CONTAINING The Last Three Hundred Years From The Loosing Out Of Satan f1185 THUS having discoursed in these former books of the order and course of years, from the first tying up of Satan unto the year of our Lord 1360, I have a little overpassed the stint of time in the Scripture appointed for the loosing out of him again. For so it is written by St. John [Revelation 20], that “after a thousand years, Satan, the old dragon, shall be let loose again for a season, etc.

For the better explanation of the which mystery, let us first consider the context of the Scripture; afterwards let us examine, by history and the course of times, the meaning of the same. And first, to recite the words of the Revelation; the text of the prophecy is this:—“And I saw an angel descending from heaven, having a key of the bottomless pit, and a great chain in his hand. And he took the dragon, the old serpent, which is the Devil and Satan, and bound him for a thousand years, and put him in the bottomless dungeon and shut him up, and signed him with his seal, that he should no more seduce the Gentiles, till a thousand years were expired.

And after that he must be loosed again for a little space of time. And I saw seats, and they sat upon them, and judgment was given unto them; and the souls I saw of them which were beheaded for the testimony of Jesus.” By these words of the Revelation, here recited, three special times are to be noted.

First , The being abroad of Satan to deceive the world.

Secondly , The binding up of him.

Thirdly , The loosing out of him again, after a thousand years consummate, for a time.

Concerning the interpretation of which times, I see the common opinion of many to be deceived by ignorance of. histories, and the state of things done in the church; they supposing that the chaining up of Satan for a thousand years, spoken of in the Revelation, was meant from the birth of Christ our Lord. Wherein I grant that spiritually the strength and dominion of Satan, in accusing and condemning us for sin, was cast down at the passion and by the passion of Christ our Savior, and locked up, not only for a thousand years, but for ever and ever. Albeit, as touching the malicious hatred and fury of that serpent against the outward bodies of Christ’s poor saints (which is the heel of Christ), to afflict and torment the church outwardly; that I judge to be meant in the Revelation of St. John, not to be restrained till the ceasing of those terrible persecutions of the primitive church, at the time when it pleased God to pity the sorrowed affliction of his poor flock, being so long under persecution, the space of three hundred years, and so to assuage their griefs and torments; which is meant by the binding up of Satan, worker of all those mischiefs: understanding thereby, that forasmuch as the devil, the prince of this world, had now, by the death of Christ the Son of God, lost all his power and interest against the soul of man, he should turn his furious rage and malice, which he had to Christ, against the people of Christ, which is meant by the heel of the seed [Genesis 3], in tormenting their outward bodies; which yet should not be for ever, but for a determinate time, when it should please the Lord to bridle the malice, and snaffle the power, of the old serpent, and give rest unto his church for the term of a thousand years; which time being expired, the said serpent should be suffered loose again for a certain or a small time. [Revelation 20] And thus to expound this prophetical place of Scripture, I am led by three reasons:

The first is, for that the binding up of Satan, and closing him in the bottomless pit by the angel, importeth as much as that he was at liberty, raging and doing mischief before. And, certes, those so terrible and so horrible persecutions of the primitive time universally through the whole world, during the space of three hundred years of the church, do declare no less. Wherein it is to be thought and supposed that Satan, all that time, was not fastened and closed up.

The second reason moving me to think that the closing up of Satan was after the ten persecutions of the primitive church, is taken out of the twelfth chapter of the Revelation; where we read, that after the woman, meaning the church, had travailed forth her man-child, the old dragon, the devil, the same time being east down from heaven, drawing the third part of the stars with him, stood before the woman with great anger, and persecuted her (that is, the church of God) with a whole flood of water (that is, with abundance of all kinds of torments), and from thence went, moreover, to fight against the residue of her seed, and stood upon the sands of the sea; whereby it appeareth that he was not as yet locked up.

The third reason I collect out of the Revelation, chapter 13, where it is written of the beast, signifying the imperial monarchy of Rome, that he had power to make war forty and two months; by which months is meant, no doubt, the time that the dragon and the persecuting emperors should have in afflicting the saints of the primitive church. The computation of which forty-two months (counting every month for a Sabbath of years; that is, for seven years, after the order of Scripture), riseth to the sum (counting from the passion of the Lord Christ) of three hundred years, lacking six; at which time Maxentius, the last persecutor in Rome, fighting against Constantine, was drowned with his soldiers, like as Pharaoh, persecuting the children of Israel, was drowned in the Red Sea. Unto the which forty-two months, or Sabbaths of years, if ye add the other six years wherein Licinius persecuted in the East, ye shall find just three hundred years, as is specified before in the first book (vol. 1: page 291).

After the which forty and two months were expired, manifest it is that the fury of Satan, that is, his violent malice and power over the saints of Christ, was diminished and restrained universally throughout the whole world.

Thus then, the matter standing evident that Satan, after three hundred years, counting from the passion of Christ, began to be chained up, at which time the persecution of the primitive church began to cease, now let us see how long this binding up of Satan should continue, which was promised in the Book of the Revelation to be a thousand years; which thousand years, if ye add to the forty-two months of years, that is, to two hundred and ninety-four years, they make one thousand two hundred and ninety-four years after the passion of the Lord. To these, moreover, add the thirty years of the age of Christ, and it cometh to the year of our Lord 1324, which was the year of the letting out of Satan, according to the prophecy in the Revelation.

A TABLE CONTAINING THE TIME OF THE PERSECUTION BOTH OF THE PRIMITIVE, AND OF THE LATTER CHURCH, a1038 With The Count Of Years From The First Binding Up Of Satan, To His Loosing Again, After The Mind Of The Revelation.

The first persecution of the primitive church, beginning at the thirtieth year of Christ, was prophesied to continue forty-two months; that is, till A.D. 294. a1039 The ceasing of the last persecution of the primitive church by the death of Licinius, the last persecutor, began in the three hundred and twenty-fourth year from the nativity of Christ; which was from the thirtieth year of his age, two hundred and ninety-four years.

The binding up of Satan after peace given to the church, counting from the thirty years of Christ, began A.D. 294, and lasted a thousand years, that is, counting from the thirtieth year of Christ, to the year 1294.

About which year, pope Boniface VIII. was pope, and made the sixth book of the Decretals, confirmed the orders of friars, and privileged them with great freedoms; as appeareth by his constitution, ‘Super Cathedram.’

A.D. 1294.

Unto the which count of years doth not much disagree that which I found in a certain old chronicle prophesied and written in the latter end of a book; which book was written, as it seemeth, by a monk of Dover, and remaineth yet in the custody of William Cary, a citizen of London; alleging the prophecy of one Hayncard, a Grey-friar, grounded upon the authority of Joachim the abbot, prophesying that Antichrist should be born the year from the nativity of Christ 1260; which is, counting after the Lord’s passion, the very same year and time when the orders of friars, both Dominics and Franciscans, began first to be set up by pope Honorius III. and by pope Gregorius IX., which was the year of our Lord, counting from his passion, A.D 1226; and counting from the nativity of our Lord, was the year 1260. Whereof these verses, prophesying the coming of Antichrist, in the author were written:— “Cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti Et decies seni post partum virginis almae, Tunc Antichristus nascetur daemone plenus.” And these verses were written, as appeareth by the said author, A.D. 1285.

These things thus premised for the loosing out of Satan, according to the prophecy of the Revelation, now let us enter (Christ willing) upon the declaration of these latter times which followed after the letting out of Satan into the world; describing the wondrous perturbations and cruel tyranny stirred up by him against Christ’s church, and also the valiant resistance of the church of Christ against him and Antichrist, as in these our books here under following may appear, the argument of which consisteth in two parts: first, to treat of the raging fury of Satan now loosed, and of Antichrist, against the saints of Christ fighting and travailing for the maintenance of truth, and the reformation of the church. Secondly, to declare the decay and ruin of the said Antichrist, through the power of the word of God; being at length, either in a great part of the world overthrown, or, at least, universally in the whole world detected. Thus then to begin with the year of our Lord 1360, wherein I have a little, as is aforesaid, transgressed the stint of the first loosing out of Satan: we are come now to the time wherein the Lord, after long darkness, beginneth some reformation of his church, by the diligent industry of sundry his faithful and learned servants, of whom divers already we have fore-touched in the former book; as Guliel de Sancto Amore, Marsilius Patavinus, Ockam, Robertus Gallus, Robertus Grosthead, Petrus de Cugneriis, Johannes Rupescissanus, Conradus Hager, Johannes de Poliaco, Cesenas, with others, who withstood the corrupt errors and intolerable enormities of the bishop of Rome, besides those who about these times were put to death by the said bishop of Rome, as Castillo and Franciscus de Arcatara in the book before recorded; also the two Franciscans, martyrs, who were burned at Avignon, mentioned p. 710.

Now to these (the Lord willing) we will add such other holy martyrs and confessors, who following after in the course of years with like zeal and strength of God’s word, and also with like danger of their lives, gave the like resistance against the enemy of Christ’s religion, and suffered at his hands the like persecutions. First, beginning with that godly man, whosoever he was, the author of the t book (his name I have not) entitled ‘The Prayer and Complaint of the Ploughman;’ written, as it appeareth, about this present time.

This book, as it was faithfully set forth by William Tindal, so I have as truly distributed the same abroad to the reader’s hands; neither changing any thing of the matter, nor altering many words of the phrase thereof.

Although the oldness and age of his speech and terms be almost grown now out of use, yet I thought it best, both for the utility of the book to reserve it from oblivion, as also in his own language to let it go abroad, for the more credit and testimony of the true antiquity of the same; adding withal in the margin, for the better understanding of the reader, some interpretation of certain difficult terms and speeches, which otherwise might perhaps hinder or stay the reader. The matter of this complaining prayer of the ploughman thus proceedeth:

AN OLDE BOOKE INTITULED, THE PLOUGHMANS PRAYER, F1186 WRITTEN AS IT SEEMETH ABOUT WICKLIFFE’S TIME.

Iesu Christ that was ybore of the mayde Marye, haut on thy poore seruantes mercy and pitye, and helpe them in their great node to fighte agaynst synne, and against the diuil that is autor of synne, and more nede nes ther neuer to cry to Christ for help, then it is right now. For it is fulfilled that God sayd by Isay the prophet: Ye ryseth vp erlich to folow dronkennes, and to drinke tyll it be euen, the harpe and other minstrelsyes beeth in your feastes and wyne.

But the worke of God ye ne beholdeth not, ne taketh no kepe to the workes of hys hands: And therefore my people is take prisoner, for they ne had no cunnyng. And the noble men of my people deyeden for hunger, and the multitude of my people weren drye for thyrst, and therefore hell hath drawen abroade their soule, and hath yopened hys mouth withouten any ende. And eftsones sayth Isay the prophet: The word is floten away, and the hyghnes of the people is ymade sycke, and the earth is infect of his wonnyers, for they haue broken my lawes, and ychaunged my ryght, and han destroyed myne euerlastyng, bonde and forward. betwene them and me. And therefore cursing shall deuoure the earth, and they that wonneth on the erthly shullen done synne.

And therefore the earth tilyars shullen waxe woode, and fewe men shullen ben yleft vpon the earth. And yet sayth Isay the prophet, this sayth God, for as much as this peple nigheth me with their mouth, and glorifieth me with their lips, and their hart is farre from mee. And they han ydrad more mens commaundement, then myne, and more drawe to their doctrines, then rayne. Therefore will I make a great wondring vnto this people, wisedome shall perish away from wise men, and vnderstanding of ready men shal bee yhid. And so it seemeth that an other saying of Isay is fulfilled, there as God bade him goe teach the people, and sayd goe forth and say to this people: Estes haue ye, and vnderstand ye not, and eyes yee haue sight ne know ye not. Make blynde the hart of this people, and make their eares heauy, and close their eyen, least he sea with his eyen, and yheare with his eares, and vnderstande with his hart, and by yturned, and ych heale hym of hys sicknesse. And Isay sayd to God: How long Lord shal this be? And God said: For to that the cities ben desolate withouten a wonnier, and an house wythouten a man.

Here is mychel nede for to make sorow, and to crye to our Lord Iesu Christ hertilich for helpe and for succor, that hee wole forgeue vs our sinnes, and geue vs grace and conning to seruen him better here after. And God of hys endles, mercy, geue vs grace and conning trulich to tellen which is Christes law in helping of mens soules, for we beth lewde men, and sinneful men, and vncunning, and if he woll be our helpe and our succor, we shullen wel perfaurme our purpose. And yblessed bed our Lorde God that hideth his wisedome from wise men, and fro ready men, and teacheth it to small children, as Christ teacheth, in the gospel.

Christen men haue a law to keepe, the which law hath two parties.

Beleue in Christ that is God, and is the foundment of theyr law, and vpon this foundement, as he sayd to Peter, and the gospel beareth withes, he woll byelden his church, and this is the first partie of Christes law. The second partie of this law beth Christes commaundmentes that beth written in the gospel, and more verilich in Christen mens hartes.

And as touching the beleue, we beleuen that Christ is God, and that there ne is no god but he. We beleuen neuerthelesse that in the Godhead there bone three persons, the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, and al these three persons ben one God, and not many gods, and al they beth ylich mightie, ylich good, and ylich wise, and euer haue ben, and euer shullen ben. We beleuen this God made the world of nought, and man he made after hys owne likenesse in Paradise that was a lande of blisse, and gaue him that land for his heritage, and bad him that he shoulde not eate the tree of knowledge of good and euil, that was a-midde Paradise. Then the diuell that was fallen out of heauen for his pride, had enuie to man, and by a false suggestion he made man eate of this tree, and breake the commaundement of God, and the was man ouercome of the deuil, and so he lost his heritage, and was put out thereof into the world that was a land of trauel, and of sorow vnder the feends thraldome, to be punished for his trespasse. There man followed wickednesse and sinne, and God for the sinne of man sent a floud into this world, and drownd al mankinde saue eight soules. And after this flud he let men multiply in the world, and so hee assayed whether main dread him or loued him, and among other he found a man that hight Abraham: this man he proued whether he loued him and drad him, and bad him that hee should offeren Isaac his son vppon an hil, and Abraham as a true seruant fulfilled the Lords commaundment: and for this buxumnesse and truth, God sware vnto Abraham that he would multiplie his seed as the grauel in the sea, and as the stars of heauen, and he behight to him and to his heires the land of behest for heritage for euer, gif they wolden ben his true seruauntes and keepe his hestes.

And God helde him forward, for Isaac Abraham’s son begat Iacob and Esau: and of Iacob that is ycleped Israel, comen Gods people that he chose to be his seruants, and to whom he behight the land of behest. This people was in great thraldom in Egypt vnder Pharao that was king of Egypt: and they crieden to God that hee shoulde deliueren them out of that thraldome, and so hee did: for he sent to Pharao, Moses and his brother Aaron, and bad him deliuer his people to done him sacrifices: and to fore Pharao he made Moses done manie wonders, or that Pharao would deliuer his people, and at the last by might hee deliuered his people out of thraldome, and led them through a desert towarde the land of behest, and there he gaue them a lawe that they shulden lyuen after, when they comen into their countrey, and in their way thither ward, the ten commaundementes God wrote himselfe in two tables of stone: the remnant of the law he taught them by Moses his seruant how they shoulden doe euery chone to other, and gif they trespassed again the law, he ordeined how they shoulden be punished. Also he taught them what maner sacrifices they should do to him, and he chose him a people to been his priests, that was Aaron and his children, to done sacrifices in the tabernacle, and afterward in the temple also. He chese him the remnant of the children of Leuy to ben seruaunts in the tabernacle to the priestes, and he said: When ye come into the land of behest, the children of Leuy they shullen haue none heritage amongst their brethren, for I would be their part, and their heritage, and they shullen serue me in the tabernacle by dayes and by nightes, and he ordeined that priestes should haue a part of the sacrifices that wet offred in the tabernacle, and the first begotten beastes, both of men and beastes and other things as the lawe telleth. And the other children of Leuy that serued in the tabernacle, should haue tythings of the people to their lyuelode, of the which tythings they should geuen the priestes the tenth partie in forme of offeryng. The children of Leuy both priestes and other, should haue houses and crofts, and lesewes for their beastes in the land of behest, and none other heritage: and so God gaue them their land of behest, and bade them that they ne should worship no other God then him. Also he bade that they should kepe his commaundementes, and gife they did so, all their enemies about them shuld drede them and be their seruantes. And gife they worshipped false gods, and so forsaken his lawes, he behight them that he would bring them out of that land and make them serue their enemies, but yet hee said hee would not benemen his mercie away from them, if they would cry mercie and amend their defautes, and all this was done on Gods side. And here is much loue showed of God to man. And who so looketh the bible, hee shall finde that man showed him little loue againeward: for when they were come into their heritage, they forgetten their God, and worshipped false gods. And God sent to them the prophetes and his seruants feile times to bid them withdrawen them from their sinnes, and other they haue slowen them, or they beaten them, or they led them in prison: and oft times God tooke vppon them great vengeance for their sinnes, and when they cried after helpen to God, he sent them helpe and succor. This is the generall processe of the Old Testament, that God gaue to his people by Moses his seruant. And all this testament and this doing ne was but a shadow and a figure of a new Testament that was giuen by Christ. And it was byhoten by Ieremie the prophet, as S. Paul beareth withes in the epistle that he writeth to the Iewes. And Ieremie saith in this wise: Loe dayes shall come, God saith, and I will make a newe bande to the house of Israel, and to the house of Iuda, not like the forward that I made with their fathers in that day that I tooke their hande to led them out of the lande of Egypt, the which forward they maden vein, and I had lordship ouer them. But this shal be the forward that I wold make with them after those dates: I will giue my lawes with them in their inwardnesse, and I wil wryten them in their harts, and I wil be their God, and they should be my people, and after that a man shall not teach his neighbor ne his brother, for all (God saith) from the least to the most, should know me, for I will forgeuen them their sinnes, and will no more thinke on theyr sinnes.

This is the newe testament, that Christ, both God and man borne of the mayd Mary, he taught here in this world, to bring man out of sinne and out of the deuils thraldome and seruice, to heauen, that is land of blisse and heritage to all the that beleeuen on him and kepen his commaundementes, and for his teaching he was done to the death. But the third day arose againe from death to life, and sette Adam and Eue and many other folke, out of hell, and afterward hee came to his disciples and comforted them. After he stied vp to heauen to his father, and the he sent the Holy Ghost amonges his disciples: and in time comming he woll come and demen all mankinde after their workes, and after the word she spake vpon earth: some to blisse, within body and in soul euer withouten end, and some to paine withouten end, both in body and in soule.

This is our beleeue and all Christen mens, and this beleue is the first poynt of the newe Testament that ych christen man is holde stedfastly to beleue, and rather to suffer the death than forsaken this beleue, and so this beleue is the bread of spiritual life, in forsaking sinne, that Christ brought vs to life.

But for as much as mannes liuing ne stondeth not all onlych by bread, he hath y-giuen vs a draught of water of life to drinke. And who that drinketh of that water, he ne shall neuer afterward ben a thurst. For this water is the clere teaching of the gospel, that encloseth seuen commaundements.

The furst is this: Thou shalt loue thy God ouer all other things, and thy brother as thy selfe, both enemie and frend.

The second commaundement is of meekenesse, in the which Christ chargeth vs to forsake lordship vpon our brethren and other worldly worships, and so he did himselfe.

The third commaundement, is in stonding stedfastlich in truth and forsaking all falsenesse.

The fourth commaundement, is to suffer in this world diseases and wrongs withouten ageinstondinges.

The fifth commaundement is mercie, to forgeuen our brethren their trespasse, as often time as they gylteth, without asking of vengeance.

The sixth commanuement is poorenes in spirite, but not to ben a begger. The seuenth commaundement, is chastitie: that is a forsaking of fleshlych likinges displeasing to God. These commaundementes enclosen the ten com-maundementes of the old law, and somewhat more.

This water is a blessed drinke for christen mens soule. But more harme is, much folke would drink of this water, but they mowe not come thereto: for God saith by Ezechiel the prophet: When iche geue to you the most deane water to drinke, ye troubled that water with your feete, and that water is so defouled, ye gene my shepe to drinke. But the cleane water is yhid fro the shepe, and but gif God cleare this, it is dread least the shepe dyen for thurst. And Christ that is the wisedome of the father of heauen, and well of this wisdome that come from heauen to earth to teach man this wisedome, thorow the which man should ouercome the sleightes of the deuill that is principall enemy of mankind: haue mercy and pitye of his people, and shew if it be his wil how this water is troubled, and by whom: and sith clere this water that his shepe mowne drinken herof, and kele the thurst of their soules. Blessed mote our Lord ben, for he hath itaught vs in the gospell, that ere than hee woulde come to the vniuersall dome, then should come manie in his name and sayen, that they weren Christ; and they shoulden done many wonders, and begilen manie men. And manie false prophets shoulden arisen and begylen much folke.

A Lord, yblessed mote thou ben of euerich creature: which ben they that haue. ysaid that their weren Christ and haue begiled thus thy people? Trulich Lord I trow, thilke that sayen that they ben in thy steed, and pinemen thy worship, and maken thy people worshippen them as God, and haue hid thy lawes from the people.

Lord, who durst syt in thy steede and benemen thee thy worship and thy sacrifice, and durst maken the people woorship them as gods? The Sauter telles, that God ne wole not in the day of dome demen men for bodilich sacrifices and holocaustes: But God saith, yeld to me sacrifice of herying, and yeld to God thine auowes, and clepe me in the day of tribulation, and ych wole defend thee, and shalt worship me.

The herying of God standeth in three things. In louing God ouer all other things; in dreading God ouer all other thinges; in trusting in God ouer all other things.

