to defend his doctrine, if his doctrine was indefensible, his pass was invalid.” “It was alway,” says Rosweide, a jesuit, “supposed, in the safeconduct that justice should have its course.—Besides,” cry a number of apologizers, “the emperor plainly exceeded his powers. By the canonlaw he could not grant a pass to a heretic; and by the decretals the council might annul any imperial act.—“Nay, farther,” say Morery, “if we examine the pass, we shall find it, at best, a promise of security only till his arrival at Constance; or, indeed, rather a more recommendation of him to the cities through which he passed: so that, in fact, it was righteously fulfilled.”

To all this the Protestant thus replies: “Be it granted, (which is, in truth, granting too much) that the safe-conduct implied a liberty only of defending his doctrine; yet it was violated, we find, before that liberty was given—before that doctrine was condenmed, or even examined. And though the emperor might exceed his power in granting a pass to a heretic, yet Huss was, at this time, only suspected of heresy. Nor was the imperial act annulled by the council till after the pass was violated. Huss was condemned in the fifteenth session, and the safe-conduct decreed invalid in the nineteenth. With regard to the deficiency of the safe-conduct, which is Morery’s apology, it doth not appear that it was ever an apology of ancient date. Huss, it is certain, considered the safe conduct as a sufficient security for his return home; and, indeed, so much is implied in the very nature of a safe-conduct.

What title would that general deserve, who should invite his enemy into his quarters by a pass, and then seize him? Reasoning, however, apart, let us call in fact: Omni prorsus impedimento remoto, transire, stare morari et REDIRE libere permittatis sibiqne et suis, are the very words of the safe-conduct.”

In conclusion, therefore, we cannot but judge the emperor to have been guilty of a most notorious breach of faith. The blame, however, is generally laid, and with some reason, upon the council, who directed his conscience. What true son of the church would dare to oppose his private opinion against the unanimous voice of a general council? 14 Dupin’s Eccles. History, p. 121. 15 Crantz’s History, p. 19. 16 Crantz’s History, part 2, p. 23. 17 COMENI Synopsis Hist. Persecutionum Ecclesiastes Bohem. cap 18. and\parCAMERARIUS de ecclesiis fratrum narratio, p. 87. “Isthaec rebaptisatio, jam dictis tot causis usurpata et introducta a nos-tris, duravit in ecclesia nostra ad haec usque tempora.” Apologia verae doctrinae eorum qui vulgo appellantur Waldenses et Picardi.

D.G.M. Brandebar, Anno 1532. Par. 4, de Baptismo. “Initio erescente in caetu multitudinum hominum, et ex diversarum religionum professionibus accedente, si quis forte de vetirate baptismi christiani dubitarent, et animo suo angerentur, et conscientiam haberent malam, eos expetantes hoc curarunt denuo baptizandos, exigendo et sin-cerae fidaei confessionem et promissionem de observatione disciplinae et vitae sanctitate. Quem confitendi promittendique morem prisca ecclesia religiosissime tenuit. CAMERARIUS, ubi supra.” 18 Robinson’s Eccles, Researches, p. 501. 19 Sleidan’s History of the Reformation, p. 658. 20 Ecclesiastical Researches, p. 527.

CHAPTER - SECTION 1 Fox’s History of James II. — Introduction, p. 5. 2 Memoirs of the Reformation in France, prefixed to Saurin’s Sermons, translated by Robinson, volume 1. 3 Vignaux’s Memoirs of the Waldenses—Perrin’s Hist. des Vaudois, book 2, chapter 3.—Pierre Gilles Hist. Ecclesiastes c. 4. — Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 194. 4 The reader should not forget the pleasing picture which Thuanus has sketched of the inhabitants of these valleys, and which has been already quoted. See pages 75-77 of this volume. 5 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 3. 6 Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 188-198. 7 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 3. 8 Perrin’s History book 2, chapter 3. 9 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 3. Morland’s History, p. 223. 10 Morland’s History, p. 224. 11 What Mons. Voltaire means by this uncouth speech is, that the Waldenses had no liturgy or forms of public prayer. 12 Voltaire’s Universal History, volume 2, p. 338, 12mo. edit. Edin. 1782. 13 I might instance in proof of this fact, even in our own times, Mr. Cox’s interesting Life of Melancthon, recently published. The author of that work does indeed speak of “Waldus, Wickliff, Huss, and Jerome of Prague,” as of imperishable names; and he adds, “but in vain did they struggle against the torrent of corruption that deluged the earth. They could oppose, in their respective times and stations, but a momentary resistance, and were swept away. Their efforts, indeed, produced some effects, but they were evanescent, for ‘darkness covered the earth, and gross darkness the people.’ But when Luther appeared,” etc., page 3.