These three points Christ teacheth in the gospel. But I trow men louen him but a little. For who so loueth Christ, he wole kepen his wordes. But men holden his wordes for heresie and follie, and kepeth mens wordes. Also men dreden more men and mens lawes and their cursings, then Christ and his lawes and his cursings. Also men hopen more in men and mens helpes, than they doe in Christ and in his helpe. And thus hath he that setteth in God’s stede, bynomen God these three heryinges, and maketh men louen him and his lawes, more then Christ and Christes law, and dreden him also. And there as the people shulden yelde to God their vowes, he saith he hath power to assoylen them of their avowes, and so this sacrifice he. nemeth away from God. And there as the people should cry to God in the day of tribulation, he letteth them of their crying to God and bynemeth God that worship. This day of tribulation is whan man is fallen thorowe sinne into the deuils seruice, and than we shulden cry to God after help, and axen forgeuenes of our sinne, and make great sorrowe for our sinne, and ben in full will to doe so no more ne none other sin, and that our Lord God wole forgeuen vs our sinne, and maken our soule clene.

For his mercie is endles.

But Lord, here men haue bynomen thee much worship: for men seyn that thou ne might not cleane assoylen vs of our sinne. But if we knowlegen our sinnes to priestes, and taken of them a penance for our sinne gif we mowen speake with them.

A Lord! thou forgaue sometime Peter his sinnes and also Mary Magdaleine, and manie other sinfull men withouten shriuings to priestes, and taking penaunce of priests for their sinnes. And Lord thou art as mightie now as thou were that tyme, but gif any man haue bynomen thee thy might. And wee lewed men beleuen, that there nys no man of so great power, and gif any man maketh himselfe of so great power he heighteth himselfe aboue God.

And S. Paul speaketh of one that sitteth in the temple of God and highten him aboue God, and gif any such be, he is a false Christ.

But hereto seyn priests, that when Christ made clean leprous men, he bade them go and shewe them to priestes. And therefore they seyn that it is a commaundement of Christ, that a man should shewen his sinne to priestes. For as they seyn, lepre in the old lawe betokeneth sinne in this new law. A Lord God! whether thine apostles knew not thy meaning as well as men done now? And gif they hadden yknow that thou haddest commanded menne to shriuen them to priests, and they ne taught not that commaundement to the people, me thinketh they hadden ben to blame: But I trow they knewen well that it was none of thy commandements, ne needfull to heale of mannes soule. And as me thinketh the law of lepre, is nothing to the purpose of shriuing: for priestes in the old lawe hadden certaine points and tokens to know whether a man were leprous or not: and gif they were leprous, they hadden power to putten them away from other deane men, for to that they weren clene, and then they hadden power to receiuen him among his brethren, and offeren for him a sacrifice to God.

This nys nothing to the purpose of shrining. For there nis but one priest, that is Christ, that may knowe in certaine the lepre of the soule. Ne no priest may make the soule deane of her sinne, but Christ that is priest after Melchisedekes order: ne no priest here beneath may ywit for certaine whether a man be cleane of his sinne or cleane assoyled, but gif God tell it him by reuelation. Ne God ordeined not that his priests shuld set men a pendunce for their sinne, after the quantitie of the sin, but this is malls ordinaunce, and it may well bee that there commeth good thereof. But I wore wel that God is much vnworshipped thereby. For men trust more in his absolutions, and in his years of grace, than in Christs absolutions, and therby is the people much apayred. For now, the sorrow a man should make for his sin, is put away by this shrill: and a man is more bold to doe sinne for trust of this shrill, and of this bodilich penance.

An other mischiefe is, that the people is ybrought into this beleefe, that one priest hath a great power to assoylen a man of his sinne and clennere, then another priest hath.

An other mischiefe is this, that some priest may assoilen them both of sinne and paine, and in this they taken them a power that Christ graunted no man in earth, ne he ne vsed it nought on earth himselfe.

An other mischiefe is, that these priests sellen forgeuenes of mens sinnes and absolutions for mony, and this is an heresie accursed that is ycleped simonie and all thilke priests that axeth price for graunting of spirituall grace, beth by holy lawes depriued of their priesthood, and thilke that assenteth to this heresye. And be they ware, for Helyse the prophet toke no money of Naaman when he was made cleane of his lepre, but Giesi his seruaunt: and therefore the lepre of Naaman abode with him and with his heires euermore after.

Here is much matter of sorowe, to see the people thus far ylad away from God and worshupen a false god in earth, that by might and by strength hath ydone away the great sacrifice of God out of hys temple: of which mischiefe and discomfort, Daniel maketh mention, and Christ beareth thereof witnesse in the gospell. Whoe that readeth it vnderstand it., Thus wee haue ytold apertlie, how he that saith he sitteth in Christes stede binemeth Christ his worship and his sacrifice of his people and maketh the people worshepen hym as a God on earth.

Cry we to God, and knowledge we our sinnes euerichone to other as Seint lames teacheth, and pray we hartilich to God euerichone for other, and then we shulen hopen forgeuenes of our sinnes. For God that is endlesse in mercy saith, that he ne will not a sinfull roans death, but that he be turned from his sin and linen. And therefore, when he came downe to salle mankind, he gaue vs a law of lone and of mercie: and bade, gif a man doe a trespasse, amend him priuilich, and gif he leue not his sinne, amend him before witnesse: and gif he ne amendeth not, men should tell to the church; and gif hee ne amendeth not than, men shuld shone his company as a publicane, or a man that is misbeleued, and this law was yfigured in the lawe of lepre, who that readeth it, he may see the sooth.

But Lord God, he that sitteth in thy stede, hath vndoe thy lawe of mercy and of lone; Lord, thou biddest louen enemyes as our self; and thou shewest in the gospell, there as the Samaritane had mercy on the Iewe And thou biddest vs also prayen for them that cursen, vs, and that defamen vs, and pursuen vs to death. And so Lorde thou didst, and three apostles also. But he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar on earth, and head of thy church, he hath vndone thy lawe of lone and mercie. For gif we speaken of louing our ennemies, bee teacheth vs to fight with our enemies, that Christ hath forbodden. Hee curseth and desireth uengeaunce to them that so dooth to him. Gif any man pursueth him, hee curseth him, that it is a sorowe a christen man to beaten the cursinges that they maken, and blasphemies in such cursing. Of what thing that I knowe, I may beare true witnesse.

But gif we speake of louing of our brethren, this is vndone by him that saith he is Gods vicar in earth. For Christ in the gospel biddeth vs, that we shoulden clepen vs no father vpon earth: but clepen God our father, to maken vs loue perfitlich together. And he clepeth himself father of fathers and maketh many religions, and to euerich a father. But whether is loue and charity encreased by these fathers and by their religions, or els ymade lesse? For a friar ne loueth not a monke, ne a secular man neither, nor yet one frier another that is not of the order, and it is agaynward.

A Lord! me thinketh that there is litle perfection in these religions.

For Lord, what charitie hauen such men of religion, that knowen how they mowen against and sin, and teen away fro their brethren that ben more vncunning then they ben, and suffren them to trauelen in the world withouten their councel as beastes? Trulich Lord, me thinketh that there is but little charitie, and then is there litle perfection. Lord God, when thou were on earth, thou were among sinfull men to drawen them from sin, and thy disciples also.

And Lord, I trow thou ne grauntest not one man more cunning then another all for himselfe: and I wote well that lewd men that ben laborers, ne trauell not alonlich for him self. Lord our belief is, that thou ne were not of the world, ne thy teaching neither, ne thy seruants that lyueden after thy teaching. But all they forsaken the world, and so euerie christen man must. But Lord, whether thou taughtest men forsake their brethrens companie and trauell of the world, to lyuen in ease and in rest, and out of trouble and anger of the world, by their brethrens trauell and so forsaken the world?

A Lord! thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake a pore estate and trauel, to ben afterward a lord of his brethren, or ben a lords fellow and dwelling with lords, as doth men of these new religions. Lord thou ne taughtest not men of thy religion thus to forsake the world, to lyuen in perfection by them selfe in ease, and by other mens trauell. But Lord they sayen they ben ybound to thy seruise, and seruen thee both night and day in singing their praiers, both for them selfe and for other men, that done them good both quick and dead, and some of them gone about to teach thy people when they hauen leisure.

A Lord! gif they ben thy seruauntes: whose seruaunts ben we that cannot preyen as they done? And when thou were here on earth, for our neede thou taughtest thy seruants to preyen thy father priulich and shortlich: And gif there had been a better maner of praying, I trow thou wouldest bane taught it in help of thy people.

And Lord thou reprouest hypocrits that preyen in long prayer and in open places, to ben yholden holy men. And thou seyst in the gospel, wo to you Pharises hypocrites. And Lord thou ne chargedest not thy seruaunts with such manet seruice: But thou seyst in the gospel, that the Pharises worshopen thee with their lippes, and their hart is farre from thee. For they chargen more mens traditions than thy commaundementes.

And Lord, we lewed men han a beleefe, that thy goodnesse is endles: and gif we keepen thine hestes, than ben we thy true seruaunts. And though we preyen thee but a lite and shortlich, thou wilt thinke on vs, and granten vs that vs nedeth, for so thou behited vs somtime: And Lord I trow, that pray a man neuer so many quaint praiers, gif he ne keep not thine hests he ne is not thy good seruaunt. But gif he kepe thine hestes, than he is thy good seruaunt, and so me thinketh. Lord that prayeng of long praiers ne is not the seruice that thou desirest, but keeping of thine hestes: and then a lewd man may serue God as well as a man of religion. *And so Lord our hope is that thou wilt assone heare a plowmans prayer and he keepe thyne hestes as thou wilt do a marts of religion,* though that the plowman ne may not haue so much siluer for his prayer, as men of religion, For they kunnen not so well prey. sen their prayers as these other chapmen: But Lord our hope is, that our praters be neuer the worse though it be not so well sold as other mens praiers.

Lord, Ezechiel the prophet saith that whan he spake to the people thy words, they turned thy wordes into songs and into tales: And so Lord men done now: they singin merilich thy words, and that singing they clepen thy service. But Lord I trow that the best singers ne herieth thee not most: But he that fulfilleth thy words he heryeth thee ful wel, though he wepe more then sing. And I trow that weeping for breaking of thy commaundements, be more pleasing seruice to thee, than the singing of thy words. And would God that men would serue him in sorrow for their sinnes, and that they shoulden afterward seruen thee in mirth. For Christ saith, yblessed ben they that maken sorrow, for they shoulden ben yconforted. And wo to them that ben merry and haue their comfort in this worlde. And Christ said that the world should ioyen, and his seruants shulden be sory, but their sorrow should be turned into joy.

A Lord! he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, hath yordained an order of priestes to doe thy seruice in church to fore thy lewd people in singing matens, euensong and masse. And therefore he chargeth lewd men in paine of cursing, to bring to his priests tythinges and offeringes to finden his priestes, and he clepeth that Gods part, and due to priestes that seruen him in church.

But Lord, in the old law, the tithings of the lewd people ne wer not due to priests, but to that other childer of Leuye that serueden thee in the temple, and the priest hadden their part of sacrifices, and the first bygetten beastes and other thinges as the lawe telleth. And Lord, S. Paul thy seruaunt saith, that the order of the priesthood of Aaron ceased in Christes comming and the lawe of that priesthood.

For Christ was end of sacryfices yoffered vpon the crosse to the father of heauen, to bring man out of sinne and become himselfe a priest of Melchisedeckes order. For he was both king and priest without beginning and end, and both the priesthoode of Aaron, and also the law of that priesthood, ben ychaunged in the comming of Christ. And S. Paul seyth it is reproued, for it brought no man to perfection. For bloud of gotes ne of other beasts ne myght done away sinne, for to that Christ shadde his bloud.

A Lord Iesu, wether thou ordenest an order of priests to offren in the auter thy flesh and thy bloud to bringen men out of sinne, and also out of peine? And whether thou geue them alonelych a power to eate thy flesh and thy bloud, and wether none other man may eate thy flesh and thy bloud with outen leue of priestes? Lord, we beleuen, that thy flesh is very meate, and thy bloud very drinke, and who eteth thy flesh and drinketh thy bloud dwelleth in thee, and thou in him, and who that eateth this bread shall liue without end. But Lord thyne disciples seyde, this is an hard worde, but thou answerest them and syed-est: when ye seeth mans soone stiuen vp there he was rather, the spirite is that maketh you liue, the words that ych haue spoken to you ben spirit and lyre. Lord, yblessed mote thou be, for in this word thou teachest vs that he that kepeth thy wordes and doth after them, eateth thy fleshe and drynketh thy bloud, and hath an euerlasting life in thee. And for we shoulden halle minde of this liuing, thou gauest vs the sacrament of thy flesh and bloud, in forme of bread and wine at thy supper, before that thou shuldest suffer thy death, and took bread in thine hand, and saydest: take ye this, and eate it, for it is my body: and thou tookest wyne, and blessedst it, and saidest: this is the bloud of a newe and an euerlasting testament, that shall be shed for many men in forgiuenesse of sinnes: as oft as ye done this, doe ye this in mynde of me.

A Lord! thou ne bede not thine disciples maken this a sacrifice, to bring men out of paynes, gif a priest offred thy bodie in the auter: but thou bede them goe and fullen all the folke in the name of the father, and the sonne, and the holy ghost, in forgiueness of their sinnes: and teach ye them to keepe those thinges that ych haue commaunded you. And Lord, thine disciples ne ordained not priests principallich to make thy bodie in sacrament, but for to teach the people, and good husbandmen that wel gouern their housholdes, both wiues and children, and their meiny, they ordeind to be priests to teachen other men the law of Christ, both in word, in deede, and they liuedeyn as true Christian men, euery day they eaten Christs body, and drinken his bloud, to the sustenaunce of liuing of their soules, and other whiles they tooken the sacrament of his bodie in forme of bread and wyne, in mind of our lord Iesu Christ.

But all this is turned vpse downe: for now who so wil liuen as thou taughtest. he shal ben holden a foole. And gif he speake thy teaching, he shal ben holden an heretike, and accursed. Lord yhaue no lenger wonder hereof, for so they seiden to thee when thou were here some time. And therefore wee moten take in pacience their words of blasphemie as thou didest thy selfe, or else we weren to blame. And truelich Lord I trowe, that if thou were nowe in the worlde, and taughtest as thou dyddest some time, thou shuldest ben done to death. For thy teaching is damned for heresie of wise men of the world, and then moten they nedes ben heretikes that teachen thy lore, and all they also that traullen to liue thereafter.

And therefore Lord, gif it be thy will, help thine vnkunning and lewd ser-uaunts, that wolen by their power and their kunning, helpe to destroy sinne. Leue Lord, sith thou madest woman in helpe of man, and in a more frayle degree then man is, to be governed by roans reason: what perfection of charitie is in these priests and in men of religion, that haue forsaken spoushod that thou ordeynedst in Paradise betwixt man and woman, for perfection to forsaken traueile, and liuen in ease by other mens traueile? For they mow not doe bodilich workes for defouling of theyr handes, wyth whom they touchen thy precious bodye in the aulter.

Leue Lord, gif good men forsaken the companye of woman, and needes they moten haue the gouernaile of man, then moten they ben ycoupled with shrewes, and therefore thy spoushode that thou madest in clennes from sinne, it is now ychaunged into liking of the flesh. And Lord, this is a great mischiefe vnto thy people. And yong priests and men of religion, for default of wiues maken many women horen, and drawn through their euel ensample many other men to sin, and the ease that they liuen in, and their welfare, is a great cause of this mischiefe. And Lord me thinketh, that these ben quaint orders of religion and none of thy sect, that wolen taken horen, whilke God forfends, and forsaken wines that God ne forfendeth not. And forsaken trauail that God commands, and geuen their selfe to idlenes, that is the mother of all noughtines.

And Lord, Mary thy blessed mother and Ioseph, touched oftentimes thy body, and wroughten with their hands, and liuede in as much clennesse of soule, as mr priests done now, and touched thy body, and thou touchedst them in their soules. And Lord our hope is, that thou goen not out of a poore mans soule that traueileth for his liuelode with his hands. For Lorde, our beliefe is, that thine house is mans soule, that thou madest after thine owne likenesse.

But Lord God, men maketh now great stonen houses full of glasen win-dowes, and clepeth thilke thine houses and churches. And they setten in these houses mawmets of stocks and stones, to fore f1204 them they knelen priuilich and apert, and maken their prayers, and all this they sayen is thy worship, and a great herying to thee.

A Lord! thou forbiddest sometime to make such maw-nets, and who that had yworshipped such, had be worthy to be dead.

Lord in the gospel thou sayst, that true heriers of God ne herieth him not n that hill beside Samaria, ne in Hierusalem neyther, but true heriers of God herieth him in spirite and in trueth. And Lord God what herying is it to bylden thee a church of deed stones, and robben thy quicke churches of their bodylich lyueloode? Lord God what herying is it, to cloth mawmettes of stocks and of stones in siluer and in gold, and in other good colors? And Lord I see thine image gone in colde and in hete in clothes all to broken, without shone and hosen, an hungred and a thrust. Lord what herying is it to teende tapers and torches before blinde mawmets that toowen not I seyen? And hide thee that art our light and our lanterne toward heauen, and put thee vnder a bushell that for darknesse we ne may not scene our way toward blisse? Lord what heryinge is it to kneele tofore mawmetes that mowe not yheren, and wor-shepen them with preyers, and maken thine quick images knele before them, and asken of them absolutions and blessings, and worshepen them as gods, and putten thy quicke images in thraldom and in traueil euermore as bestes, in cold and in heate, and in feeble fare to finden them in liken of the worlde? Lord what herieng is it to fetch deed mens bones out of the ground there as they shoulden kindelich rotten, and shrinen them in golde and in siluer: and suffren the quicke bones of thine images to rot in prison for default of clothings? And suffren also thy quicke images to perish-for default of sustenance, and rooten in the hoorehonse in abhominable lecherie? Some become theeues and robbers, and manquellers that mighten ben yholpen with the gold and siluer that hon-geth about deed mens bones and other blind mawmets of stocks and stones.

Lord here ben great abhominations that thou shewdist to Ezechiel thy that priests done in thy temple, and yet they clepen that three heryeng. But leue Lord, me thinketh that they louen thee litle that thus defoulen thy quick images, and worshippen blinde mawmets.

And Lord another great mischief there is now in the world, an hunger that Amos thy prophet speaketh of, that there shall comen an hunger in the earth, not of bread ne thrust of drink, but of hearing of God’s worde. And thy sheepe woulden be refreshed, but their shepheardes taken of thy shepe their liuelode, as tythings, etc. and liuen themselfe thereby where them liketh.

Of such shepheards thou speaketh by Ezechial thy prophet and seist: wo to the shepheards of Israel that feden themself, for the flocks of sheepe shoulden be yfed of their shepheards: but ye eaten the milke and clothen you with their wolle, and the fat sheep ye slow, and my flock ye ne fede not, the sicke sheep ye ne healed not, thilk that weren to broken ye ne knit not together, thilke that perished ye ne brought not againe: but ye rafted them with sternship and with power. And so the sheepe be sprad abroad in deuouring of all the beasts of the field. And Ieremie the prophet sayth: wo to the shepheards that dispearseth abroad and teareth the flocke of my lesew. f1207 A Lord, thou were a good shepheard, for thou puttest thy soule for thy sheep: but Lord thou teldest that thilk that come not in by the dore ben night theeues and day theeues, and a thefe as thou seest commeth not but for to steale, to slein, and to destroy. And Zacharie the prophet saith, that thou wouldest rerren vp a shepheard vnkunning, that ne wol not hele thy sheep that beth f1208 sick, ne seeke thilke that beth lost. Vpon his arme is a swerd, and vpon his right eye: his anne shal waxe dry, and his right eye shal lese his light. O Lord, help, for thy shepe beth at great mischife in the shepheards defaute.

But Lord, there commeth hired men, and they ne feden not thy sheep in thy plenteous lesew, but feeden thy sheepe with sweuens and false miracles and tales. But at thy trewth they ne comen not: For Lord, I trow thou sendest them neuer. For haue they hire of thy sheepe they ne careth but little of the feding and the keping of thy shepe. Lord of these hired men speaketh Ieremie the prophet, and thou seyst that Worde by him. I ne send them not, and they ronne bliuc: ne speake vnto them, and they propheciden. For if they hadden stonden in my counsell, and they had made my wordes knowen to the puple, ech would haue turned them away from their yuell way and from their wicked thoughts.

For Lord, thou seyst that thy words ben as fire, and as an hammer breaking stones. And Lord, thou saist: Lo I to these prophets meeting sweuens of lesing, that haue ytold her sweuens, and haue begyled my puple in their lesing and in their false miracles, when I neither sent ne bede them. And these haue profitet nothing to my puple. And as Ieremie saith, from the lest to the mest all they studien couetise, and from the prophet to the priest, all they done gyle.

A Lord! here is much mischiefe and matere of sorow, and yet there is more. For gif a lewd ma wold teach thy people trewth of thy words as he is y hold by thy commandement of charity, he shal be forboden and put in prison gif he do it. And so Lord, thilke that haue the key of conning, haue y lockt the trewth of thy teaching vnder many wardes, and yhid it from thy children. But Lorde, sith thy teaching is ycome from heauen aboue, our hope is, that with thy grace it shall breaken these wardes, and show him to thy puple, to kele both the hunger and the thrust of the soule. And then shall no shepheard, her no false hiridman beglie thy puple no more. For by thy lawe I write, as thou ihightest sometime, that fro the lest to the mest, all they shullen knowen thy will, and weten f1213 how they shullen please thee euer more in certaine. And leue Lord, gif it be thy will helpe at this nede, for there is none helpe but in thee. Thus Lord, by hym that maketh himselfe thy viker in earth, is thy commaundement of loue to thee and our brethren ybroken, both to him and to thy puple. But Lord God, mercy and patience that beth tweyne of thy commaundements, beth destroyed, and thy puple hath forsake mercy. For Lord, Dauid in the Santer saith’: Blessed beth they that done dome and rightfullness in euerich tyme.

O Lord, thou hast itaught vs as rightfulnes of heauen, and hast ybeden vs forgeuen our brethren as oft as they trespassen against vs. And Lord, thine olde law of iustice was, that such harme as a man did his brother, such he should suffer by the lawe, as eye for an eye, and tooth for a tooth. But Christ made an ende of this law, that one brother should not desire wracke of an other: but not that he would that sinne should ben vnpunished, for thereto hath he ordained kings and dukes and other lewd officers vnder them, whilke as Saint Paule saith, ne carien not the swerd in vaine, for they ben the ministers of God, and wrakers to wrath, to them that euil done.

And thus hath Christ ymade an ende of this olde law, that one brother may not suen another himselfe, for that to wreken without sinne, for breaking of charitie. But this charitie Lord hath thy vicar ybroke, and says that we sinnen, but gif we suen for our right. And we see I wot that thou taughtest vs some time to giue our mantell also, euer that we shoulden suen for our coate. And so Lord beleuen we, that we ben ybounden to don by thy law, that is all charitie, and officers duty is to defenden vs from thilke theuery though we complainen not. But Lord, thy law is turned vpsedowne.

A Lord! what dome is it to slean a theefe that take a mans cattel away from him, and sufferen a spousebreaker to liue, and a lecherour that killeth a womans soule? And yet thy law stoned the spousebreakers and leachours, and let the thecues liuen and haue other punishment.

A Lord! what dome is it to slean a thefe for stealing of a horse and to let him liue vnpunished, and to maintaine him that robbeth thy poore people of their liuelod, and the soule of his food?

Lord, it was neuer thy dome to sayen, that a man is an heretike and cursed for breaking of roans law, and demen him for a good man for breaking thine hestes.

Lord, what dome is it to curse a lewd man if he smite a priest, and not curse a priest that smiteth a lewde man and leeseth his charitie.

Lord, what dome is it to curse the lewd people for tythings, and not curse the parson that robbeth the people of tythings, and teacheth them not Gods law, but feedeth them with painting of stone walles, and songes of Latin that the people knowen not?

Lord, what dome is to punish the poore man for his trespasse, and suffer the rich to continue in his sinne for a quantitie of money?

Lord, what dome is it to slayn an vncunning lewed man for his sinne, and suffer a priest, other a clearke that doth the same sin, scape aliue? Lord the stone of the priest or of the clearke is greater trespasse then it is of a lewd vncunning man, and greater ensample of wickednesse to the common people.

Lord, what maner people be we, that neither keep thy domes and thy right-fulnes of the olde testament that was a lawe of drede, nor thy domes and thy rightfulnes of thy new testament that is a law of loue and of mercy: but haue an other law, and taken out of both thy lawes that is liking to vs, and the remnant of heathen mens lawes, and Lord this is a great mischiefe.

O Lord thou sayest in thy lawe, deme ye not and ye should not be deme: for the same mesure that yee meten to other men, men shall meten to you againeward. And Lord thou sayst that by their worke we should know them. And by that we know that thou commaunded vs not to demen mens thoughts, nor their works, that were not against thy lawe expresly. And yet Lord he that sayth he is thy vicar, will demen our thoughts and aske vs what we thinke: not of the Lord, of thy hestes, for they caren little for them, but of him and of his whilke they set aboue thine, and maken vs accusen our selfe, or else they willen accursen vs, for our accusers mowen we not knowne. And Lord thou saydest in thine old law, that vnder two witnes at the least or three, should stand euery matter. And that the witnes shoulden euer be the first that shoulden helpe to kil them.

And when the Scribes and the Pharises some tyme brought before thee a woman that was ytake in spousebreaking, and axeden of the a dome, thou didst write on the earth, and then thou gaue this dome: He that is without sinne, throw first at her a stone, and Lord they went forth away from thee and the woman: and thou forgaue the woman her trespasse, and bad her goe forth and sinne no more.

Sweet Lorde, if the priestes tooke keepe to thy dome, they would be agast to demen men as they done. O Lord, if one of them breake a commaundement of thy law, he will aske mercy of thee, and not a peine that is due for the sinne, for peyne of death were too litle. O Lord, how daren they demen any man to the death for breaking of their lawes, other assent to such law? for breaking of thy law they will set men penaunce or pardon them, and mantaine them as often as they trespassen. But Lord, if a man once breake their lawes or speake against them, hee may done penaunce but once, and after he burnt. Trulych Lord thou sayst, but if euerie of vs forgeue not other his trespasse, thy father will not forgeuen vs our sins. And Lord when thou hong on the crosse, thou praiedst to thy father to haue mercie on thy enemyes.

And yet they sain Lord, that they demen no man to the death, for they sain they ne mowen by their lawe demen any man to the death. A leeue Lord! euen so saden their forfathers the Pharises, that it ne was not lawfull for them to kill anie man. And yet they bidden Pilate to done thee to the death against his owne conscience, for hee would gladly haue iquitte thee, but for that they threatned him with the emperour and broughten against thee false witnes also. And he was an heathen man.

O Lord, how much truer dome was there in Pilate that was an heathen iustice, then in our kings and instices that woulden demen to the death and berne in the fire him, that the priests deliueren vnto them withouten withes or prefe? For Pilate ne would not demen thee: for that the Phariseis sayden that gif thou ne haddest not bene a misdoer we ne would not deliuer him vnto thee: for to, they broughten in their false witnesses against thee. But Lord, as thou saidest sometime that it should ben lighter at domes day to Tyro and to Sydon and Gomorra, than to the cities where thou wrought wonders and myracles: so I dred, it shall be more light to Pilate in the dome, then to our kings and domes men that so demen without withes and prefe. For Lord to demen thy folk for hereticks: is to holden thee an hereticke: and to brennen them, is to brennen thee, for thou saydest to Paul when. he persecuted thy people: Saule, Saule, wherefore persecutest. thou me, and in the dome thou shalt say, that ye haue done to the lest of mine, ye haue done to me.

Thus Lord, is thy mercy and Justice foredone by him that sayth he is thy vicar in earth: for he neither keepeth it himself, nor nill not suffer other to doe it.

The third commaundement, that is patience and sufferance is also ibroken by this vicar. Lord thou biddest sufferen both wrongs and strokes withouten againstanding, and so thou diddest thy selfe to geuen vs ensample to sufferen of our brethren. For suffering nourisheth lone, and againstandeth debate. All thy lawe is loue, or els the thing that draweth to lone.

But Lord, men teachen, that men shoulden pleten for their right and tighten also therefore, and els they seyn, men ben in perill: and thou bid in the old law men fight for their countrey. And thy selfe haddest two swords in thy company when thou shouldest go to thy passion, that as these clerkes seyn, betokeneth a spirituall sword and a temporall sword, that thou gaue to thy vicar to rule with, thy church.

Lord this is a sleight speech, but Lord we beleuen that thou art king of blisse, and that is thine heritage and mankindes countrey, and in this world we ne bene but straungers and pilgrimes. For thou Lord ne art of this world, ne thy lawe neither, ne thy true seruants that kepen thy law. And Lord, thou were king of Iuda by inheritage if thou wouldest haue ihad it, but thou for-sooke it and pletedest not therefore, ne fought not therefore.

But Lord, for thy kind beretage and mankindes countrey, that is a land of blisse, thou foughtest mightilich: In battaile thou ouercame thy enemie, and so thou wonne thine hererage. For thou that were a Lord mightiest in battail, and also Lord of vertues, are rightfullich king of blisse, as Dauid saieth in the Psalter. But Lord, thine enemie smote the despitefullich, and had power of thee and hang thee vpon the crosse as thou hadst ben a theefe, and benomyn thee all thy clothes, and sticked thee to the hart with a speare.

O Lord, this was an hard assault of a battaile, and here thou ouercome by pacience mightilich thine enemies, for thou ne wouldest not done against the wil of thy father. And thus Lord thou taughtest thy seruantes to fight for their country. And Lord this fighting was in figure itaught in the olde law. But Lord men holden now the shadow of the old fighting and leuen the light of thy fighting, that thou taughtest openlich both in word and in deede.

Lord thou gave vs a sword to tighten against our enemis for our country, that was thine holy teaching, and christen mens law. But Lord thy sword is put in a shethe and in priestes ward, that haue forsake the fighting that thou taughtest. For as they seyn it is against their order to ben men of armes in thy battail, for it is vnsemelich, as they seyn, that thy vicar in earth, other his priests shulden suffer of other men. And therefore gif any man smyte him, other any of his clerkes, he ne taketh it not in pacience, but anon he smiteth with his sword of cursing, and afterward with his bodilich sword, he doth them to death. O Lord me thinketh that this is a fighting against kinde, and much against thy teaching.

O Lord whether axsedest thou after swerdes in time of thy passion to againe stond thine enemies? nay forsooth thou Lorde. For Peter that smote for great loue of thee, had no great thanke of thee, for his smiting.. And Lorde thou were mightie ynough to halle again stond thine enemies, for throgh thy looking they fellen downe to the ground, Lord yblessed mote thou be. Here thou teachest vs that we shoulden suffren: For thou were mightie ynow to halle agaynstande thine enemies, and thou haddest wepen, and thy men weren hattie to halle smitten.

O sweet Lord, how may he for shame clepen him selfe thy vicar and head of the church, that may not for shame suffer? Sithe thou art a Lord, and sufferedst of thy subjects, to giuen us ensample, and so did thy true seruantes.

O Lord, whether geue thou to Peter a spirituall swerd to cursse and a temporal swerd to sle mens bodies? Lord I trowe not, for then Peter that loued thee so much, wold haue smit with thy swerds: but Lord, he taught vs to blessen them that cursen vs, and suffren, and not smiten. And Lord he fed thy people as thou bed him, and therefore he suffred the death as thou didst.

O Lord, why clepeth any man him Peters successor that hath forsaken patience, and feedeth thy people with cursing and with smiting? Lord thou saydest in thy gospell, when thy disciples knewen well that thou were Christ, and that thou mustest goe to Ierusalem, and sufferen of the Scribes and Phari-ses, spittings, reprofes, and also the death. And Peter tooke thee aside, and saide, God forbidde that. And Lord thou saydest to Peter, goe behinde me Sathanas, thou sclaunderest me in Israel. For thou ne sauorest not thilke things that ben of God, but thilke that ben of men. Lord to mens wit it is vnreasonable, that thou or thy vicar, gif thou madest any on earth, shoulden suffren of your suggetes.

A Lord! whether thou ordeynest an order of fighters to turn men to the beliefe? Other ordeinest that knightes shoulden sweare to fight for thy wordes?

A Lord! whether bede thou, that gif a man turne to the faith that he should geue his goods and cattel to thy vicar that hath great lordships, and more then him needeth? Lord I wote well that in the beginning of the church men that weren conuerted, threwen adown their goods afore the apostles feet; for al they weren in charitie, and none of them said this is mine, ne Peter made himselfe no lord of these goods.

But Lord, now he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth, and successor to Peter, hath ybroke thy commaundment of charitie, for he is become a lorde. And hee hath also broken thy commaundement of mercy, and also of patience. Thus Lord we be fallen into great mischiefe and thraldome, for our chief-tayne, hath forsaken war and armes, and hath treated to haue peace with our enemies.

A Lord! gif it be thy wil, draw out thy swerd out of his shethe, that thy ser-uants may fight therewith against their enemies, and put cowardise out of our harts: and comfort us in battail, or than thou come with thy swerd in thy mouth, to take vengeance on thyne enemies. For gif we bene accorded with our enemies til that time come, it is dread least thou take vengeaunce both of them and of vs together. A Lorde! there is no helpe now in this great mischiefe, but onelych in thee.

Lord, thou geuest vs a commandement of truth, in bidding vs say yea yea, nay nay, and sweare for nothing. Thou geue vs also a maundement of meekenes, and another of poorenes. But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar on earth, hath ybroken both these commandments, for he maketh a law to compel men to sweare, and by his lawes he teacheth that a man to saue his life, may forsweare and lye. And so Lord, through comfort of him and his lawes, the people ne dreadeth not to sweare and to lye, ne oft times to forswearen them. Lord here is lyttle truth.

O Lord, thou hast ybrought vs to a liuing of soules that standes in beleeuing in thee, and kepyng thy hestes, and when we breaken thyne hestes, then we slen our soule: and lesse harme it were to sutter bodilich death.

Lord, king Saule brake thine hestes, and thou took his kingdome from his heires euermore after him, and gaue it to Dauid thy seruaunt, that kept thine hestes. And thou saydst by Samuell thy prophet to Saule the king, that it is a maner of worshipping of false gods to breake thy hestes. For who that loueth thee ouer al things, and dreadeth thee also: bee nole for nothing break thine hestes.

O Lord, gif breaking of thine hestes be herying of false gods, I trow that he that maketh the people breake thine hestes, and commaundeth that his hestes ben kept of the people, maketh himself a false god on earth: as Nabuchodonosor did sometime: that was king of Babilon.

But Lord, we forsaken such false gods, and beleuen that ther ne ben no mo gods then thou: and though thou suffer vs a while to bene in disease for knowledging of thee: we thanken thee with our hart, for it is a token that thou louest vs, to giuen vs in this world some penaunce for our trespas.

Lord, in the old law, thy true seruantes tooke the death, for they would not eaten swynes flesh that thou haddest forbidde them to eate. O Lord, what truth is in vs to eaten vncleen mete of the soul, that thou hast forbid? Lord thou sayst, he that doth sinne is seruant of sinne, and then he that lyeth in forswearing him selfe, is seruant of lesing: and then he is seruant to the deuil, that is a lyer and father of lesinges. And Lorde thou sayest, no man may serue two lords at ones. O Lord then euery lyer for the time that he lyeth, other forsweareth him selfe, and forsaketh thy seruice for drede of his bodily death, becommeth the deuils seruant.

O Lord, what trueth is in him that clepeth himselfe seruant of thy seruants, and in his doing, hee maketh him a lord of thy seruants:

Lord, thou were both Lord and maister, and so thou said thy selfe, but yet in thy warkes thou were as a seruaunt. Lord this was a great trueth and a great meeknes: but Lord bid thou thy seruauntes that they shoulde not haue lordship otter their brethren? Lord thou saidst kings of the heathen men hun lordship ouer their subiects, and they that vse their power be cleped well doers.

But Lord, thou saidst it should not be so amongest thy seruaunts.

But he that were most should be as a seruaunt. Thou Lord, thou taughtest thy disciples to be meeke. Lord in the old law thy seruaunts durst haue no lordship of theyr brethren, but if that thou bid them. And yet they shoulde not doe to their brethren as they did to thrailes that serued them. But they should doe to their brethren that were their seruauntes as to their owne brethren. For all they were Abrahams children. And at a certaine time they shoulde let their brethren passe from them, in all freedom, but if they would wilfullich abiden still in seruice.

O Lord thou gaue vs in thy comming a law of perfect loue, and in token of loue thou clepedst thy selfe our brother. And to make vs perfect in loue, thou bid that we should clepe to vs no father vpon earth, but thy father of heauen wee should clepe our father. Alas Lord, how violently our brethren and thy children ben now put in bodily thraldom, and in despite as beasts euermore in greeuous trauell to find proud men in ease: But Lord, if we take this defoule and this disease in patience and in meekenes and kepe thine hests, we hope to be free. And Lord geue our brethren grace to come out of thraldom of sin, that they be fall in through the desiring and vsage of lordship vpon their brethren. And Lord thy priests in the old law had no lordships among their brethren, but houses and pastures for their beasts: but Lord, our priests now haue great lordships, and put their brethren in greater thraldom then lewd men that be lords. Thus is meekenesse forsaken.

Lord thou biddest in the gospel that when a man is bid to the feast he should sit in the lowest place, and then he may be set hyer with worship when the lord of the feast beholdeth how his guests sitteth. Lord it is drede that they that sit now in the highest place should be bidde, in time comming, sit beneath: and that will be shame and vilenie for them. And it is thy saying, those that hyeth himselfe should be lowed, and those that loweth themselues should be an heyghed. O Lord thou biddest in thy gospel to beware of the Pharisies, for it is a point of pride contrary to mekenes. And Lord thou sayst that they loue the first sittinges at supper, and also the principall chaires in churches, and greetings in cheping and to be cleped maisters of men. And Lord thou sayst be ye not cleped maisters, for one is your maister, and that is Christ, and all ye be brethren. And clepe ye to you no father vpon earth, for one is your father that is in heauen. O Lord this is a blessed lesson to teach men to be meke.

But Lord he that clepeth himselfe thy vikar on earth, he clepeth himselfe father of fathers against thy forbidding. And all those worships thou hast forbad. He approueth them, and maketh them maisters to many, that teach thy people their own teaching, and leaue thy teaching that is nedefull, and hiden it by quaint gloses from thy lewd people, and feede thy people with sweuens that they mete, and tales that doth litle profite, but much harme to the people. But Lord, these glosers obiect that they desire not the state of mastry to be worshipped therby, but to profit the more to thy people when they preach thy word. For as they seggen the people will beleue more the preaching of a maister that hath taken a state of schole, then the preaching of another man that hath not taken the state of maistry.

Lord whether it be any nede that maisters beren witnesse to thy teaching that it is true and good? O Lord whether may any maister now by his estate of maisterie, that thou hast forboden, drawe any man from his sinne, rather than an other man that is not a maister, ne wole be none, for it is forbodden him in thy gospel? Lord thou sendest to maysters to preach thy people, and thou knowledgist in the gospel to thy father that he hath hid his wisedome from wise men and redy men, and shewed it to litle children. And Lord, maisters of the law hylden thy teaching folly, and saiden that thou wouldest destroy the people with thy teaching. Trulich Lord, so these maisters seggeth now: for they haue written many books against thy teaching that is trueth, and so the prophecie of Hieremie is fulfilled, when he saith: Truelich the false points of the maisters of the law hath wrought lesing. And now is the time come that S. Paul speaketh of, where hee saith: Time shall come when men shall not susteine wholesome teaching. But they shullen gather to hepe maisters with hutching eares, and from trueth they shullen turnen away their hearing, and turnen them to tales that maisters halle maked to showne their maistrye and their wisedome.

And Lord a man shall beleue more a malls workes then his words, and the dede sheweth well of these maisters that they desiren more maistrie for their owne worship than for profite of the people. For when they be maisters, their ne prechen not so oft as they did before. And gif they preachen, commonlich it is before rich men there as they mowen beare worship and also profit of their preaching. But before poore men they prechen but seldem, when they ben maisters: and so by their works we may seene that they ben false glosers.

And Lord, me thinketh that who so wole keepen thine hests him needeth no gloses: but thilke that clepen them selfe christen men, and lyuen against thy teaching and thine hestes needelich they mote glose thine hestes after their liuing, other else men shulden openlich yknow their hypocrisie and their falshod.

But Lord, thou sayst that there is nothing yhid that shal not be shewed some time. And Lord yblessed mote thou be. For somewhat thou shewest vs now of our mischiefes that we ben fallen in through the wisedomes of mays-ters, that haue by sleightes ylad vs away from thee and thy teaching, that thou that were the maister of heauen taught vs for loue, when thou were here some time to heale of our soules, withouten error or heresie. But maisters of worldes wisedome and their founder, haue ydamned it for heresie and for errour.

O Lord, me thinketh it is a great pride thus to reproue thy wisedome and thy teaching. And Lord me thinketh that this Nabugodonosor king of Babilon that thus hath reproued thy teaching and thine hests, and commandeth on all wise to kepen his hests: maken thy people beaten him as a God on earth, and maketh them his thrales and his seruantes.

But Lord, we lewd men knowen no God but thee, and we with thine helpe and thy grace forsaken Nabugodonosor and his lawes.

For he in his proud estate wole haue al men vnder him, and he nele be vnder no man. He ondoth thy lawes that thou ordaynest to ben kept, and maketh his own lawes as him liketh: and so he maketh him king aboue al other kings of the earth, and maketh men to worshippen him as a god, and thy great sacrifice he hath ydone away.

O Lord, here is thy commaundment of meekenes, mischiflich to broke: and thy blessed commaundement of poorenes is also to broken, and yhid from thy people. Lord, Zacharie thy prophet saith, that thou that shouldest ben our king, shouldest bene a poore man, and so thou were: for thou saydest thy selfe, Foxes haue dens, and birdes of heauen nestes, and mans sonne hath not where to legge his head on. And thou saydest yblessed ben poore men in spirit, for thy kingdome of heauen is theiren. And woe to fiche men, for they hah their comfort in this world. And thou bade thy disciples to ben ware of all couetise, for thou saydest, in the abundance of a roans hauing, ne is not his lifelode. And so thou teachest that thilke that hah more then them needeth to their lining liuen in couetise. Also thou saiest, but gif a man forsake al thinges that he oweth, he ne may not ben thy disciple. Lord, thou sayest also that thy word that is sown in rich mens harts, bringeth forth no fruit: for riches and the businesse of this world maken it withouten fruit.

O Lord, here bene many blessed teachinges to teach men to bene pore, and lone porenesse. But Lord harm is, poore men and poorenes ben yhated, and rich men ben yloved and honored. And gif a man be a poore man, men holden him a man without grace, and gif a man desireth poorenesse, men holden him but a foole. And if a man be a rich man, men clepen him a gra-tious man, and thilke that bene busy in getting of riches: ben yhold wise men and ready: but Lord these rich men sayen that it is both leful and needful to them to gather richesse togither. For they ne gathereth it for themselfe, but for other men that ben needy, and Lord their workes shewen the truth. For if a poore needy man would borowen of their riches, he nele lean him none of his good, but gif he mow be seker to haue it again by a certeine day.

But Lord, thou bede that a man should lend, and not hoping yelding againe of him that hee lendeth to: and thy father of heauen wol quite him his mede. And gif a poore aske a rich man any good, the rich man will glue him but a litle, and yet it shall be little worth.

And Lord me thinketh that here is little loue and charitie, both to God and to our brethren.

For Lord, thou teachest in thy gospell, that what men doe to thy seruauntes, they done to thee. A Lord! gif a poore man axe good for thy lone, men geueth him a litle of the wurst. For these rich men ordeinen both bread and ale for Gods men of the wurst that they haue. O Lord, syth al the good that men have commeth of thee: how dare any man geue thee of the wurst, and kepe to him-selfe the best? Howe may such men say that they gatheren riches for others need, as wel as himselfe, sith theyr works ben contrary to their words. And that is no great truth. And be ye seker these goods that rich men han, they ben Gods goods, ytake to your keeping, to loke how ye wolen be setten them to the worshipping of God. And Lord, thou sayest in the gospel, that who so is true in little, he is true in that thing that is more: and who that is false in a little thing, who wole taken him toward things of a greater value? And therefore, be ye ware that hah Gods goods to keepe. Spend yee thilke trulich to the worship of God, least ye leesen the blisse of heauen, for the vntrue dis-pending of Gods goods in this world.