Now what I object to, in this statement is, that it is calculated to mislead the reader, inasmuch as it has a tendency to impress him with this very erroneous notion, that during the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, the four individuals, whose names he records, were the only advocates of reform. Thus the thousands, and tens of thousands, of the Waldenses and Albigenses, who at the constant peril, and generally at the expcnce of their lives, kept up a standing testimony against the abominations of the man of sin, are wholly overlooked!

This is scarcely pardonable in a Dissenter who knew better, and can only have arisen from the most culpable inadvertency. 14 Cox’s life of Melancthon, p. 38. 15 Morland’s Evangelical Churches, p. 224. 16 It is not intended by this remark, to insinuate any disparagement to the character of this great reformer, of whose laborious exertions in the cause of truth and virtue no one can entertain a higher opinion than myself. His praise is in all the churches, and will be handed down to the latest posterity with increasing lustre. Let me further add, that, what appears to me the most amiable and interesting part of his character, seems to be the least generally known among us in the present day. To explain my meaning, I shall here quote a passage from the writings of one of his contemporaries, who, in a letter to Philip Melancthon, thus describes him: “I cannot sufficiently admire the extraordinary cheerfulness, constancy, faith, and hope of this man, in these trying and vexatious times. He continually nourishes these good affections, by a very diligent study of the word of God. Then not a day passes in which he does not occupy in prayer at least three of his very best hours. I once happened to hear him at prayer. Gracious God! What spirit and what faith there was in his language! He petitions God with as much reverence as if he were actually in the divine presence, and yet with as firm a hope and confidence, as he would address a father and a friend. “I know,” says he, “thou art our Father and our God; therefore I am sure thou wilt bring to nought the persecutors of thy children. For shouldst thou fail to do this, thine own cause, being connected with ours, would be endangered. It is entirely thine own concern: we, by thy providence, have been compelled to take a part. Thou, therefore, wilt be our defense.” “Whilst I was listening to Luther praying in this manner at a distance, my soul seemed on fire within me, to hear the man address God so like a friend, and yet with so much gravity and reverence; and also to hear him in the course of his prayer, insisting on the promises contained in the Psalms, as if he were certain his petitions would be granted.”—Caelst I. 375, Com. de Luth. 59. 8.

SECTION 1 Roscoe’s Life and Pontificate of Leo X, volume 1, chapter 1, The reference is to the case of Saint Leo IX. 2 Milner’s History of the Christian Church, volume 4, and Sleidan’s History of the Reformation. Robertson’s History of Charles V, etc., etc. 3 Sleidan’s History of the Reformation, book 16. 4 That this whimsical circumstance, namely, the excommunication of the mice by the spiritual court, actually took place, as related by our author, can admit of no reasonable doubt. Nor, indeed, ought it that the cause of the poor mice was successfully pleaded by this eminent counsellor. The question, however, will naturally strike a reflecting mind, “Were the inhabitants of the country, who indicted the mice for misdemeanor, really in earnest in this ludicrous affair; or was it only what, in modern style, is called a hoax upon the clergy?” For myself, I have little doubt that the latter was the case; and that both the indictment and the pleadings of the counsel were designed to burlesque the proceedings of the catholic clergy, in their treatment of the heretics.

The main difficulty is to believe that the clergy themselves could be so stupid as not to see it in this light. And I am perfectly aware that, in the present enlightened era, an historian is in danger of shocking the credibility of his readers even while he impartially relates the mummery that was prevalent among the Catholics of those days:

Witness the feast of the ass, mentioned in my first volume.AUTHOR. 5 Thuani Historia sui temporis, lib. vi.