O Lord, these rich men seggen that they don much for thy lone.

For many poore laborers hen yfound by them, that shoulden fare febelich, ne were not they and their readinesse: forsooth me thinketh that poor laborers geueth to these rich men, more then they giuen them agaynward. For the poore men mote gone to his labor in cold and in heate, in wete and dry, and spend his flesh and his blond in the rich melts works, vpon Gods ground, to find the rich man in ease, and in liking, and in good fare of meate, and of drink, and of clothing. Heere is a great gift of the poore man, for he giueth his owne body. But what giueth the ryche man him agaynward? Certes feable meat, and feable drink, and feable clothing. Whateuer they seggen, such be their werks, and here is litle loue. And whosoeuer looketh well about, all the worlde fareth thus as we seggen. And all men studieth on euery syde, how they may wex rich men. And euerich man almost is a shamed to ben holden a poore man.

And Lord, I trow for thou were a poore man, men token litle regarde to thee, and to thy teaching. But Lord thou came to geue vs a new testament of loue, and therefore it was semelich that thou came in poorenes, to proue who wold loue thee, and kepen thyne hests. For gif thou haddest ycome in forme of a rich man and of a lord, men wold rather for thy dread then for thy loue, haue ykept thine hests. And so Lord now thou might wel ysee which louen thee as they should in keeping thine hestes. For who that loueth thee in thy poorenes and in thy lownes, needes he mote loue thee in thy lordship and thy highnesse.

But Lord, the worlde is turned vpse downe, and men loue poore men but a litle ne poorenes neither. But men be ashamed of poorenes, and therefore Lord, I trow that thou art a poore kyng.

And therefore I trow that he that clepeth himself thy vicare on earth, hath forsaken poorenes, as he hath do the remnaunt of thy law: and is become a rich man and a lord, and maketh his treasure vpon the earth that thou forbiddest in the gospel. And for his right and riches he will plete, and fight, and curse. And yet Lord, he will segge that hee forsaketh all thyngs that he oweth, as thy true disciple mete done after thy teaching in the gospel.

But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken his goods and plete for them, and fight, and curse. And Lord hee taketh on him power to assoyle a man of all maner things, but if it be of dette.

Truely Lord, me thinketh he knoweth litle of charitie. For who that beth in charitie, possesseth thy goodes in common and not in proper at his neighbors nede. And then shall there none of them segge this is myne, but it is goods that God graunteth to vs to spenden it to his worship. And so if anie of them borroweth a porcion of those goods, and dispendeth them to Gods worship:

God is apayed of this spending, and aloweth him for his true doing:

And if God is a payed of that dispending that is the principal lord of those goods, how dare any of his seruants axen thereof accounts, other challenge it for dette? Serten, of one thing I am incerteine, that these that charge so much dette of worldly cattell, they know litle of Christes law of charitie. For if Ich am a bayly of Gods goodes in the world, if I see my brother in nede, I am hold by charity to part with him of these goodes to his nede: and if he spendeth them well to the worship of God, I mote be well apayd as though I my selfe had spended them to the worship of God. And if the prin-cipall Lord is well payed of my brothers doing, and the dispendyng of his goodes: how may I segge for shame that my brother is dettour to me, of the goodes that I tooke him to spende in Gods worship at his nede? And if my brother spendeth amisse the goodes that I take him, I am discharged of my deliuerance of the goodes, if I take him in charity thilk goodes at his nede. And I am hold to be sorie of his euill dispending, ne I may not axen the goodes, that I tooke him to his nede in forme of dette, for at his neede they were his as well as mine. And thus is my brother yholde to done to me gif he see me in nede, and gif we bene in charitie, litle should we chargen of dette.

And ne we shold not axen so dettes, as men that knowen not God. .And than we be poore in forsaking all thinges that we owen: for gif we ben in charitie, we wollen nother fight nor curse, ne plete for our goods with our brethren.

O Lord thus thou taughtest thy seruauntes to lyuen. And so they lyueden while they hadden good shepheards, that fedden thy sheepe and robbed them not of their lifelode, as Peter thy good shepheard and thy other apostles. But Lord, he that clepeth himselfe thy vicar vpon earth and successour to Peter: he robbeth thy puple of their bodylich lyfelode, for he ordeneth proud shepherds to lyuen in ese by the tenth party of poore mens trauell.

And he giueth them leue to lyuen where them lyketh. And gif men no wolen wilfullich geuen them the tithinges, they wolen han them against their will by maystery and by cursing, to maken them rich.

Lord, how may any man segge that such shepherdes that louen more the wolle then the sheepe, and feden not thy sheep in body ne in soul, ne ben such rauenours and theeues? And who may segge that the maintaynour of such shepheards, ne is not a maintenour of theeues and robbers? How wole bee assoile shepherds of their robbing without restitution of their goods, that they robben thy sheepe of against their will? Lord, of all shepherds, blessed mote thou be. For thou louedst more the sheepe then their wole. For thou feedest thy sheepe both in body and soule. And for loue of thy sheepe thou tooke thy death to bring thy sheepe out of wolues mouthes. And the most charge that thou goue to Peter was to feede thy sheepe. And so he did truelich, and tooke the deathe for thee and for thy sheepe. For he came into the fold of sheepe by thee that were the dore. And so I trow a few other did as he did, though they clepen themself successours to Peter, for their works shewen what they ben. For they robben and sleen and destroyen: they robben thy sheepe of the tenth part of their trauell, and feden them self in ease. They sleen thy sheepe, for they pyenen them for hunger of their soul to the death. They destroyen the sheepe, for with might and with sternship they rulen thy sheepe: that for dred they ben dispearsed abrode in mountaines, and there the wilde beastes of the field destroieth them * and devoureth theme for default of a good shepheard. *O Lord, gif it be thy will deliuer thy sheepe out of such shepheardes ward that retcheth not of thy sheepe, they hun their wolle to make themselfe fiche. For thy sheepe ben in great mischiefe, and foule accombred with their shepheardes.

But for thy shepheardes wolden ben excused, they haue ygetten them hyred men to feed thy people, and these comen in sheepes clothing. But dredles, their workes shewen that within forth they ben but welles. For hen they their hyre, they ne retcheth but a little howe sorilich thy sheepe ben kept. For as they seggen themselfe, they ben but hyred men that hun no charge of thy sheepe. And when they shulden feden thy sheepe in the plenteous lesewe of thy teaching, they stonden betweene them and their lesewe, so that thy sheepe ne han but a sight of thy lesewe, but eaten they shall not thereof. But they feden them in a sorry sowre lesewe of lesinges and of tales. And so thy sheepe fallen into greeuous sicknes through this euill lesewe. And gif any sheepe breake ouer into thy lesewe to tasten the sweetnesse thereof, anon these hyred men driue him out with houndes. And thus thy sheepe by these hyred men, ben ykept out of their kindlich lesewe, and ben yfed with soure grasse and sory baren lesewe. And yet they feden but seldome, and when they hun sorilich fed them, they taken great hyre, and gone away from thy sheepe and letten them a worth.

And for dread least thy sheepe wolden in their absence go to thy sweet lesew, they hun enclosed it all about so stronglich and so high, that there may no sheepe comen there within, but gif it be a Waliseh leper of the mountaines that may with his long legges lepen ouer the wallys. For the hyrid men ben full certain, that gif thy sheepe had ones ytasted the sweetnesse of thy lesewe: they ne woulde no more bene yfed of these hyred men in their sowre lesews, and therefore these hyred men keepen them out of that lesewe. For haden the sheepe ones ytasted well of that lesew, they woulden without a leder go thider to their mete, and then mote these hyred men sechen them another labor to liue by than keping of sheepe. And they ben fell and ware ynowe thereof, and therefore they feden thy sheepe with soure meate that naught is, and hiden from thy sheepe the sweetnesse of thy lesewe. And so though these hyred men gone in sheepes clothing, in their works they ben wolues, that much hame done to thy sheepe as wee haue ytold.

O Lord, they comen as sheepe, for they seggen that they ben poore and haue forsaken the world to liuen parfetlich as thou taughtest in the gospel. Lord this is sheeps clothing. But Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsaken the trauelous liuing in poorenesse in the world, to liuen in ese with riches by other mens trauell, and haue lordship on their brethren. For Lord, this is more to forsaken thee and go to the world.

O Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to forsake the world to liuen in poore-nesse of begging by other mens trauell that bene as feble as they ben. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to liuen in poorenesse of begging, that were strong inough to travayle for his lifelode. Ne Lord thou ne taughtest not a man to ben a begger to begge of men more then him needeth, to build great castles and make great feasts to thilke that hun no need.

O Lord thou ne taughtest not men this poorenesse, for it is out of charitie. But thy poorenesse that thou taughtest, norisheth charitie.

Lord, sith Paul sayth, that hee that forsaketh the charge of thilke that ben homelich1 with him, hath forsaken his faith, and is worse than a misbeleued manne: how then now these men seggen that they beleuen in Christ, that hun forsake their poore feeble friends, and let them liue in trauell and in disese, that trauelled full sore for them,, when. they weren yong and vnmighty to helpen them self?

And they wolen liue in ease by other mens traueil euermore begging withouten shame. Lord thou ne taughtest not this maner poorenes, for it is out of charitie. And all thy law is charitie and thing that nourisheth charitie: and these hyrdmen, these shepheards send about, to keep thy shepe and to feden them other whiles in sorrye bareyne lesewes. Lord thou ne madest none such shepheards, ne keepers of thy sheep that *weren ireners about.countries and wolden oder ones. twyes a yere * feed sorylich thy shepe, and for so litle trauel. taken a great hire, and sithen all the yeare afterward, doe what them liketh, and let thy shepe perish for defaut of keping.

But thy shepheards abiden still with their sheepe, and feeden them in thy plenteous lesewe of thy teaching, and gone byfore thy shepe, and teachen them the way into the plenteous and sweet lesewe, and keepen thy flocke from rauening of the wild beastes of the field.

O Lord deliuer thy sheepe out of the ward of these shepheards, and these hyred men, that stonden more to keepe their riches that they robben of thy sheep, than they stonden in keping of thy sheepe.

O Lorde when thou come to Ierusalem, sometime thou droue out of the temple, sellers of beastes and of other chaffre, and saydest:

Mine house shoulden ben cleped an house of prayers, but they redden a den of theeues of it. O Lorde, thou art the temple in whom we shoulden prayen thy father of heauen. And Salomon’s temple that was ybelded at Ierusalem,’was figure of this temple, But Lord, he that clepeth himself thy vicar vppon earth, and sayth that he occupieth thy place here on earth, is become a chapman in thy temple, and hath. his. chapmen walking in diuers countreys to sellen his chaffare, and to redken him rich. And he saith, thou gaue him so great, a power abouen, all other men, that what euer he bindeth other vnbindeth in earth, thou bindest other vnbindest the same in heauen. And so of great power he selleth other men forgiuenesse of their sinne. And for much money hee will assoylen a man so deane of his sinne, that he behoteth men the blesse of heauen withouten any pain after that they be dead, that giuen him much money.

Bishoprickes and cherches, and such other chaffares he selleth also for mony, and maketh himselfe rich. And thus he beguiled the puple.

O Lord Iesu, here is much vntruth, and mischiefe, and matter of sorrow. Lord thou saidest sometime, that thou wouldest be with thy seruaunts vnto the end of the world. And thou saydest also, there as tweyne or three byn ygadred to gedder in thy name, that thou art in the midle of them. A Lord! then it was no need to thee to redken a liefetenant, sith thou woke be euermore amongst thy seruaunts.

Lorde, thou axedst of thy disciples, who they trowed that thou were. And Peter annswered and saide, that thou art Christ God’s sonne. And thou saydest to Peter, Thou art yblessed Symon Bariona, for fleshe and bloud ne showed not this to thee, but my father that is in heauen. And I say to thee that thou art Peter, and vppon this stone ych wolde bride my churche, and the gates of hell ne shullen not auailen agens it.

And to thee ych wole geue the keyes of heauen, and what euer thou bindest vpon earth shal be bound in heauen, and what euer thou vnbyndest on earth, shall be vnbounden in heauen. This power also was graunten vnto the other disciples as well as to Peter, as the gospell openlich telleth. In this place men seggen that thou graunted to Peters successors, the selue power that thou gaue to Peter. And therefore the bishop of Rome, that sayth he is Peters successour, taketh this power to him to bynden and vnbynden in earth what him liketh. But Lorde, ych haue much wonder how he may for shame clepen himself Peters successour. For Peter knowledged that thou were Christ and God, and kept the hestes of thy lawe: but these hun forsaken the hestes of thy law, and hath ymaked a lawe contrary to thyne hestes of thy lawe. And so hee maked himself a false Christ and a false God in earth. And I trowe thou gaue him no power to vndoe thy lawe. And so in taking this power vppon him, maketh him a false Christ and Antichrist.

For who may be more agens Christ, than he that in his words maketh him-selfe Christes vicar in earth: and in his werkes vndoth the ordinaunce of Christ, and maketh men byleuen flint it is needfull to the heale of mannes soules, to byleuen that he is Christes vicar in earth? And what euer he byndeth in earth is ybounden in heauen, and vnder this color bee vndoth Christes lawe, and maketh men alwaies to kepen his law and hestes.

And thus men may yseene that he is agenst Christ, and therfore he is Ante-christ that maketh men worshupen him as a God on earth, as the proud king Nabugodonosor did sometime, that was king of Babylon. And therefore wee lewed menne that knowen no God but thee Iesu Christ, beleuen in thee that art our God, and our King, and our Christ, and thy lawes. And forsaken Antichrist and Nabugodonosor that is a false God and a false Christ, and his lawes that ben contrary to thy preaching.

And Lorde strength thou vs agenst our enemies. For they ben about to maken vs forsaken thee and thy law, other else to putten vs to death.

O Lorde, onelich in thee is our trust to helpe vs in this mischiefe, for thy great goodnesse that is withouten end.

Lord thou ne taughtest not thy disciples to assoylen men of their sinne, and setten them a penaunce for their sin, in fasting ne in praying, ne other almous dede: ne thy selfe, ne thy disciples, vseden no such power here on earth. For Lord, thou forgeue men their sinnes, and bede hem sin no more. And thy disciples fulleden men in thy name, in forgiuenesse of her sins. Nor they took no such power vpon them as our priestes dare now. And Lord, thou ne assoyledest no man both of his sinne and of his peyne, that was due for his sinne, ne thou grauntedst no man such power here on earth.

And Lord me thinketh that gif there were a purgatorie, and any earth-lich man had power to deliueren sinful men from the peynes of purgatory, he should and he were in charitie, sauen euerich man that were in way of salutation from thilke peynes, sith they make them greater then any bodilyche peynes of this world. Also gif the bishop of Rome had such a power, he himselfe should neuer comen in purgatory ne in hell. And sith we see well that he ne hath no power to keepen himselfe ne other men nother out of these bodilich peynes of the world, and he may goe to hell for his sinne as an other man may: I ne byleue not, that he hath so great a power to assoylen men of their sin as he taketh vpon him abouen all other men. And I trow that in this he hygheth him selfe aboue God.

As touching the selling of bishopricks and personages, I trow it be a point of falsehed. For agenst Gods ordinance hoe robbeth poore men of a porcion of their sustenance, and selleth it, other giueth it, to find proud men in idlenes that don the lewd puple little prorite, but much harme as we told before. Thus ben thy commaundements of truth, of meekenesse, and of poornesse, vndone by him that clepeth himselfe thy vicar here vpon earth.

A Lord! thou gaue vs a commaundement of chastite, that is, a forsaking of fleschlich lustes. For thou broughtest vs to a liuing of soule that is ygouerned by the word. For Lord, thou ordeinedist women more frele than man to ben ygouerned by mans rule, and his helpe, to please thee and keep thine hestes. Ne thou ne ordainedist that a man should desire the company of a woman, and maken her his wife, to liuen with her in his lustis, as a swine doth or a horse.

And his wife ne like him not to his lustes, Lorde thou ne gaue not a man leaue to departen him from his wife, and taken him another.

But Lord, thy mariage is a common accord betweene man and woman, to liuen togither to their liues end, and in thy seruice eyther the better for others helpe, and thilke that ben thus ycome together, bone ioyned by thee, and thilke that God ioineth, may no man depart. But Lord, thou sayst that gif a man see a woman to coueten her, than he doth with the woman lecherye in his hart. And so Lord, gif a man desire his wife in couetise of such lustes, and not to fly from whoredome, his weddins is lechery, ne thou ne ioynest them not together. Thus was Raguels daughter ywedded to seuen husbandes that the deuill instrangled. But Toby tooke her to liue with her in clennes, and bringing vp of her children in thy worship, and on him the deuill ne had no power. For the wedding was ymaked in God, for God, and through God.

A Lord, the people is farre ygo from thys maner of wedding. For now men wedden their wiues for fairenes, other for riches, or some such other fleshlich lusts. And Lord, so it preueth by them for the most part. For a man shall not finde two wedded in a land, where the husband 1oues the wife, and the wife is buxum to the man, as they shoulden after thy law of marriage. But other the man loues not his wife, or the wife is not buxum to her man. And thus Lord is the rule of prefe, that neuer fayleth no preue whether it be done by thee or no. And Lord, all this mischiefe is common among thy people, for that they know not thy word, but their shepheards and hyred men fedden them with their sweuens and leasings. And Lord, where they shoulden gon before vs in the field, they seggen their order is so holy for thy marriage. And Lord, he that calleth himself thy vicar vpon earth, will not suffren priests to taken them wyues, for that is against his law: but Lord, he will dispensen with them to kepen horen for a certaine somme of mony. And Lord, all horedome is forfended in thy lawe. And Lord, thou neuer forfendest priests their wiues, ner thy apostles neither. And well I wore in our land, priestes hadden wines vntill Anselmus daies in the yeare of our Lord God, a leuen hundred and twentie and nine, as Huntingdon writes. And Lord, this makes people for the most part beleuen, that lecherie is no synne. Therefore wee lewd men prayen thee that thou wolt send vs shepheardes of thine owne that wolen feden thy flocke in thy lesewe, and gon before them selfe, and so written thy law in our harts, that from the least to the most all they mayen knowen thee. And Lord, geue our king and his lords, hart to defenden thy true shepheardes and thy sheepe from out of the wolues mouthes, and grace to know thee that art the true Christ, the sonne of thy heauenly father, from the Antichrist, that is the sonne of pride. And Lord, geue vs thy poore sheepe patience and strength to suffer fur thy law, the cruelnes of the mischieuous wolues. And Lord, as thou hast promised, shorten these dayes.

Lord we axen this now, for more need was there neuer.

I doubt not, gentle reader, but in reading this goodly treatise above prefixed, the matter is manifest and plain of itself without any further explication, what is to be thought and judged of this vicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, whom we call the bishop of Rome; whose life here thou seest not only to be disordered in all points, swerving from the steps and example of Christ the prince and bishop of our souls, but also whose laws and doctrines are so repugnant and contrary to the precepts and rule of the gospel, that almost there is no convenience between them; as in the perusing of this complaining prayer thou mayest notoriously understand.

Wherefore, having no need to stand in any further expressing of this matter, but leaving it to thine own consideration and discretion, I will speed myself (Christ willing) to proceed toward the time of John Wickliff and his fellows, taking in the order of years as I go. such things by the way, as both happened before the said time of Wickliff, and also may the better prepare the mind of the reader to the entering of that story; where, first, I think it not inconvenient to infer a prophetical parable, written about this time, or not much before, which the author morally applieth unto the bishop of Rome. To what author this prophecy or moral is to be ascribed, I have not certainly to affirm: some say, that Rupescissanus (of whom mention is made before) was the author thereof, and allege it out of Froysard; but in Froysard, as yet, I have not found it. a1040 In the mean season, as I have found it in Latin expressed, because it painteth out the pope so rightly in his feathers and colors; as I thought the thing was not to be omitted, so I took this present place, as most fit (although peradventure missing the order of years a little) to insert the same. The effect of the parable followeth here underwritten.

In the time of pope Innocent VI. above specified, this Johannes de Rupescissa, a friar, among his other prophecies marvelously fore-spake (as allegeth Froysard, who both heard and saw him a1041 )of the taking of John the French king, prisoner, and brought forth many other notable collections concerning the perils, mutations and changings in the church to come. At the time the pope kept him at Avignon in prison (where Froysard is said to have seen him, and to have spoken with him), the said Froysard heard in the pope’s court this example and parable, recited by the aforesaid friar Rupescissanus to two cardinals, to wit,’ the cardinal of Ostia, and the cardinal of Auxerre, which followeth in these words:— A PARABLE PROPHESYING THE DESTRUCTION OF THE POPE.

When, on a certain time, a bird was brought into the world all bare and without feathers, the other birds hearing thereof, came to visit her: and as they saw her to be a marvelously fair and beautiful bird, they counseled together how they might best do her good, since by no means without feathers she might either fly, or live commodiously. They all wished her to live for her excellent form and beauty’s sake, insomuch that among them all there was not one that would not grant some part of her own feathers to deck this bird withal: yea, and the more trim they saw her to be, the more feathers still they gave unto her, so that by this means she was passing well penned and leathered, and began to fly. The other birds that thus had adorned her with goodly feathers, beholding her to fly abroad, were marvelously delighted therewith. In the end this bird seeing herself so gorgeously leathered, and of all the rest to be had in honor, began to wax proud and haughty; insomuch that she had no regard at all unto them, by whom she was advanced: yea, she punged them with her beak, plucked them by the skin and feathers, and in all places hurt them. Whereupon the birds sitting in council again, called the matter in question, demanding one of another what was best to be one touching this unkind bird, whom they lovingly with their own feathers had decked and adorned; affirming that they gave not their feathers, to the intent that she, thereby puffed up with pride, should contemptuously despise them all. The peacock therefore answereth first, “Truly,” saith he, “for that she is bravely set forth with my painted feathers, I will again take them from her.” Then saith the falcon, “And I also will have mine again.” This sentence at length took place among them all, so that every one plucked from her those feathers which before they had given, challenging to them their own again. Now this proud bird, seeing herself thus to be dealt withal, began, forthwith, to abate her haughty stomach, and humbly to submit herself, openly confessing and acknowledging, that of herself she had nothing, but that her feathers,” her honor, and other ornaments were their gift; she came into the world all naked and bare; they clad her with comely feathers, and, therefore, of right may they receive them again. Wherefore, in most humblewise, she desireth, pardon, promising, to amend all that was past, neither would she at any time hereafter commit that whereby, through pride, she might lose her feathers again. The gentle birds, that before had given their feathers, seeing her so humble and lowly, being moved with pity, restored again the feathers which lately they had taken away, adding withal this admonition, “We will gladly,” say they, behold thy flying, among, us, so long as thou wilt use thine office with humbleness of mind, which is the chiefest comeliness of all the rest: but this have thou for certainty, that if at any time hereafter thou extol thyself in pride, we will straightways deprive thee of thy feathers, and reduce thee to thy former state wherein we found thee. Even so, O you cardinals, saith Johannes Rupescissanus, “shall it happen unto you: for the emperors of the Romans and Almains, and other Christian kings, potentates, and princes of the earth, have bestowed upon you goods, lands and riches, that should serve God, but you have poured it out, and consumed it upon pride, and all kind &wickedness, riot and wantonness.” F1238 THE LIFE AND STORY OF ARCHBISHOP AND PRIMATE OF IRELAND In the catalogue of these learned and zealous defenders of Christ against Antichrist above rehearsed, whom the Lord about this time began to raise up for reformation of his church, being then far out of frame, I cannot forget or omit something to write of the reverend prelate and famous clerk, Richard, archbishop of Armagh and primate of Ireland: a man for his life and learning so memorable, as the condition of those days then served, that the same days then, as they had but few as good, so had none almost his better. His name was Richard Fitz-Ralph, a1042 made archbishop and primate, as is said, of Ireland; first brought up in the university of Oxford in the study of all liberal knowledge, wherein he did exceedingly profit under John Bakenthorpe, his tutor and instructor. In this time the begging friars began greatly to multiply and spread, unto whom this Bakenthorpe was ever a great enemy; whose steps the scholar also following, began to do the like. Such was the capacity and dexterity of this Fitz-Ralph, that he, being commended to king Edward III., was promoted by him, first, to be archdeacon of Lichfield, then to be the commissary of the university of Oxford: at length, to be archbishop of Armagh in Ireland. He being archbishop, upon a time had cause to come up to London; at what time here, in the said city, was contention between the friars and the clergy about preaching and hearing confessions, etc. Whereupon, this Armachanus, being requested to preach, made seven or eight sermons; wherein he propounded nine conclusions against the friars, for which he was cited up by the friars before this pope Innocent VI., to appear; and so he did: who before the face of the pope valiantly defended, both in preaching and in writing, the same conclusions, and therein stood constantly unto the death, as the words of John Wickliff, in his Trialogue, do well testify. The like also Waldenus testifieth of him also olateranus reporteth the same. Gulielmus Botonerus, testifying of him in like manner, saith, that Armachanus first reproved begging friars for hearing the confessions of professed nuns without license of their superiors, and also of married women without knowledge of their husbands. What’ dangers and troubles he sustained by his persecutors, and how miraculously the Lord delivered him from their hands; insomuch,’ that they meeting him in the open streets, and in clear daylight, yet had no power to see him nor to apprehend him: in what peril of thieves, and searchers he was, and yet the Lord delivered him; yea, and caused his money, being taken from him, to be restored to him again by portions in time of his necessity and famine: also from what dangers of the king’s officers, who, coming with the king’s letters, laid all the havens for him; yet how the Lord Jesus delivered him, showing him by what ways to escape them: moreover what appeals were laid against him, to the number of sixteen; and yet how the Lord gave him to triumph over all his enemies: how the Lord also taught him and brought him out of the profound vanities of Aristotle’s subtlety, to the study of the Scriptures of God: all this, with much more, he himself expresseth in a certain prayer or confession made to Christ Jesus our Lord, in which he describeth almost the whole history of his own life; which prayer I have to show in old writing hand, and hereafter (Christ willing) intend, as time serveth, to publish the same. F1243 Thus what were the troubles of this good man, and how he was cited up by the friars to the pope, you have partly heard. Now, what were his reasons and arguments wherewith he defended his cause in the pope’s presence, followeth to be declared; for the tractation whereof, first, I must put the reader in remembrance of the controversy mentioned before in the story of Guilelimus de Sancto Amore, p. 510; also in the story of the university of Paris contending against the friars, p. 712; for so long did this controversy continue in the church, from A.D. 1240, when the Oxford men began first to stand against the friars, to the time of this Armachanus, A.D. 1360; and after this time yet more did it increase. So it pleased the secret providence of God, for what cause he best knoweth, to suffer his church to be entangled and exercised sometimes with matters and controversies of no great importance; either to keep the vanity of men’s wits thus occupied from idleness, or else to prepare their minds, by these smaller matters, to the consideration and searching out of other things more grave and weighty. Like as now in these our queen’s days we see what tragedies be raised up in England about forms and fashions of ministers’ wearings, what troubles grow, what placing and displacing there is about the same. Even so at this time happened the like stir about the liberties and privileges of the friars, which not a little troubled and occupied almost all the churches and divines throughout Christendom. This controversy, to the intent it may better be understood, all the circumstances thereof being explained, we will first begin, from the original and foundation of the matter, to declare by order and course of years, upon what occasion this variance first rising, in continuance of time increased and multiplied by gathering more matter, and burst out at length in this tumultuous contention among learned men.

Concerning therefore this present matter; first, it is to be understood, that (A.D. 1215), under pope Innocent III., was called a general council at Lateran, mentioned before (p. 384), in the days of king John. In that council, among many other things, was constituted a certain law or canon, beginning “Omnis utriusque sexus,” etc. the tenor of which canon in English is thus:

Be it decreed, that every faithful Christian, both man and woman, coming to the years of discretion, shall confess himself alone of all his sins to the priest of his own proper parish, once in the year at least; and that he shall endeavor, by his own self, to fulfill the penance, whensoever he receiveth the sacrament of the Eucharist, at least at the time of Easter, unless by the assent of his minister, upon some reasonable cause, he abstain for the time. Otherwise doing, let him both lack the communion of the church being alive, and Christian burial when he is dead. Wherefore be it decreed, that this wholesome constitution shall be published accustomably in churches, to the end that no man, of ignorance or blindness, make to himself a cloak of excuse. And if any shall confess himself to any other priest than of his own parish upon any just cause, let him first ask and obtain license of his own priest: otherwise the priest shall have no power to bind him or to loose him, etc.

In the time of this Innocent, and of this Lateran council, was Dominic, the first author and founder of the preaching friars; who labored to the said pope Innocent for the confirmation of his order, but did not obtain it in his life time.

The next year after this Lateran council died pope Innocent, A.D. 1216, after whom came Honorius III., who in the first year of his popedom confirmed the order of the friars Dominic, and gave to him and his friars authority to preach, and to hear confessions, with divers other privileges. And under this pope, who governed ten years, lived Dominic five years after the confirmation of his order, and died A.D. 1221. About that year the order of the Franciscan friars began also to breed, and to spread in the world, through preaching and hearing confessions.

After this Honorius, next followed Pope Gregory IX., March, A.D. 1227, who, for the promoting of the aforesaid order of Dominies, gave out this bull, in tenor as followeth:

THE BULL OF POPE GREGORY IN THE BEHALF OF THE DOMINIC FRIARS.

Gregorius bishop, servant of God s servants, to his reverend brethren, are bishops, bishops, and to his well-beloved children, abbots, priors, and to all prelates of churches, to whomsoever these presents shall come, greeting, and apostolical blessing. Because iniquity hath abounded, and the charity of many hath waxed cold; behold, the Lord hath raised up the order of our well-beloved children the preaching friars, who not seeing things of their own, but pertaining to Jesus Christ, for the extirpating of heresies, as well as for the rooting out also of other pernicious pestilences, have dedicated themselves to the preaching of the word of God. We therefore, minding to advance their sacred purpose, etc., command you to see the said persons, gently to be received among you; and that your flocks committed to your charge do receive devoutly the seed of God’s word out of their mouth, and do confess their sins unto them, all such as list, whom we have authorized to the same, to hear confessions, and to enjoin penance, etc. Dat. Perusii. An.

Pont. nostri 8.

This pope Gregory died A.D. 1241, after whom came Celestine IV. and sat but eighteen days: then came Innocent IV., and sat eleven years and six months; who, although he began first to favor the friars, yet afterwards, being altered by certain divines of universities, prelates of churches, and curates, he debarred them of their liberties and privileges, and gave out again precepts and excommunications, as well against the friars, as all other religious persons. And, not long after the same, he was despatched.

Innocent being thus removed out of the way, Dec. 1, A.D. 1254 succeeded pope Alexander IV., a great maintainer of the friars, and sat six years. He revoked and repealed the acts and writings of pope Innocent his predecessor, given forth against the friars; where with the divines and students of Paris being not well contented, stirred up four principal doctors: the first and chief captain was Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, mentioned before (p. 510), against whom wrote Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas; and, at last, he was condemned by this aforesaid pope Alexander IV. in the Extravagant, “ Non sine multa. a1045 ” The second was Simon Jornalensis; the third Godfridus de Fontibus; the fourth Henricus de Gandavo. These four, with other their accomplices, compiled a certain book against the begging order of friars, both Dominicans and Franciscans, entitled, ‘De periculis Ecclesiae,’ containing fourteen chapters, whereof the fourteenth, which is the last, with thirty-nine articles against the friars, we have already translated and expressed, p. 511. :Besides these thirty-nine articles, be other seven articles, moreover, to the said book annexed, under the name of the students of Paris against the friars, proving why the said friars ought not to be admitted into their society. These seven articles, because they are but short, I thought here better to place, than to omit them.

CERTAIN ARTICLES GIVEN OUT BY THE STUDENTS OF PARIS, AGAINST THE FRIARS, WHY THEY SHOULD NOT BE ADMITTED TO THEIR SOCIETY.

First , We say, they are not to be admitted to the society of our school, but upon our will and license; for our company or fellowship ought not to be coactive but voluntary and free.

Secondly , We say they are not to be admitted, forasmuch as we oft proved their community manifold ways to be hurtful and incommodious.

Thirdly , Seeing they be of a diverse profession from us, for they are called regular, and not scholastic, we, therefore, ought not to be joined and associated together in one scholastic office; forasmuch as the council of Spain doth say, “Thou shalt not plough with an ox and with an ass together;” which is to say,—Men of divers professions ought not together to be matched in one kind of calling, or standing, for their studies and conditions be disagreeing and dissevered from ours, and cannot frame or couple together in one communion.

Fourthly , We affirm by the apostle that they are not to be admitted, because they work dissensions and offenses; for so saith the apostle [Romans 16] “We desire you, brethren, that ye observe and take heed of such as make dissensions and offenses about the doctrine which you have learned by the apostles, and avoid them; for such serve not the Lord, but their own belly.” Gloss. “Some they flatter, some they backbite, whereby they might feed their bellies.” “That through their sweet and pleasant words, and by their benedictions, they may deceive the hearts of the simple.” Gloss. “That is, with their fine sugared and trimly couched words they set forth their own traditions, wherewith they beguile the hearts of the simple innocents.”

Fifthly , We say they are not to be admitted, for that we fear lest they be in the number of them, who go about and devour men’s houses: for they thrust in themselves into every man’s house, searching and sacking the conscience and states of all persons: and whom they find easy to be seduced, as women, such they do circumvent, and lead them away from the counsels of their prelates, binding them either in act or oath: such we are warned by the apostle to avoid.

Sixthly , We say they are to be avoided, because we fear they are false prophets, who being neither bishops, nor parish priests, nor yet their vicars, nor sent by them, yet they preach (not sent) against the mind of the apostle [Romans 10], saying, “How shall they preach except they be sent?” for else there appeareth in them no such great virtue, for the which they ought to be admitted to preach uncalled. Seeing therefore that such are so dangerous to the church, they ought to be avoided.

Seventhly , We say they are not to be admitted, because they be a people so curious in searching and inquiring of other men’s doings and spiritual demean-our. And yet be they neither apostles, nor yet successors of the apostles, as bishops; nor of the number of the seventy-two disciples of the Lord, nor their successors, that is, parish priests, not’ their helpers, nor yet vicars. ‘Wherefore, seeing they live thus in no order, by the sentence of the apostle we are commanded to avoid them [2 Thessalonians 3], where he saith, “We admonish and denounce unto you, O brethren! in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ,” (that is, as the gloss saith, “We command you by the authority of Christ,”) “that you withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh inordinately, and not after the tradition which you have received of us,” etc. Look upon the common gloss of this place, and you shall find, that such are to be avoided till such time as they amend from so doing, etc, Besides these articles above rehearsed, certain propositions or conclusions were also propounded in the schools of Paris at the same time, solemnly to be disputed and defended against the friars; which, in a brief sum of words to collect them, were these :— First , That the begging friars were not in the state of salvation.

Secondly , That they were bound to labor with their hands that could, and not to beg.

Thirdly , That they ought not to exercise the office of preaching, or to hear the confessions of them that will come unto them, although being licensed thereunto by the bishop of Rome, or by the diocesan; forasmuch as the same is prejudicial to the ministers and priests of the parishes.

All these aforesaid articles and conclusions, with the book set forth by these men of Paris, this pope Alexander IV. condemned to be abolished and burned, writing his precepts to the French king, and also to the university of Paris in favor of the friars; willing and commanding the said friars to be restored to all their privileges and liberties in as ample manner, as before in pope Gregory’s time.

Not long after pope Alexander IV. followed Clement IV. (A. D. 1265) and sat three years: who also gave the privilege to the friars, beginning Quidam temere, etc.; in which privilege he condemneth those who say, that no man without license of his curate or minister ought to confess him to the friars, or that a subject ought to ask license of their ministers so to do, which was against the canon, “Omnis utriusque sexus,” etc. made by pope Innocent III., before recited.

After this Clement came pope Martin IV. (A.D. 1281), who renewed again the canon, “Omnis utriusque sexus,” in behalf of the curates against the friars.

Then pope Boniface VIII. began to sit A.D. 1294, and sat eight years and nine months; who, taking side with the friars, gave them shall first present themselves to the prelates to be admitted; by whom, if they be refused the second time, then they, upon special authority of this pope, shall be privileged, without either bishop or curate, to preach, to bury, and to hear confessions, whosoever will come to them; revoking all that was decreed by his predecessors before to the contrary notwithstanding.

By this pope Boniface, a certain Dominic friar was made cardinal, named Nicolas Bocasi de Trevisa, and after the death of Boniface was also made pope, .A.D. 1808, surnamed pope Benedict XI.; who, seeing the constitution of Boniface, his predecessor, to gender dissension between the priests and friars, made another constitution, beginning “Inter cunctas,” etc., revoking the constitution of Boniface, his predecessor. Upon which constitution of pope Benedict Johannes Monachus making a gloss, revoked also his other gloss made upon the constitution of pope Boniface before.

Again, after this Benedict XI. followed pope Clement V., (.A.D. 1805,) and sat nine years; who, in his general council, holden at Vienne, revoked the constitution of Benedict, his predecessor, and renewed again the former decree of Boniface, by a new constitution of his, beginning “Dudum a Bonifacio VIII., etc., which constitution, moreover, was confirmed afterwards by pope John XXII., A.D. 1816. This pope also caused Johannes de Poliaco to recant.

Upon this variable diversity of the popes (one dissenting and repugning from another) rose among the divines and schoolmen in universities great matter of contention, as well in the university of Paris, as the university of Oxford, about the begging friars, some holding one way, some another. But especially five principal opinions be noted of learned men, who, then disputing against the friars, were condemned for heretics, and their assertions reproved.

DIVERSE OPINIONS OF LEARNED MEN IN THIS AGE AGAINST FRIARS. 1. The first was the opinion of those who contended that the friars might not, by the license of the bishop of Rome and of the prelates, preach in parishes and hear confessions.

And of this opinion was Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, with his fellows, who, as it is said, were condemned. 2. The second opinion was this, that friars, although not by their own authority, yet by the privilege of the pope and the bishop, might preach and hear confessions in parishes, but yet not without license of the parish priests. Of this opinion was Bernard, glossing upon the canon, “Omnis utriusque sexus,” before mentioned. III. The third opinion was, that friars might preach and hear confessions without license of the parish priests; but yet the said parishioners, notwithstanding, were hound by the canon, “Omnis utriusque sexus,” to repeat the same sins again, if they had no other, to their own proper curate.

Of this opinion were many, as Godfridus de Fontibus, Henricus de Gandavo, Johannes Monachus Cardinalis, Johannes de Poliaco; which Johannes de Poliaco pope John XXII. caused openly in Paris to recant and retract. This Johannes de Poliaco, doctor of divinity in Paris, being complained of by the friars for certain articles or assertions, was sent for to the pope; where, time and place being to him assigned, he, in the audience of the pope and of friarly cardinals and other doctors, was strictly examined of his articles. To make the story short, he, at length submitting himself to the authority of the terrible see of Rome, was caused to recant his assertions openly at Paris: the assertions which he did hold were these.

First , that they who were confessed to friars, although having a general license to hear confessions, were bound to confess again their sins to their own parish priest, by the constitution “Omnis utriusque sexus,” etc.

The second was, that the said constitution “Omnis utriusque sexus “standing in its force, the pope could not make away with, but parishioners were bound once a year to confess their sins to their priest. For the doing otherwise importeth a contradiction in itself.

The third was, that the pope could not give general license to hear confessions, but that the parishioner so confessed was bound to reiterate the same confession made, unto his own curate.

Which he proved by these places of the canon law,25 quest, 1:”Quae ad perpetuam.” Those things which be generally ordained for perpetual utility, ought not to be altered by any change, etc. Item, the decrees of the sacred canons, none ought to keep more than the bishop apostolical, etc.

Ibid. Item, to alter or to ordain any thing against the decrees of the fathers, is not in the authority or power, no, not of the apostolical see.

Ibid. 4. The fourth opinion was, that the friars, by the license of the pope and of the bishops, might lawfully hear confessions, and the people might be of them confessed and absolved. But yet notwithstanding, it was reasonable, convenient, honest, and profitable, that once in the year they should be confessed to their curates (although confessed before to the friars), because of the administration of the sacraments, especially at Easter.

Of which opinion was Gulielmus de monte Lauduno. Henricus de Gandavo also held it not only to be convenient, but also that they were bound so to do. 5. The fifth opinion was, that albeit the friars might at all times, and at Easter also, hear confessions as the curates did; yet it was better and more safe, at the time of Easter, to confess to the curates, than to the friars.

And of this opinion was this our Armachanus, of whom we presently now treat. And thus have ye, as in a brief sum, opened unto you, what was the matter of contention between the friars and the church-men; what popes made for the friars, and what popes made against them; moreover, what learned men disputed against them in Paris, and other places; and what were their opinions.

The matter of contention about the friars stood in four points: first, preaching without license of curates; secondly, in hearing confession; thirdly, in burying; fourthly, in begging and taking of the people. The popes who maintained the friars were, Honorius III., Gregotius IX., Alexander IV., Clement IV., Boniface VIII., Clement V. The popes who maintained curates, were Innocentius III., Innocentius IV., Martinus IV., Benedictus XI.

The learned men who disputed against the friars were, Gulielmus de S.

Amore; Bernardus super capitulum, “Omnis utriusque sexus;” Godfridus de Fontibus; Henricus de Gandavo; Gulielmus de Lauduno; Johannes Monachus Cardinalis; Johannes de Poliaco and Armachanus. All these were condemned by the popes, or else caused to recant.

These considerations and circumstances hitherto premised, for the more opening of this present cause of Armachanus sustained against the idle beggarly sects of friars, in whom the reader may well perceive Antichrist plainly reigning and fighting against the church: it now remaineth, that as I have before declared the travails and troubles of divers godly learned men in the church striving against the said friars, continually, from the time of Gulielmus de Amore, hitherto; so now it remaineth, that forasmuch as this our Armachanus labored, and in the same cause sustained the like conflict, with the same Antichrist, we likewise collect and open his reasons and arguments uttered in the consistory, and in the audience of the pope himself, wherewith he maintaineth the true doctrine and cause of the church against the pestiferous canker creeping in by these friars after subtle ways of hypocrisy to corrupt the sincere simplicity of Christ’s holy faith and perfect testament; which reasons and arguments, with the whole process of his doings, I thought good and expedient, for the utility of the church, more amply and largely to discourse and prosecute, for that I note in the sects, institutions, and doctrine of these friars, such subtle poison to lurk, more pernicious and hurtful to the religion of Christ and souls of Christians, than all men peradventure do consider.

Thus Armachanus, joining with the clergy of England, disputed and contended with the friars here of England (A.D. 1857) about a double matter; whereof the one was concerning confession and other excheats which the friars encroached in parish churches, against the curates and public pastors of churches. The other was concerning willful beggary and poverty, which the friars then took upon them, not upon any necessity, being otherwise strong enough to work for their living, but only upon a willful and affected profession, for which cause the friars appealed him up to the court of Rome. The occasion thereof did thus arise.

It befel that Armachanus, upon certain business coming up to London, found there certain doctors disputing and contending about the begging of Christ our Savior. Whereupon he, being greatly urged and requested ofttimes thereunto, at request, made seven or eight sermons unto the people at London, wherein he uttered nine conclusions; whereof the first and principal conclusion was, touching the matter of the friars’ privileges in hearing confessions. His conclusions were these:

NINE CONCLUSIONS OF ARMACHANUS AGAINST THE FRIARS.