SECTION 1 F. Paul’s History of the Council of Trent, book 5, Grotius doubles the number! 2 Grotius, Annales, lib. 1. 3 Bentivoglio. lib. 1, p. 9,10. 4 Thuanus, tom. 1, lib. 22. sect. 10. 5 Watson’s History of Philip II,Volume 1. book 4. 6 F. Paul, lib. 5. 7 Watson’s History of Philip II, volume 1, book 8.

SECTION 1 See Villers’ Essay on the Reformation, by Luther, translated by Mill, p. 94. note . — And Mr. Cox’s Life of Melancthon, p. 29. 2 Du Pin on the Canon, etc. Volume 1, p. 217. 3 Perrin’s Waldenses, book 2, chapter 4. 4 Perrin’s History of the Waldenses, book 2, chapter 7. 5 Sir Samuel Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 224. 6 Sleidan’s History of the Reformation, Continuation, p. 52-54. 7 For understanding this, the reader must notice, that the elector had before this time, by means of one of his ministers, whose name was Junius, been interceding with the Duke, in behalf of some of the Waldenses, and that the latter had promised to redress the grievance, which, however, the catholic clergy and the Duke’s own ministers had successfully maneuvered to prevent. 8 Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 243-249. 9 Perrin’s History, book 2, chapter 4.

SECTION 1 This name is, in our old historians, frequently spelt “Saluzzes.” 2 Sir Samuel Morland’s History of the Churches of Piedmont, p. 258, Perrin’s Hist des Vaudois, book 2, chapter 5. Boyer’s History of the Waldenses, chapter 9. 3 Morland, p. 263. 4 Perrin, book 2, chapter 5, Morland, p.265. 5 See particularly page 84. 6 A Council established by the court of Rome for propagating the faith or, in plain English, for extirpating heretics. 7 This unfeeling man seems to have sustained the station of prime minister in the court of the Duke of Savoy, and commander-in-chief of his army.

SECTION 1 It is related of Cardinal Mazarine, who at that time swayed the councils of the French cabinet, that he would change countenance at the very mention of his name; and it passed into a proverb in France, that “he was not so much afraid of the devil as of Oliver Cromwell.” Upon the whole, says the late Mr. Fox, “the character of Cromwell must ever stand high in the list of those who raised themselves to supreme power by the force of their genius; and among such, even in respect of moral virtue, it would be found to be one of the least exceptionable, if it had not been tainted with that most odious and degrading of all human vices, hypocrisy.”HISTORY OF JAMES II, p. 18. 2 The office which Milton filled under the Protectorate was much the same as that which, in our day, is called “SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.” See Dr. Symmons’s Life of Milton, p. 319. 3 Dr. Warton, in his edition of Milton’s minor poems, remarks upon this Sonnet, that “Milton’s mind, busied with this affecting subject, here broke forth in a strain of poetry, where his feelings were not lettered by ceremony or formality.” He adds that “The Protestants availed themselves of an opportunity of exposing the horrors of Popery, by publishing many sets of prints of this unparalleled scene of religious butchery, which operated like Fox’s Book of Martyrs. Sir S. Morland, Cromwell’s agent for the valleys of Piedmont, published a minute account of this whole transaction, in “The History of the Valleys of Piedmont,” with numerous cuts, in folio, Lond. 1658.” Among the latter, there is a print emblematical of the seventh and eight lines of this Sonnet. Morland relates that “A mother was hurled down a mighty rock, with a little infant in her arms; and three days after was found dead, with the little child alive, but fast clasped, between the arms of the dead mother, which were cold and stiff, insomuch that those who found them had much ado to get the young child out.” Morland’s History, p. 363. See Warton’s edition of Milton’s Poems and Translations, with Notes and Illustrations. 2d Ed. Lond. 1791. 4 Dr. Symmons, in a note on this passage, remarks that “This active and powerful interposition of the Protector’s was productive of its intended effect. The catholic tyrant desisted from the slaughter of his innocent subjects, and those miserable people had a breathing time from their calamities. I call them, as they are called in these official dispatches, by the generally known name of Protestants: but the dissenters from the Papal church, who occupied the valleys of Piedmont, had neither connection nor a common origin with those who were properly called Protestants, from one of the first acts of their association in Germany.THE WALDENSES asserted a much more ancient pedigree; and assumed to be of the old Roman church before it was corrupted by the Papal innovations.” See Life of Milton. 2d Edit. 1810. — p. 309-319. 5 Of this amount the cities of London and Westininter contributed the sum of 9,384l . 11s, 6d, exclusive of the 2,000l . given by the protector. 6 Morland’s Churches of Piedmont, p. 682-708.