First , that if a doubt or question be moved for hearing confessions, which of two places is rather to be chosen; the parish church is to be preferred before the church of the friars.

Secondly , it being demanded, which is to he preferred to hear the confession of the parishioners, the ordinary or the friar; it is to be said, rather the ordinary.

Thirdly , That our Lord Jesus Christ in his human conversation was always poor, not for that he loved poverty, or did covet to be poor.

Fourthly , That our Lord Jesus Christ did never beg willfully, professing to be poor.

Fifthly , That our Lord Jesus Christ did never teach others willfully to beg, or to profess willful beggary.

Sixthly , That Christ our Lord held the contrary, that men ought not willfully or purposely, without mere necessity, to beg.

Seventhly , That it is neither wisdom nor holiness, for any man to take upon him willful beggary, perpetually to be observed.

Eighthly , That it is not agreeing to the rule of the Observants, or Friars Minorite, to observe willful poverty.

The last conclusion was touching the bull of pope Alexander IV., which condemneth the book of the masters of Paris: that the said bull touched none of these six last conclusions.

Upon these nine conclusions premised Armachanus being appealed, cited, and brought up to the presence of the pope, began to prove the same his aforesaid conclusions or assertions under protestation made.

That his intention was not to affirm any thing contrary to the Christian faith or to the catholic doctrine, or that should be prejudicial or destructive to the orders of the begging friars, such as were approved by holy church, or confirmed by the high bishops; but only his intention was, to have the said orders reduced to the purity of their first institution. Concerning which matter, he desired his reasons to be heard; which, if they should be ‘found weaker than the reasons of the friars, the punishment should be his.

If otherwise, that then the friars might justly be rewarded for their slanderous, obtrectation, and public contume-lies, and injurious dealings, both privately and publicly, wrought and sought against him: and so taking for his theme, “Nolite judicare secundum faciem, sed justum judicium judicate,” etc.; that is, “Judge not after the outward face, but judge true judgment,” etc. (John 7); he entereth on the probation of his conclusions.

I. First, beginning with the former conclusion, “that the parish church was a place more fit and convenient for the confessions or burials of the parishioners to be used, than any other exempt church or place of the friars.” Which he proved by three causes: first, for the more sureness or certainty to the conscience of the parishioners confessed. Secondly, for their more utility and profit of them. Thirdly, for the less incommodity ensuing by confessions taken in parish churches, than in friars’ churches. 1. As touching the first, for the more assuredness and certainty, thus he argued upon the place in Deuteronomy, “Unto that place which the Lord your God shall assign of all your tribes, to place his name and dwell therein; thither shall you resort, to offer up your oblations, tittles,” etc. And in the same place God saith, “See thou offer not thy sacrifice in every place that liketh thee, but in that place alone which the Lord hath elected in one of the tribes; and thou shalt do in all things as I command thee.” Also upon the words of Leviticus, [6: 6] which be these, “Whosoever sinneth of ignorance shall offer to the priest, and he shall pray for him, and he shall be forgiven,” etc. Upon these places thus he argued: That forasmuch as the sacraments of the church are to be frequented and used in no other place, but only in that, which, by God himself peculiarly, is assigned and commanded for the same; and seeing that elect place in the law representeth the parish churches; neither can it be proved that the friars’ church is the place prescribed of God, but only permitted by bishops of Rome; he concluded, therefore, that parish churches, for confessions and burials, were more sure and certain to the conscience of parishioners, than the exempt places of the friars.

By another reason also he continued the same, for that while the parish church commonly standeth free from the pope’s interdict, so do not the churches of the friars, which stand not so clear, but that they are under suspicion and doubt of the pope’s interdict, by the Decretal, “De sepulturis,” in Sexto cap. “Animarum periculis.”

In that Decretal, all such conventual churches and church-yards of friars be interdicted, as do induce any person or persons, either by oath or promise mode, to choose their burying places in their churches, as commonly the friars are reported to do; for else what parishioner would forsake his own church and parish where his ancestors do lie, to be hurled among the friars, if the friars did not induce them so to do? 2. Moreover, for the second part, concerning the utility of the place, that he confirmed doublewise; first, for that confession made. within the parish church, hath a double merit of obedience, both for obeying the commandment of God in opening his confession [thus he speaketh according to the blindness of that time, for that auricular confession hath any commandment of God cannot be proved] and also in obeying the commandment of God in observing the place by him appointed; which second merit of obedience lacketh on the friars’ part.

Secondly, he proved it to be greater utility for a parishioner to confess him in his parish church, than with the friars; because, commonly, the number of Christian people praying is ten times more in parish churches. Whereby it is to be thought, that each singular person may better be helped through more prayers, than in the oratories of the friars, etc. 3. Further, as touching the third part of the first conclusion or article he proved, that it had fewer incommodities for every man to resort to his parish church than to the friars; for that both great utility and more certainty (as hath been proved) did ensue thereof: which two being taken away (as must needs, in resorting to the friars’ church), then two special commodities should be hindered, and so great incommodities thereof should follow. And thus much for the place of the friars.

II. Now to the second conclusion or article, touching the person of the friar, and of the ordinary curate. If the question be, which of these two is to be preferred in the office of ecclesiastical administration; the opinion of Armachanus was, that the ordinary curate was better than the extraordinary friar; and that for the three aforesaid respects, to wit, for certainty or assurance, for utility, and for incommodity to be avoided. 1. First, that it is more safe and sure for the parishioners to resort to their ordinary or parish priest, he argued by three reasons; first, because the person of the lawful ordinary, or priest, is expressly of God commanded; whereas the person of the friar is not, and therefore is forbid.

Secondly, because the parishioner may more trust to his ordinary curate; as one who is more bound and obliged to provide, and to be careful for him, than any other extraordinary person.

Thirdly, because in the person of the ordinary curate, commonly there is no doubt of any interdict to bind him; whereas on the contrary, in the friar’s behalf there is good matter to doubt, whether he stands bound under the pope’s censure of excommunication or not, and that for divers causes, as by the chapter “Religiosi” in the Clementine De decimis; where it is decreed that all such religious men who, having no benefices or cure of souls, presume to impropriate unto them (by any manner of color or fraudulent circumvention) glebe-land, or else tithes due unto churches, and not appertaining to them. do incur the excommunicated de facto, whosoever do absolve any against whom the sentence of excommunication hath been denounced by statute provincial, or synodal; as it is commonly said, that the friars, hearing men’s confessions, are accustomed to do, in loosing them, whom the censures of prelates or their officials have bound.

Whereof the said Armachanus bringeth forth an example in his own diocese: “For I,” said he, “in mine own diocese of Armagh have as good as two thousand under me, who, by the censure of excommunication every year denounced against willful murderers, common thieves, burners of men’s houses, and such-like malefactors, stand accursed; of all which number, notwithstanding, scarcely fourteen there be who come to me, or to any about me, for their absolution. And yet all they receive the sacraments as others do, and all because they be absolved, or because they feign themselves to be absolved, by none other than the friars; who, in so doing, are proved to be under the danger of excommunication, both the friars, and also the parishioners, if they, knowing thereof, do consent to their error.”

Also out of the said Clementines, he proved the friars to be excommunicate by a three-fold sentence in one chapter, to wit, in the chapter “Cupientes” of the Clementine De poenis. In which chapter, First, all such religious men are excommunicate, as, in their sermons, presume to withdraw their hearers from their tithes paying, due unto churches.

Secondly, in the said chapter all such friars are suspended from preaching, and so are excommunicate, who, within a certain time, did not make a concion to such as come to their confessions, in paying their tithes truly and duly to the church.

Thirdly, in the aforesaid chapter also, all such religious persons be bound in excommunication, who induce men by any manner of means, either by vow, oath, or promise, to choose their burials within their churches, or not to change the same, if they have made any such promise before. In all these three points he proved the friars to be culpable and excommunicate.

Moreover, that it is the more sure way for the parishioners to resort to their ordinaries than to the friars, he argueth thus: for that the ordinary being provided for by the law of God and the church, his parishioner will the less suspect him of imposing unreasonable penances for filthy lucre’ sake: whereas, contrary, the friars must needs be suspected, for that they have their living thereby. 2. Thus the first part of the second conclusion or article being proved and argued, Armachanus proceedeth further to prove the second part: “That it is better for the parishioners to leave the friars, and to resort to their own pastors. Which he proved by eight or nine reasons.” 1. For that the ordinary pastor is properly appointed of God unto that ministry; whereas the friar is only permitted of man thereunto. 2. For that in resorting to the ordinary of the parish is a double reward of merit, whereas in coming to the friars there is but one. 3. Because the ordinary is more bound to his own flock, and is to be thought to be more tender and careful over them than a stranger. 4. Because, in resorting to the person of his own ordinary, there is more assurance and certainty (as is above declared) than in resorting to another. 5. Because, as Innocent (cap. “Etsi Animarum”) saith, the coming to the curate or ordinary pastor is more easy and light, both in the night, and in necessity. 6. Forasmuch as the parishioner must needs come to his curate at some time, and especially being in necessity, it is expedient and profitable that his former life before were known to him, rather than to the other. 7. For that (as the said Innocent affirmeth) it striketh more shame of his sin, for the parishioner to be confessed to his curate whom he seeth every day, than to a friar unknown. 8. Because it is more profitable, especially for them that rive in matrimony, that he which heareth the confession of the one, should hear also the confession of the other; so that one hearing the confession of them both, as a spiritual physician taking two cures in one body, he may better know what spiritual counsel is to be administered to the one, after he had cured the other, etc. 3. These things’ thus proved, Armachanus then proceedeth to the third part, arguing how that greater detriments and inconveniences do ensue by confessions, burials, and other ecclesiastical functions exercised by the friars,than by those exercised by pastors and secular curates, serving in parishes; about which matter the said Armachanus learnedly and worthily inferreth a long discourse, proving and inferring how pernicious these orders of friars are to the whole state of the church, and what mischief cometh by the privileges of certain popes, who have privileged them to intermeddle in the office and function of ecclesiastical ministers, to preach, and to take alms and tithes of the people, and impropriations from the church. All his reasons and arguments to prosecute in order as he hath left them in writing, would make a matter for a large book. Notwithstanding, because it shall not be unfruitful both for the time present, and for posterity, to know the manifold detriments and discommodities received from these friars, and to know what great benefit God hath done for us in unburdening the church of this monstrous generation; and especially because the book of Armachanus is rarely to be found, entitled, “Defensorium Curatorum,” I have briefly therefore contracted out of the same certain of his reasons, such as seemed most pertinent and worthy of noting.

And first, alleging the authority of Innocent IV., he importeth four inconveniences rising by the friars, which be these: contempt of the people against their ordinaries; decreasing of devotion; taking away of shame from the people by confessing to the friars; detaining of oblations, such as the people are wont to give at their confessions and burials, and which by right belong to the parish churches. Item, By the said privileges of the popes, granted to the friars, many other great enormities do arise. As first, because thereby the true shepherds do not know the faces of their flock. Item, By the occasion of these privileges given to the friars, great contention, and sometimes blows arise between the friars and secular curates, about titles, impropriations, and other avails. Item, By the occasion of the aforesaid privileges, divers young men, as well in universities as in their fathers’ houses, are allured craftily by the friars their confessors, to enter their orders; from whence afterwards they cannot get out though they would, to the great grief of their parents, and no less repentance to the young men themselves. The example whereof Armachanus, in the said his treatise, inferreth of a certain substantial Englishman being with him at his inn in Rome; who, having a son at the university of Oxford, who was enticed by the friars to enter into their order, could by no means afterwards release him; but when his father and his mother would come unto him, they could not he suffered to speak with him, but under the friars’ custody; whereas the Scripture commandeth plainly, that whoso stealeth any man and selleth him (being thereof convicted), shall be put to death [Exodus 21]; and, for the same cause, the father was compelled to come up to Rome to seek remedy for his son. And thus, saith Armachanus, it may appear what damage and detriments come by these friars unto the common people. And no less inconvenience and danger, also, by the said friars ariseth to the clergy; forasmuch as laymen, seeing their children thus to be stolen from them in the universities by the friars, do refuse therefore to send them to their studies; rather willing to keep them at home to their occupation, or to follow the plough, than so to be circumvented and defeated of their sons at the university, “as by daily experience,” saith he, “doth manifestly appear.” “For whereas in my time.” saith Armachanus, “there were in the university of Oxford thirty thousand students, now are there not to he found six thousand; the occasion of which so great decay is to be ascribed to no other cause but to this circumvention only of the friars above mentioned. Over and besides this, another inconvenience as great or greater, the said Armachanus inferred to proceed by the friars, through the decay of doctrine and knowledge in all manner of faculties and liberal sciences, which thus he declared: for that these begging friars, through their privileges obtained of the popes to preach, to hear confessions, and to bury, and through their charters of impropriations, did grow, thereby, to such great riches and possessions, by their begging, craving, catching and intermeddling with church matters, that no book could stir of any science, either of divinity, law, or physic, but they were both able and ready to buy it up. So that every covent having a great library full stuffed and furnished with all sorts of books, and there being so many covents within the realm, and in every covent so many friars increasing daily more and more; by reason whereof it came to pass, that very few books, or none at all, remain for other students. This, by his own experience he thus testifieth, saying; that he himself sent forth to the university four of his own priests or chaplains, who, sending him word again, that they could neither find the Bible, nor any other good profitable book of divinity meet for their study, therefore were minded to return home to their country; and one of them, he was sure, was returned by this time. Furthermore, as he hath proved hitherto the friars to be hurtful both to the laity, and to the clergy; so proceeding farther, he proveth them to be hurtful also to themselves: and that in three points, as incurring the vice of disobedience against God, and against their own rule; the vice of avarice; and the vice of pride. The probation of all which points he prosecuted in a long discourse.

First, saith he, they are disobedient to the law of God, “Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house, ox, nor ass, nor any thing that is his;” in that they procure the pope’s letters to preach in churches, and to take burials from churches, with license annexed withal to receive the avails which rise of the same, which properly belongeth to the right of parish priests. Item, They are disobedient to this rule of the gospel: “So do to other, as thou wouldest have done to thee.” Item,. They be disobedient against. . their own rule, which being founded upon. strict poverty and beggary, this license obtained for them, to require necessaries of the people for their labors, is repugning against the same foundation. Item, They be disobedient to the role of the Scripture, which saith, “Let no man take honor unto him, except he be called, as Aaron.” Also St. Paul saith, “How shall they preach, unless they be sent?” And how observe they this rule of obedience;who professing to keep the perfection of the gospel, yet contrary to the gospel procure to themselves privileges to run before they be sent.. Item, To their own rule they are disobedient; for where their chapter saith, that if any will take upon them this order, and will come to our brethren; let our brethren first send them to the provincials, to be examined of the catholic faith and sacraments of the church, etc.; contrary hereunto the friars have procured a privilege, that not only the provincials, but other inferiors, also, may take unto them indifferently whom they can catch; so far, without all examination, that almost at this day there is no notable house of friars, wherein is not either a whole, or half a covent of lads and boys under ten years old, being circumvented, who neither can skill of the creed nor sacraments.

Again, the rule of Francis saith, that his brethren Observants must observe not to preach in the diocese of any bishop, without the consent of the bishop; and, moreover, the said Francis in his testament saith, that if he had as much wisdom as Solomon, and found poor secular priests in the parishes where they dwell, yet he would not presume to preach without their will, and also would fear, love, and honor them, and all other as his masters, and so they be.

Against which rule how the friars do disobey, how little they reverence bishops or secular priests, what privileges, exemptions, and immunities they procure against them, the world may see and judge. Item, When none may be admitted to preach, or to hear confessions, unless they be entered into orders; and, seeing by the common law of the church, none must be admitted into holy orders, except he have sufficient title of living and clothing; the friars, therefore, having no such title, being willful beggars, do disobey in both respects, that is, both in entering into such orders without convenient rifle, and in exercising the office of preaching without such lawful orders.

Moreover, the aforesaid Francis in his testament commandeth thus: “I command,” saith he, “firmly by virtue of obedience, to all and singular my brethren wheresoever they be, that none of them presume to obtain in the court of Rome any letter or writing, either by himself, or by any other means, neither for the church, nor for any other place, nor under any color of preaching, nor yet for the persecuting of their own bodies,” etc. Against which testament of Francis, the Franciscans, in procuring their privileges from the bishop of Rome, have incurred manifest disobedience as all the world may see. Neither will this objection serve them, because the pope hath dispensed with Francis’ rule. For if the testament of Francis, as he saith, came from God (and so should God have three testaments), how then can the pope repeal his precept, or dispense with his rule, when by the rule of the law, “Par in parem non habet imperium?”

Secondly, concerning the vice of avarice, manifestly it may be proved upon them, saith Armachanus; for else, seeing so many charges belong to the office of a secular parish priest, as to minister the sacrament at Easter, to visit the sick with extreme unction, to baptize children, to wed, with such others, wherein standeth as great devotion; how then happeneth it that these friars, making no labor for these, only procure to themselves privileges to preach in churches, to hear confessions, and to receive license to bury from parish churches, but because there is lucre and gain, in these, to be looked for, in the other is none?

Which also may appear by this, for, otherwise, if it were for mere devotion only that they procure license to bury from parish churches and to preach; why then have they procured withal, license to take offerings, oblations, and legacies for their funerals?

And, for their preaching, why have they annexed also license to require, and take, of the people, necessaries for their labor, but only that avarice is the cause thereof?

Likewise, for hearing of confessions, when all good men have enough to know their own faults, and nothing list to hear the faults of other; it is probably to be supposed, by this their privilege of hearing all men’s confessions, that they would never have been so desirous of procuring that privilege, were it not that these friars did feel some sweetness and gain to hang upon the same. Item, where the rule of friar Francis forbiddeth them to keep company with any woman, to enter into monasteries, to be godfathers and gossips to men and women; how cometh it that they, contrary to their rule, enter into the secret chambers of queens and other women, and are made to know the most secret counsels of their doings, but that avarice and commodity have so blinded their eyes, and stirred their hearts?

Thirdly, that the friars fall into the vice of pride and ambition, the said Armachanus proved thus:

To seek or to procure any high place in the church, is a point of pride and ambition. “Nunquam sine ambitione desideratur primatus in ecclesia.” The friars seek and procure a high place in the church. Ergo, the friars are proud and ambitious.

The minor he proveth, to have the state of preaching and hearing confessions is, in the church, a state of honor.

The friars seek, and have procured, the state of preaching and hearing confessions.

Ergo, the friars seek and procure a high place in the church, etc.

III. His third conclusion was, that “the Lord Christ in his human conversation was always poor, not for that he loved or desired poverty for itself,” etc. Wherein this is to be noted; that Armachanus differed not from the friars in this, that Christ was poor, and that he loved poverty; but herein stood the difference, in manner of loving, that is, whether he loved poverty for itself, or not. Wherein the aforesaid Armachanus used four probations.

First, forasmuch as to be poor is nothing else but to be miserable, and seeing no man coveteth to be in misery for itself; therefore he concluded that Christ desired not poverty for itself.

His second reason was derived out of Aristotle. Nothing, saith he, is to be loved for itself, but that which (all commodities being secluded which follow thereupon) is voluntarily sought and desired. But take from poverty all respect of commodities following the same, and it would be sought neither of God nor man.

Ergo, he concluded, Christ loved not poverty for itself.

Thirdly again, no effect of sin, said he, is to be loved for itself. But poverty is the effect of sin. Ergo, poverty was not loved of Christ for itself.

Fourthly, no privation of the thing that is good, is to be loved for itself.

Poverty is the privation of the thing that is good, that is, of riches, for God himself is principally rich. Ergo, poverty for itself was not loved of Christ.

IV. “The fourth conclusion was, that Christ our Lord and Savior did never beg willfully.” Which he proveth by sundry reasons. 1. For that Christ in so doing should break the law, which saith, “Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house, his wife, his servant, his maid, his ox, his ass, or any thing that is his” [Exodus 20]; the danger of which commandment he that beggeth voluntarily must needs incur. 2. Item, If Christ had begged voluntarily, he should have committed sin’ against another commandment, which saith, “There shall be no beggar, nor needy person among you,” etc. [Deuteronomy 6] 3. Item, Christ in so doing should have transgressed the emperor’s law, under which he would himself be subject (as appeareth by giving, and bidding tribute to be given, to Caesar), forasmuch as the same emperor’s law saith, “There shall no valiant beggar be suffered in the city.” 4. Item, If Christ had been a willful beggar, he had broke the law of loving his neighbor; whom he had vexed, having no need. For whoso, without need, asketh or craveth of his neighbor, doth but vex him, in such sort as he would not be vexed himself: which Christ would never do. 5. Item, If Christ had begged willfully, he had moved slander, thereby, to his own gospel, which he with miracles did confirm; for then they that saw his miracle in feeding five thousand in the wilderness, would have thought much with themselves how that miracle had been wrought, if he who fed others, either could not, or would not feed himself. 6. Item, If Christ had begged willfully, then he had done that which himself condemneth by Paul, for so we read, [1 Timothy vi.] that Paul condemneth them, who esteem piety to be gain and lucre; which all they do, who, under the color of piety, hunt or seek for gain, when otherwise they need not. 7. Item, If Christ had begged willfully, he had offended in declaring an untruth in so doing; for he that knoweth, in his mind, that he needeth not in deed, that tiling which in word he asketh of another, declareth in himself an . untruth, as who in word pretendeth to be otherwise than he is in very deed; which Christ without doubt never did, nor would ever do. 8. Item, If Christ had begged willfully, that is, having no true need thereunto, then had he appeared either to be a hypocrite, seeming to be that he was not, and to lack, when he did not; or else to be a true beggar in very deed, not able to suffice his necessity. For he is a true beggar indeed, who, being constrained by mere necessity, is forced to ask of another that which he is not able to give to himself. But neither of these two agreeth to Christ. 9. Item, If Christ had begged willfully, then why did Peter rebuke the mother of St. Clement. his disciple, finding her to stand among the beggars, whom he thought to be strong enough to labor with her hands for her living, if she, in so doing, had followed the example of Christ? f1254 10 . Item, If Christ had begged willfully, and if the friars do rightly define perfection of the gospel by willful poverty, then was Clement, St. Peter’s successor, to blame, who labored so much to remove .away beggary and poverty from among all them that were converted to the faith of Christ, and is specially, for the same, commended of the church. 11 . Again, why did the said Clement, writing to James, bishop of Jerusalem, command so much to obey the doctrine and examples of the apostles; who, as he showeth in that epistle, had no beggar or needy person amongst them, if Christian perfection, by the friars’ philosophy, standeth in willful beggary? 12 . Item, If Christ the ]ugh priest had begged willfully, then did the holy church err wittingly, which ordained that none without sufficient title of living and clothing, should be admitted to holy orders. And moreover, when it is said, in the canonical decrees, that the bishop or clerk that beggeth: bringeth shame upon the whole order of the clergy. 13 . Item, If Christ had willfully begged, then the example of willful poverty had pertained to the perfection of Christian life, which is contrary to the old law, which commandeth the priests (who lived then after the perfection of the law) to have possessions and tithes to keep them from beggary. 14 . Item, If Christ did willfully beg, then beggary were a point of Christian perfection: and so the church of God should err, in admitting such patrimonies and donations given to the church, and so in taking from the prelates their perfection. 15 . Again, what will these friars, who put their perfection in begging, say to Melchisedec, who, without begging or willful poverty, was the high priest of God, and king of Salem, and prefigured the order and priesthood of Christ? 16 . And if beggary be such a perfection of the gospel, as the friars say, how cometh it, that the Holy Ghost given to the apostles, which should lead them into all truth, told them no word of this beggarly perfection, neither is there any word mentioned thereof throughout the whole Testament of God? 17 . Moreover, where the prophet saith, “I never did see the just man forsaken, nor his seed go begging their bread:” how standeth this with the justice of Christ, which was most perfectly just, if he should be forsaken, or his seed go beg their bread? and then how agreeth this with the abominable doctrines of friars Franciscan, who put their perfection in willful begging. 18 . Finally, do we not read that Christ sent Ins disciples to preach without scrip or wallet, and bade them salute no man by the way; meaning that they should beg nothing of any man? Did not the same Christ also labor with his hands under Joseph? St. Paul, likewise, did he not labor with his hands, rather than he would burden rite church of the Corinthians? And where now is the doctrine of the friars, which putteth the state of perfection in willful begging?

V. The fifth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars, was this, “that Christ never taught any man willfully to beg,” which he proved thus: It is written, [Acts 1]” Christ began to do and to teach.” If Christ, therefore, who did never willfully beg himself, as hath been proved, had taught men otherwise to do; then his doing and teaching had not agreed together. Item, If Christ, who never begged himself willfully, had taught men this doctrine of willful begging, contrary to his own doing; he had given suspicion of his doctrine, and ministered slander of the same, as hath been proved before in the fourth conclusion.

Moreover, in so teaching, he had taught contrary to the emperor’s just law, which expressly forbiddeth the same.

VI. The sixth conclusion of Armachanus against the friars was, “that our Lord Jesus Christ teacheth us, that we should not beg willfully,” which he proveth by seven or eight reasons. 1. Where it is written, [Luke 14], “When thou makest a feast, call the poor, weak, lame, and blind; and thou shalt be blessed: for they have not wherewith to reward thee again.”

To this also pertaineth the decree of the apostle, [2 Thessalonians 3] “He that will not work, let him not eat.”

Furthermore, the same apostle addeth in the same place: “For you have us for example, how we were burdensome to no man, neither did we eat our bread freely, but with labor and weariness, toiling both day and night, and all because we would not burden you,” etc. 2. Item, Where we read in the Scripture ‘the slothful man reprehended, [Proverbs 6.] “Why sleepest thou, O sluggard? thy poverty and beggary are coming upon thee like an armed man,” etc. nd again, in the same book of Proverbs, “The slothful man,” saith the Scripture, “for cold would not go to the plough, therefore he shall beg in summer, and no man shall give him,” etc. Also in the said book of Proverbs, the last chapter, “The diligent laboring woman is commended, whose fingers are exercised about the rock and spindle.” And all these places make against the willful begging of sturdy friars. 3. Item, Friar Francis, their own founder, in his own testament saith, “And I have labored with mine own hands, and will labor, and will that all my friarlings shall labor and live by their labor, whereby they may support themselves in an honest way. And they that cannot work, let them learn to work, not for any covetousness to receive for their labor, but for example of good works, and to avoid idleness. And when the price of their labor is not given them, let them resort to the Lord’s table, and ask their alms from door to door,” etc. Thus much in his testament. And in his rule he saith, “Such brethren to whom the Lord hath given the gift to labor, let them labor faithfully and devoutly,” etc. Wherefore it is to be marveled how those friars with their willful begging, dare transgress the rule and obedience of friar Francis, their great grandfather’s testament. 4. Item, If Christ at any time did beg, or did lack, it was more because he would use a miracle in his own person, than because he would beg willfully; as when he sent Peter to the sea to find a groat in the mouth of the fish; which thing yet he thought rather to do, than to beg the great of the people, which he might soon have obtained. 5. Item, By divers other his examples he seemeth to teach the same, as where he saith, “The workman is worthy of his hire;” also, “The workman is worthy of his meat” [Matthew 10: Luke 10]; and when he spake to Zaccheus that he would turn into his house. And so likewise in Bethany, and all other places, he ever used rather to burden his friends than to beg of others unacquainted. 6. Item, With plain precept, thus he sendeth forth his disciples, willing them not to go from house to house [Luke 10] as friars used now to go. Many other Scriptures there be which reprove begging, as. where it is said, “The foot off fool is swift to the house of his neighbor” [Ecclesiastes.21]; and in another place, “my child,” saith he, “see thou beg not in the time of thy life, for better it is to die, than to beg” [Ecclesiastes 40] 7. Item, Where Christ, counseling the young man, bade him go and sell what he had, and give to the poor, and follow him if he would be perfect; he doth not there call him to willful begging, but calleth him to follow him, who did not beg willfully.

VII. The seventh conclusion of Armachanus is, “that no wise nor true holy man can take upon him willful poverty to be observed always,” which he proveth by four reasons. 1. That willful beggary was reproved both by the doctrine of Christ and of the apostles, as in the conclusion before hath been declared. 2. Item, A man in taking upon him willful beggary, in so doing should lead himself into temptation, which were against the Lord’s Prayer.

Forasmuch also as Solomon [Proverbs 30] saith, “O Lord, beggary and great riches give me not, but only sufficiency to live upon, lest if I have too much, I be driven to deny thee, and say, Who is the Lord? Again, if I have too little, I be forced thereby to steal, and perjure the name of my God.”

Wherefore saith Ecclesiastes 27., “For need many have offended.” And therefore they that choose willful poverty, take to them great occasion of temptation. 3. Item, They that take willful poverty upon them, when they need not, induce themselves voluntarily to break the commandment of God, “Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor’s house,” etc. Again, where it is commanded, “There shall be no beggar among you,” etc. 4. Item, He that taketh upon him needlessly and willfully to beg, maketh himself unapt to receive holy orders, having, as it is said, no sufficient title thereunto, according to the laws of the church.

VIII The eighth conclusion of this matter is, that it is not agreeing to the rule of the Friars Observant, to observe willful beggary; which, saith he, may be proved, because friar Francis, both in his rule, and in his testament left to his Franciscans, doth plainly prefer labor before begging.

IX. The ninth and last conclusion of this matter is, that the bull of pope Alexander IV. which condemneth the book of the masters of Paris, impugneth none of these conclusions premised. For the proof thereof he thus inferred: 1. That pope John XXIV., in his constitution beginning thus, “Quia quorundam,” affirmeth expressly, how pope Nicholas III. revoked and called back the said bull of pope Alexander IV., and all other writings of his, touching all such articles, which in the same aforesaid constitution of this pope John be contained and declared. Wherein also is declared how strait the poverty of the friars ought to be, which they call willful poverty. 2. Item, It is manifest and notorious to all men, how the said pope Nicholas III., in his declaration showeth how the friars ought both to labor with their hands, and how, moreover, the said friars ought not to preach within the diocese of any bishop, wheresoever they be resisted: which being so, the conclusion appeareth that the bull of pope Alexander IV., as touching these articles, is void and of none effect.

Besides these articles, there is nothing else in the said bull of Alexander, that I remember, which impugneth any of these conclusions premised. “Many things more,” said he, “I had besides these, both to object and to answer again to the same, and to confirm, more surely and firmly, these my reasons and assertions premised. But I have already too much wearied your holiness, and your reverend lordships here present; wherefore I conclude, and humbly and devoutly beseech you, according to my former petition premised in the beginning of this matter, that you judge not after the outward face, but judge ye true judgment. f1257 NOTES TO BE OBSERVED IN THIS FORMER ORATION OF ARMACHANUS.

By this oration of Armachanus the learned prelate, thus made before pope Innocent and his cardinals, divers and sundry things there be, for the utility of the church, worthy to be observed. First, what troubles and vexations came to the church of Christ by these friars. Also what persecution followeth after, by means of them, against so many learned men and true servants of Christ. Furthermore, what repugnance and contrariety there was among the popes, and how they could not agree among themselves about the friars. Fourthly, what pestiferous doctrine, subverting well nigh the testament of Jesus Christ. Fifthly, what decay of ministers in Christ’s church, as appeareth. Sixthly, what robbing and circumventing of men’s children, as appeareth. Seventhly, what decay of universities, as appeareth by Oxford (p. 760). Eighthly, that damage to learning, and lack of books to students, came by these friars, as appeareth. Ninthly, to what pride, under color of feigned humility, to what riches, under dissembled poverty they grew, here is to be seen; insomuch that at length, through their subtle and most dangerous hypocrisy, they crept up to be lords, archbishops, cardinals, and at last also chancellors of realms, yea and of most secret counsel with kings and queens, as appeareth.

All these things well considered, now remaineth in the church to be marked; that forasmuch as these friars (with their new-found testament of friar Francis), not being contented with the testament of God in his Son Christ, began to spring up at the same time when Satan was prophesied to be let loose by order of the Scripture; whether, therefore, it is to be doubted that these friars make up the body of Antichrist, which is prophesied to come in the church, or not; which is much less to be doubted, because whoso list to try shall find, that of all other enemies of Christ, of whom some be manifest, some be privy, all be together cruel, yet is there no such sort of enemies that more sleightily deceiveth the simple Christian, or more deeply drowneth him in damnation, than doth this doctrine of the friars.

But of this oration of Armachanus enough. What success it had with the pope, by story it is not certain, but by his own. life declared, it appeareth that the Lord so wrought that his enemies did not triumph over him.

Notwithstanding, this by story appeareth, that he was seven or eight years in banishment for the same matter, and there died in the same at Avignon, of whom, a certain, cardinal hearing of his death, openly protested that the same day a mighty pillar of Christ’s church was fallen.

After the death of Armachanus, the friars had contention likewise with the monks of Benedict’s order about the same year (A.D. 1860), and so removed their cause, both against the monks, and against the university of Oxford, unto the court of Rome; wherein, saith the author, they lacked another Richard. By this that appeareth to be true, which is testified in the first volume of Waldenus, that long debate continued between the friars and the university of Oxford, Against the friars first stood up Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, above mentioned; then Sevallus of York; afterwards John of Baconthorpe, and now this Armachanus, of whom here presently we treat; and after him again John Wickliff, of whom (Christ willing) we will speak hereafter. Against this aforesaid Armachanus wrote divers friars; Roger Conaway, a Franciscan, John Heyldesham, a Carmelite, Galfridus Hardby, a friar Augustine. Also friar Engelbert, a Dominican, in a book entitled ‘ Defensorium Privilegiorum,’ and divers others. I credibly hear of certain old Irish Bibles translated long since into the Irish tongue, which, if it be true, it is not likely to be the doing of any one but of this Armachanus. And thus much of this learned prelate and archbishop of Ireland, a man worthy, for his Christian zeal of immortal commendation.

After the death of this Innocent, next was poped in the see of Rome pope Urban V., who, by the father’s side, was an Englishman. This Urban had been a waiter a long time in the court of Rome; and when he saw no promotion would light upon him, complaining to a certain friend of his, he made to him his moan, saying, That he thought, verily, if all the churches of the world should fall, yet none would fall into his mouth. His friend afterwards seeing him to be pope, and enthronized in his threefold crown, cometh to him, and putting him in remembrance of his words to him before, saith, That whereas his holiness had moaned his fortune to him, that if all the churches in the world would fall, none would fall upon his head, “now,” saith he, “God hath otherwise so disposed, that all the churches in the world are fallen upon your head.”

This pope maintained and kindled great wars in Italy, sending Giles, his cardinal and legate, and after him Arduinus, a Burgundian, his legate and abbot, with a great puissance and much money against sundry cities in Italy; by whose means the towns and cities which before had broken from the bishop of Rome were oppressed: also Barnabas and Galeaceus, prince; of Milan, were vanquished. By whose example other being sore feared, submitted themselves to the church of Rome; and thus came up that wicked church to her great possessions, which her patrons would needs father upon Constantine, the godly emperor.

In the time of this pope Urban V., and in the second year of his reign, about the conclusion of the year of our Lord 1868, I find a certain sermon of one Nicholas Orem, made before the pope and his cardinals, on Christmas-even. In which sermon the learned man doth worthily rebuke the prelates and priests of his time, declaring their destruction not to be far off, by certain signs taken of their wicked and corrupt life. All the sayings of the prophets, spoken against the wicked priests of the Jews, he doth aptly apply against the clergy of his time, comparing the church then present to the spiritual strumpet spoken of in ‘the prophet Ezekiel [chap. 16]; and he proveth, in conclusion, the clergy of the church then to be so much worse than the old synagogue of the Jews, by how much it is worse to sell the church and sacraments, than to suffer doves to be sold in the church. With no less judgment also, and learning, he answereth to the old and false objections of the papists, who, albeit they be never so wicked, yet think themselves to be the church which the Lord cannot forsake. All these things to the intent they may the better appear in his own words, I have thought good here to translate and exhibit the sermon as it was spoken before the pope.

A COPY OF A SERMON MADE BEFORE POPE URBAN V., THE FOURTH SUNDAY IN ADVENT, A.D. 1868, BY NICHOLAS OREM. “Juxta est salus mea, ut veniat, et justiria,” etc. That is, “My saving health is near at hand to come, and my righteousness to be revealed,” etc. [Isaiah 56] After the sentence of St. Paul, Romans 2:and in divers other places, before the nativity of Christ the whole world was divided into two sorts of men, the Jews and Gentiles— the Jews, who waited for the opening of the door of paradise by the blood of the Savior to come: the Gentiles, who yet sitting in darkness were to be called to light, and to be justified by faith, as it is written in Romans, chap. 5.

This salvation, pertaining both to the Jew and Gentile, God promised before time to the fathers by the prophets, to stir up the desire thereof in their hearts the more, and to increase their firm hope and faith in the same. As first, in Micah 6, the voice of the Lord crieth, “Health and salvation shall be to all men which fear my name.” And Isaiah 46, “I will give in Sion salvation, and in Jerusalem my glory,” etc., with divers other such places. And forasmuch as hope which is deferred many times, doth afflict the soul, and conceiveth weariness of long deferring; he, therefore, prophesying of the nearness of the coming thereof, saith moreover [Isaiah. 14], “His time is near at hand to come.” Also [Habakkuk 2], “He will come, and will not tarry.” With many such other places more. So then the holy fathers being in Limbo, looked and hoped that he should bring out them that sat bound, and which in the house of prison sat in darkness, as we read in Isaiah 41:Then the time drew on, in which came the fullness of the Gentiles, and in which the Lord would declare the riches of this mystery hidden from the world, and from generations. [Colossians 1] Wherefore the Lord, in this text, doth both certify our fathers of the coming of our Savior, and doth comfort them touching the nearness thereof, and also teacheth the justification of the Gentiles by faith, approaching now near at hand, according to the words of my text, “my salvation is near.” Which words were fulfilled then, what time the Lord did manifest his salvation, and did reveal his righteousness in the sight of all the Gentiles. And it is divided into three parts; of which the first speaketh of the nearness of his coming, where it is said, “my salvation is near.” The second concerneth the mystery of the advent of Christ and his incarnation, where he saith, “ut veniat,” etc. Thirdly, is considered the severity of God, his terrible revenging judgment to be revealed, where he saith, “ut reveletur,” etc., which is to be expounded of his primitive justice, whereof speaketh Amos [chap. 5:3] saying, “And judgment shall be revealed like a flood, and righteousness like a strong stream.”

Wherefore, for our contemplation of the solemnity of the most holy vigil, let us receive with joy the word of God the Father, “My Salvation is nigh,” that is, Christ. To whom he saith [Isaiah 49], “I have given thee to be a light to the Gentiles, and to be my salvation throughout the ends of the world :” and again [Isaiah.46], “My salvation shall not slack,” etc.

As touching the nearness thereof, it is in these days opened to us by the gospel, where we read in St. Matthew, When the virgin Mary was espoused unto Joseph, before they did come together, she was found with child by the Holy Ghost. By this it was evident to understand, that our Savior ought shortly to proceed out of the chaste womb of the virgin, according as the prophet did foretel, saying, “Behold a virgin shall conceive and bring forth a son,” etc. For as the grape, when it waxeth great and full, is near to the making of wine; and as the flower, when it shooteth abroad, hasteth to the fruit; so the salvation of the world, in the swelling and growing of the virgin’s womb, began to draw nigh to mankind.

For then appeared the grace and benignity of our Savior, whom his mother was found to have in her womb by the Holy Ghost, as is declared in that which followeth by the angel, saying, “For that which is born of her is of the Holy Ghost.”

Touching the second part of that which is said, “ut veniat :” this may be applied to the contemplation of the mystery of Christ coining in the flesh; whereof speaketh Haggai the prophet [chap. 2], “He shall come who is desired and looked for of all nations,” etc. Albeit the same also may be applied to the second advent, spoken of in Isaiah [chap. 3], “The Lord shall come to judgment,” etc.; in memorial whereof the fourth Sunday was dedicated in the old time, of the fathers. And of this day of judgment it is written in the prophet Zephaniah [chap. 2], “The day of the Lord is near, great and mighty, t is approaching at hand, and wondrous short,” etc. And albeit not in itself, yet it may be expounded in tribulations that go before, as preambles unto the same; as Gregory saith, “The last tribulation is prevented with many and sundry tribulations going before, although the end of all be not yet.”

Wherefore now coming to the third part of my sermon or theme, let us see, of those tribulations that go before the last coming of Christ, if there be any such tribulation approaching nigh at hand, whereof this last part of my theme nay be verified, where he said, “Ut reveletur,” that my righteousness shall be revealed; to wit, the righteousness primitive, that righteousness may be brought, and the prophecy of Daniel fulfilled [Daniel 9], concerning which matter four things here come in order to be declared.

First , Concerning the revealing of tribulation, according to that part of my theme, “Ut reveletur,” etc.

Secondly , Concerning the nearness of the tribulation coming, according to that part of my theme, “Quia juxta est,” etc.

Thirdly , Of the false opinions of some upon this part of my theme, “Ut veniat,” etc.

Fourthly , What means and consultation we ought to take, “Ut juxta est salus.”

As for the first, it is so notorious and so common in the Scriptures that the church should suffer and abide tribulation, that I need not here to stand in alleging any thing touching either the causes to be weighed, or the term to be conjectured thereof. As concerning which causes I will give two rules to be noted before, for the better opening of that which is to follow: The first rule is, that by the two kingdoms of the nation of the Hebrews which were in the old time, to wit, by the kingdom of Israel, whose head was Samaria, is signified in the prophets the erroneous synagogue; and by the second kingdom of Judah, of whose stock came Christ, whose head metropolitan was Jerusalem, is signified the true church. And this rule is not mine, but is an authentic gloss of St. Jerome, and also is the rule of Origen in the last homily upon the Old Testament, and is approved by the church.

The second rule is, that by the brothel-house and fornication mentioned in the prophets, are signified simony, and abused dispensations, and promotions of persons Unworthy, for lucre’s sake, or else for any other partial favor, who, by unlawful ways, by all laws of the world, come to office and honor. “Merx dicitur namque a merendo;” that is, because gain or price is derived of gaining; for the which gain or price, that is sold, which by nature ought not to be sold. Therefore, to give any thing for respect of gain or hire, which ought to be given freely for virtue’s sake, is a kind of spiritual corruption, and as a man would say, a whorish thing; whereof the prophet [Isaiah, chap. 1.] complaineth, speaking of Jerusalem, and saying, “The city which once was faithful and full of judgment, how is it now become a whorish city?” And in like manner Hosea also, the prophet [chap. ix.], “Jerusalem, thou hast fornicated and gone a whoring from thy God. Thou hast loved like a harlot to get gain in every barn of corn.” And in many other places of Scripture, where fornication cannot be otherwise expounded.

These two rules thus premised, now let us mark the Scriptures, and, according to the same, judge of the whole state of the church, both what is past, and what is to come: First, treating of the causes of tribulation to come: Secondly, of the vicinity of time of the said tribulation to come.

And first, concerning the state of the church, and of causes of tribulation, thus saith the Lord in the prophet Ezekiel [chap. xvi.], speaking to the church under the name of Jerusalem: “ In the day of thy birth I came by thee, and saw thee trodden clown in thine own blood,” etc. Here he speaketh of the time of the martyrdom of the church. Then it followeth, “After this thou wast cleansed from thy blood, thou wast grown up, and waxen great; then washed I thee with water, I purged thy blood from thee” (speaking of ceasing of persecution), “I anointed thee with oil, I gave thee change of raiment, I girded thee with white silk, I decked thee with costly apparel, put rings upon thy fingers, a chain about thy neck, spangles upon thy forehead, and ear-rings upon thine ears. Thus wast thou decked with silver and gold, and a beautiful crown set upon thine head. Marvellous goodly wast thou and beautiful, even a very queen wast thou: for thou wast excellent in my beauty, which I put upon thee, saith the Lord God,” etc. This prophecy, or rather history, speaketh of, and declareth, the prosperity of the church.