SECTION 1 It may not be improper in this place to correct avcry inaccurate statement of this matter which appears in Neal’s History of the Puritans, volume 4, chapter 3, under the year 1655. Referring to the interference of the Protector with the Duke of Savoy, it is said, upon the authority of Bishop Burnet, “Upon this the persecution immediately ceased; the duke recalled his army out of the valleys, and restored their goods; the poor people returned to their houses, and recovered all their ancient rights and privileges.” How far this representation corresponds with the truth of things, let the impartial reader judge after carefully perusing the preceding pages, and the representation that Milton has given of the real state of matters, in this and the following letter. 2 In this last sentencc Milton seems to throw some light upon a subject which has been more than once hinted at in the preceding pages.

SECTION 1 History of the Persecution of the Valleys of Piedmont, p. 4. 2 Burnet’s Letters from Italy — Supplement to ditto, Letter 3, p. 158.

Edit. 1688. 3 Bishop Burnet’s Supplementary Letters from Italy, p. 161. 4 Bishop Burnet’s Supplementary Letters from Italy, p. 162. 5 See Appendix. No. 1. 6 See Appendix, No. 2. 7 See Appendix, No. 7. 8 See Appendix, No. 9. 9 Appendix, No. 12. 10 Appendix, No. 13. 11 A pretty circumstantial relation of these things is to be found in several publications which appeared at the time, and particularly in two tracts now before me, from which the materials of this section are drawn. The first is entitled, “The History of the Persecution of the Valleys of Piedmont, containing, an account of what passed in the dispersion of the churches, in the year 1686.” Printed in 4to. London, 1688. (See pp. 31-35.) The other is entitled, “The State of Savoy, in which a full and distant account is given of the Persecution of the Protestants, by means of the French counsels.” 4to. London, 1691. To this last mentioned work I am indebted for the valuable documents which the reader will find in the Appendix. Both the publications are so rare that I have not been able to meet with a second copy of either of them. 12 It would seem that the Valleys of Piedmont were not the only spot in which the disciples of Christ were, at this period, the subject of persecution. The following passage in Dr. Burnet’s Second Letter, written from Switzerland, in 1685, lately struck my attention in glancing over that entertaining performance. “In April, 1685, about five hundred persons, of different sexes and ages, passed through Coire (a town in Switzerland) who gave this account of themselves. They were inhabitants of a valley in Tirol, belonging mostly to the archbishopric of Saltzburgh — a remnant of the old Waldenses. They worshipped neither images nor saints; and they believed the sacrament (of the Lord’s supper) was only a commemoration of the death of Christ; and in many other points they had their opinions different from those of the church of Rome. They knew nothing of either Lutherans or Calvinists; and the Grisons, though their neighbors, had never heard of this nearness of theirs to the Protestant religion. The Archbishop of Saltzburgh hearing of them, sent some persons into the country to examine them, and to exhort them to return to mass, and to threaten them with all possible severity if they continued obstinate. Perceiving a terrible storm ready to break upon them, they resolved to abandon their houses and all that they had, rather than sin against their consciences: and the whole inhabitants of the Valley, old and young, to the number of two thousand, divided themselves into several bodies; some intended to go to Brandenburgh, others to the Palatinate, and about five hundred took the road to Coire, intending to disperse themselves in Switzerland. The Swiss ministers told me they were much edified by their simplicity and modesty; for, a collection being made for them, they desired only a little bread to carry them on their way.” Burnet’s Letters, p. 87-89 Amst. 1686. 13 Dr. Burnet’s Letters from Italy, Letter 1, p. 57-58. 14 Dr. Burnet’s Letters from Italy — Supplementary Lettcrs, p. 162, Written in 1687, and printed the following year. 15 See Appendix. No. 16. 16 MONTHLY REVIEW, June, 1814, p. 17 Dr. Allix’s History of the Churches of Piedmont, p. 293-296.