And now hear the corruption and transgression of the church, for so it followeth: “But thou hast put confidence in thine own beauty, and played the harlot, when thou hadst gotten thee a name. Thou hast committed whoredom with all that went by thee, and hast fulfilled their desires; yea, thou hast taken thy garments of divers colors and decked thine altars therewith, whereupon thou mightest fulfill thy whoredom of such a fashion as never was done, nor shall be.” Which whoredom can in no wise be expounded for carnal, but spiritual whoredom. And therefore, see how lively he hath painted out the corruption and falling of the church.

And therefore followeth now the correction and punishment of the church. It followeth, “Behold I stretch out my hand over thee, and will diminish thy store of food, and deliver thee over unto the wills of the Philistines, and of such as hate thee: and they shall break down thy stews, and destroy thy brothel-houses” (that is, the place wherein thou didst exercise this wickedness) “they shall strip thee out of thy clothes: all thy fair beautiful jewels shall they take from thee, and so let thee sit naked and bare,” etc. [Ezekiel 16] Here is plainly to be seen what shall happen to the church, and more followeth in the said chapter: “Thine elder sister is Samaria, she and her daughters upon thy left hand: but the youngest sister that dwelleth on thy right hand is Sodoma with her daughters, whose sins were these: pride, fullness of meat, abundance, and idleness, neither reached they their hand to the poor. And yet, neither Sodoma thy sister, with her daughters, hath done so evil as thou and thy daughters: neither hath Samaria” (that is, the synagogue) “done half of thy sins; yea, thou hast exceeded them in wickedness. Take therefore and bear thine own confusion,” etc.

Again in Ezekiel [chap. 23] after the prophet had described at large the wickedness, corruption, and punishment of the synagogue, turning to the church, he saith, “And when her sister saw this, she raged and was mad with lust *more than before; she was mad, that is, with fleshly lust, * love of riches, and following voluptuousness. Her fornication and whoredom she committed with princes and great lords, clothed with all manner of gorgeous apparel; so that her paps were bruised, and her breasts were marred.” And then speaking of her punishment, he saith, “Then my heart forsook her, like as my heart was gone from her sister also.”

And moreover, repeating again the cause thereof, he addeth, “Thy wickedness and thy fornication hath wrought thee all this,” etc.

The like we find also in Isaiah, Jeremy, Ezekiel, and in all the other prophets, who, prophesying all together in one meaning, and almost in one manner of words, do conclude with a full agreement and prophecy to come, that the church shall fall, and then be punished for her great excesses, and be utterly spoiled, except she repent of all her abominations. Whereof speaketh Hosea [chap. 2], “Let her put away her whoredom out of her sight, and her adultery from her breasts, lest I strip her naked, and set her even as she came naked into the world,” (that is, in her primitive poverty). So if she do it not, it shall follow of her as in the prophet Nahum [chap. 3], “For the multitude of the fornication of the fair and beautiful harlot, which is a master of witchcraft, yea and selleth the people through her whoredom, and the nations through her witchcraft.”

And it followeth upon the same, “Behold I come upon thee, saith the Lord of hosts, and will pull thy clothes over thy head, that they nakedness shall appear among the heathen, and thy shame amongst the kingdoms” etc. Wherefore by these it is to be understood that upon this church the primitive justice of God is to be revealed hereafter. And thus much of the first of the four members above touched.

Now to the second member of my theme, “Juxta est;” concerning the nearness of time. Although it is not for us to know the moments and articles of time; yet, by certain notes and signs, peradventure, it may be collected and gathered, that which I have here to say. For the tractation whereof, first I ground myself upon the saying of the apostle Paul [2 Thesselonians 2.], where he writeth, “That unless there come a defection first,” etc.

By the which defection, Jerome gathereth and expoundeth allegorically, the desolation of the monarchy of Rome: between which desolation, and the persecution of the church by Antichrist, he putteth no mean space. And now, what is the state of that commonwealth, if it be compared to the majesty of that it hath been, judge yourselves. Another gloss there is that saith, how by that defection is meant, that from the church of Rome shall come a departing of some other churches.

The second note and mark is this, when the church shall be worse in manners than was the synagogue; as appeareth by the ordinary gloss upon the third of Jeremiah, where it is written, “The backslider Israel may seem just and righteous in comparison of sinful Judah;” that is, the synagogue in comparison of rite church of God. Whereof writeth Origen saying, Think that to be spoken of us what the Lord saith in Ezekiel [chap. 16], “Thou hast exceeded thy sister in thine iniquities.” Wherefore now, to compare the one with the other: First, ye know how Christ rebuked the Pharisees, who, as Jerome witnesseth, were then the clergy of the Jews, of covetousness, for that they suffered doves to be sold in the temple of God: Secondly, for that they did honor God with their lips, and not with their heart; and because they said, but did not: Thirdly, he rebuked them, for that they were hypocrites. To the first then, let us see whether it be worse to sell both church and sacraments than to suffer doves to be sold in the temple, or not. Secondly, whereas the Pharisees were rebuked for honoring God with their lips, and not with their heart, there be some who neither honor God with heart, nor yet with lips, and who neither do well, nor yet say well; neither do they preach any word at all, but be dumb dogs, not able to bark, impudent and shameless dogs, that never have enough; such pastors as have no understanding, declining and straying all in their own way, every one given to covetousness from the highest to the lowest. And thirdly, as for hypocrisy, there be also some whose intolerable pride and malice are so manifest and notorious, kindled up like a fire, that no cloak or shadow of hypocrisy can cover it, but they are so past all shame, that it may be well verified of them, which the prophet speaks, “Thou hast gotten thee the face of a harlot; thou wouldst not blush,” etc.

The third sign and token of tribulation approaching near to the church, may well be taken of the too much unequal proportion seen this day in the church; where one is hungry and starveth, another is drunk. By reason of which so great inequality, it cannot be that the state of the church, as it is now can long endure; for, like as in good harmony, to make the music perfect, is required a moderate and proportionate inequality of voices, which if it do much exceed, it taketh away all the sweet melody; so, according to the sentence of the philo sopher, by too much immoderate inequality or disparity of citizens, the commonwealth falleth to ruin. On the contrary, where mediocrity, that is, where a mean inequality with some proportion is kept, that policy standeth firm and more sure to continue. Now, among all the politic regiments of the Gentiles, I think none more is to be found in histories, wherein is to be seen so great and exceeding odds, as in the policy of priests; of whom some be so high, that they exceed all princes of the earth; some again be so base, that they are under all rascals, so that such a policy or commonwealth may well be called Oligarchia.

This may we plainly see and learn in the body of man, to the which Plutarch, writing to Thracinius, doth semblably compare the commonwealth. In the which body, if the sustenance received should all run to one member, so that that member should be too much exceedingly pampered, and all the other parts too much pined, that body could not long continue; so in the body of the wealth ecclesiastical, if some who be the heads be so enormously overgrown in riches and dignity, that the weaker members of the body be scantly able to bear them up, there is a great token of dissolution and ruin shortly. Whereupon cometh well in place the saying of the prophet Isaiah: “Every head is sick, every heart is full of sorrow;” of the which heads it is also spoken in the prophet Amos [chap. 6], “Woe be to the secure, proud, and wealthy in Sion, and to such as think themselves so sure upon the mount of Samaria, taking themselves as heads and rulers over others,” etc.

And, moreover, in the said prophet Isaiah it followeth, “From the top of the head to the sole of the foot there is no whole part in all the body,” to wit, in the inferiors, because they are not able to live for poverty; in the superiors, because for their excessive riches they are let from doing good. And it followeth in the same place, “But all are wounds, and botches, and stripes.” Behold here the danger coming, the wounds of discord and division, the botch or sore of rancour and envy, the swelling stripe of rebellion and mischief.

The fourth sign is the pride of prelates. Some there have been who fondly have disputed of the poverty of Christ, and have inveighed against the prelates, because they live not in the poverty of the saints. But this fantasy cometh of the ignorance of moral philosophy and divinity, and of the defect of natural prudence; for that in all nations, and by common laws, priests have had, and ought to have, wherewith to sustain themselves more honestly than the vulgar sort, and prelates more honestly than the subjects. But yet hereby is not permitted to them their great horses, their troops of horsemen, the superfluous pomp of their waiting-men and great families, which scarcely can be maintained without pride, neither can be sustained with safe justice, and, many, not without fighting and injuries inconvenient; not much unlike to that which Justin the historian writeth of the Carthaginians, “The family,” saith he, “of so great emperors, was intolerable to such a free city.” In semblable wise, this great pride in the. church of God, especially in these days, doth move not so few to due reverence, as many to indignation; and yet more, to those things aforesaid: who think no less but to do sacrifice to God, if they may rob and spoil certain fat priests and persons, namely, such as neither have nobility or blood, and less learning to bear themselves upon, but are liars, servile and Fraudulent, to whom the Lord speaketh by his prophet Amos [chap. 4], “Hear you fat-fed kine of Samaria, ye that do poor men wrong, and oppress the needy, the day shall come upon you,” etc.

The fifth sign is, the tyranny of the prelates and presidents, which as it is a violent thing, so it cannot be long lasting. For as Solomon saith [chap. 16], “For it was requisite that, without any excuse, destruction should come upon those which exercised tyranny.”

The property of a tyrant is not to seek the commodity of his subjects, but only his will and profit. Such were the pastors that fed not the Lord’s flock, but fed themselves; of whom and to whom speaketh the prophet Ezekiel [chap. 34], “Woe be unto those pastors of Israel that feed themselves. Should not the shepherds feed the flocks?” with many other threatenings against them in the same chapter. “Woe be unto them who rejoice at the transgressions of those whom it lieth in their power to condemn, neither do they seek what he is able to pay;” to whom crieth Micah the prophet [chap. 3], “Ye hate the good and love the evil; ye pluck off men’s skins, and the flesh from the bones; ye eat the flesh of my people, and flay off their skin; ye break their bones; ye chop them in pieces, as it were into a cauldron, and as flesh into the pot,” etc.

And, therefore, the aforesaid Ezekiel [chap. 34] pronounceth, “Behold, I will myself come upon the shepherds and require my sheep from their hands, and make them cease from feeding my sheep, yea the shepherds shall feed themselves no more; for I will deliver my sheep out of their months, so that they shall not devour them any more.”

The sixth sign is the promoting of the unworthy, and neglecting them that be worthy. This, as Aristotle saith, is a great cause many times of the dissolution of commonweals. And oftentimes it so happeneth in the wars of princes, that the contempt and small regarding of the valiant, and the exalting of others that be less worthy, engender divers kinds and kindlings of sedition. For partly by reason of the same, partly of the other causes above recited, we have read not only in books, but have seen with our eyes, divers flourishing cities well nigh subverted; whereas good men be not made of, but are vexed with sorrow and grief by the evil: the contention at length bursteth out upon the prince, as Haymo reciteth out of Origen. This always hath been the perverse incredulity of man’s hard heart, and that not only in hearing, but also in seeing: yet will they not believe that others have perished, unless they also perish themselves.

The seventh sign is, the tribulation of outward policy and commotions of the people, which in a great part has now happened already. And therefore, forasmuch as Seneca saith, “Men do complain commonly that evils only come so fast;” it is to be feared lest also the ecclesiastical policy be afflicted not only outwardly, but also in itself; and so that be fulfilled in us, which in Jeremy is prophesied [chap. 4], “Murder is cried upon murder, and the whole land shall perish, and suddenly my tabernacles were destroyed, and my tents very quickly.”

And Ezekiel [chap. 7], “Wherefore I will bring cruel tyrants from among the heathen, to take their houses in possession; I will make the pomp of the proud to cease, and their sanctuaries shall be taken. One mischief and sorrow shall follow another, and one rumor shall come after another: then shall they seek visions in vain at their prophets; the law shall be gone from their priests, and wisdom from their elders,” etc.

The eighth is, the refusing of correction, neither will they hear their faults told them, so that it happened to the princes and rulers of the church, as it is written in the prophet Zechariah, [chap. 7] “They stopped their ears that they would not hear, yea they made their hearts as an adamant stone, lest they should hear the law and words which the Lord of hosts sent in his Holy Spirit by the prophets aforetime.”

Also Isaiah, witnessing after the same effect [chap. 30.], saith, “For it is an obstinate people, lying children, and unfaithful children, that will not hear the law of the Lord, which say to the prophets, Meddle with nothing, and tell us nothing, that is true and right, but speak friendly words to us,” etc.

All this shall be verified when the prelates begin to hate them that tell them truth, and have knowledge; like unto such of whom Amos speaketh [chap. 5.], “They bear him evil will, that reproveth them openly, and whoso telleth them the plain truth, they abhor him.”

And therefore saith the Lord, by Hosed, to the church of Jerusalem [chap. 4.], “Seeing thou hast refused understanding, I have refused thee also, that thou shalt no more be my priest. And forasmuch as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I will also forget thy children, and change their honor into shame. And so shall it be, like priest, like people,” etc.; and many other sayings there be in the prophets, speaking of the dejecting and casting down of the priestly honor.

Besides these aforesaid signs and tokens hitherto recited, there be also divers others; as the backsliding from righteousness, the lack of discreet and learned priests, promoting of children into the church, with others such. But these being already well noted and marked, you may easily judge and understand whether these times now present of ours be safe and clear from tribulation to be looked for, and whether the word of the Lord be true according to my theme, “My righteousness is near at hand to be revealed,” etc. And thus much of the second part.

Now to the third part or member of my subdivision, which is concerning the false and perilous opinions of some, upon this word of my theme, “Ut veniat,” etc.; which opinions principally be four, all repugning against the truth of the canonical scripture.

The first opinion is of such men, who, having too much confidence in themselves, do think and persuade with themselves, that the prelates be the church which the Lord will always keep and never forsake, as he hath promised in the thy faith shall not fail.”

Whereof we read in Ecclesiastes [chap. 40.], “Faith shall stand for ever,” etc. And albeit charity wax never so cold, yet faith, notwithstanding, shall remain in a few, and in all distresses of the world; of the which distresses, our Savior doth prophesy, in many places, to come. And lest, peradventure, some should think themselves to be safe from tribulation, because they be of the church; this opinion the Lord himself doth contradict in Jeremiah [chap. 7], “Trust not,” saith he, “in false lying words, saying, The Temple of the Lord, the Temple of the Lord.” And a little after, “But you trust in words and lying counsels which deceive you, and do you no good.”

The second opinion is of them who defer time; for this they will grant, that the church shall abide trouble, but not so shortly; thinking thus with themselves, that all these causes and tokens afore recited, have been before, at other times as well, in the church.

For both by Gregory and Bernard, holy doctors, in time past, the prelates have been in like sort reprehended, both for their bribings, for their pomp and pride, for the promoting of children, and persons unfit unto ecclesiastical functions, and other vices more, which have reigned before this in the church of God more than now, and yet by God’s grace the church hath prospered and stands. Do ye not see, that if a house have stood and continued ruinous a long season, it is never the more near the fall thereby, but rather to be trusted the better? Moreover, many times it cometh so to pass, in realms and kingdoms, that the posterity is punished for the sins of their predecessors. Whereof speaketh the book of Lamentations [chap. 5], “Our fathers have sinned and are now gone, and we must bear their wickedness,” etc.

Against this cogitation or opinion, well doth the Lord answer by the prophet Ezekiel [chap. 12], saying, “Behold, thou Son of Man, the house of Israel saith in this manner, Tush, as for the vision that he hath seen, it will be many a day ere it come to pass; it is far off yet, the thing that he prophesieth.

Therefore say unto them, thus saith the Lord God, The words that I have spoken shall be deferred no longer, look, what I have said shall come to pass, saith the Lord,” etc.

We have seen in our days things to happen, which seemed before incredible. And the like hath been seen in other times also, we the earth, the enemy and adversary should have come in at the gates of the city, for the sins of her priests, and for the wickedness of her elders, that have shed innocent blood within her,” etc. By Jerusalem, as is said, is meant the church. The third opinion or error is very perilous and perverse, of all such as say “veniat,” let come that will come; let us conform ourselves to this world, and take our time with those temporizers who say in the book of Wisdom [chap. 2.], “Come, let us enjoy our goods and pleasures that be present, and let us use the creature as in youth quickly,” etc.

Such as these be, are in a dangerous case, and be greatly prejudicial to good men in the church. And, if the heads and rulers of the church were so vile to have any such detestable cogitation in them, there were no place in hell too deep for them. This church, founded by the apostles in Christ, consecrated with the blood of so many martyrs, enlarged and increased with the virtues and merits of so many saints, and endued so richly with the devotion of so many secular princes, and so long prospered hitherto; if it now should come into the hands of such persons, it should fall in great danger of ruin, and they, for their negligence and wickedness, would well deserve of God to be cursed; yea here, also, in this present world, to incur temporal tribulation and destruction, which they fear more; by the sentence of the Lord, saying to them in the book of Proverbs [chap. 1.], “All my counsels ye haye despised, and set my correction at nought; therefore shall I also laugh in your destruction, when tribulation and anguish shall fall upon you.”

Fourthly, another opinion or error is, of such as being unfaithful, believe not that any such thing will come. And this error seemeth to have no remedy, But that as other things and other kingdoms have their ends and limits set unto them, which they cannot overpass; so it must needs be, that such a domination and government of the church have an end, by reason of the demerits and obstinacies of the governors provoking and requiring the same; like as we read in the prophet Jeremy [chap. 8.], “There is no man that taketh repentance for his sin, that will so much as say, Wherefore have I done this. But every man runneth forth still like a wild horse in battle.”

And the same prophet, in chapter 13:of his prophecy, “Like as the man of Inde may change his skin, and the cat-ofmountain her spots, so may ye, that be exercised in evil, do good.

Whereunto also accordeth that which is written of the same prophet [chap. 17.], speaking of Judah, signifying the church, “The sin of Judah,” saith he, “is written in the table of your hearts, and graven so upon the edges of your altars with a pen of iron, and with an adamant claw;” which is as much to say, it is indelible, or which cannot be rased out; as also Ezekiel, speaking of the punishment [chap. 11.], saith, “I the Lord have drawn my sword out of the sheath, and it cannot be revoked.”

Notwithstanding, all these signify no impossibility, but difficulty, because that wicked men are hardly converted; for, otherwise, the Scripture importeth no such inflexibility with God, but if conversion come, he will forgive. So we read in the :prophet Jonas [chap. 3], “Who can tell? God may turn and repent, and cease from his fierce wrath that we perish not.”

And to the like effect saith the same Lord in Jeremy [chap. 26], “Look thou keep not one word back, if peradventure they will hearken and turn every man from his wicked way, that I also may repent of the plague which I have determined to bring upon them, because of their wicked inventions,” etc.

For the further proof whereof, Nineveh we see was converted, and remained undestroyed, etc. Likewise the Lord also had revealed destruction unto Constantinople by sundry signs and tokens, as Augustine in a certain sermon doth declare. And thus for the third part or member of my division.

Fourthly and lastly, remaineth to declare, some wholesome concluding, now upon the causes preceding: that is, if by these causes and signs, heretofore declared, tribulation be prepared to fall upon the church, then let us humble our minds mildly and wisely:

And if we so return with heart and in deed unto God, verily he will rescue and help after an inestimable wise, and will surcease from scourging us, as he promiseth by his prophet Jeremiah [chap. 18], “If that people against whom I have thus devised, convert from their wickedness, immediately I will repent of the plague that “I devised to bring upon them;” speaking here after the manner-of men, etc. Now therefore, forasmuch as tribulation and affliction is so near coming toward us, yea lieth upon us already, let us be the more diligent to call upon God for mercy. For I think, verily, these many years, there have not been so many and so despiteful haters and evil willers, stout, and of such a rebellious heart against the church of God, as be now-a-days; neither be they lacking, that would work all that they can against it, and lovers of newfangleness; whose hearts the Lord haply will turn, that they shall not hate his people, and work deceit against his servants, I mean against priests, whom they have now in little or no reputation at all, albeit many yet there be, through God’s grace, good and godly; but yet the fury of the Lord is not turned away, but still his hand is stretched out. And unless ye be converted, he shaketh his sword; he hath bent his bow, and prepared it ready. Yet the Lord standeth waiting, that he may have mercy upon you [Isaiah 30.] And therefore, as the greatness of fear ought to incite us, so hope of salvation may allure us to pray and call upon the Lord, especially now, toward this holy and sacred time and solemnity of Christ’s nativity: for that holy and continual prayer without intermission is profitable, and the instant devotion and vigilant deprecation of the just man is of great force. And if terrene kings, in the day of celebration of their nativity, be wont to show themselves more liberal and bounteous, how much more ought we to hope well, that the heavenly King, of nature most benign, now at his natal and birth-day, will not deny pardon and remission to such as rightly call unto him.

And now, therefore, as it is written in Joshua [chap. 7.], “Be ye sanctified against tomorrow,” etc.

And say unto him, as it is written in the first book of Samuel [chap. 25.], “Now let thy servants I pray thee find favor in thy sight, for we come to thee in a good season.”

Moreover, ye may find what ye ask, if ye ask that which he brought, in the day of his nativity, that is, the peace of the church, not spiritual only, but also temporal; which the angelical noise did sound, and experience the same time did prove, testified by Livy, Pliny, and other heathen story-writers, who all marveled thereat, saying that such an universal peace as that could not come on earth, but by the gift of God. For so God did forepromise in the prophet Isaiah [chap. 66.], “Behold, I will let peace into Jerusalem like a waterflood,” etc.; and in Psalm 71., “In his time righteousness shall flourish, yea, and abundance of peace,” etc.

Therefore now, O reverend fathers in the Lord! and you, here in this present assembly! behold, I say, the day of life and salvation; now is the opportune time to pray unto God, that the same thing, which he brought into the world at his birth, he will now grant in these days to his church, that is, his peace. And, like as Nineveh was subverted, and overturned, not in members but in manners, so the same words of my theme, “Juxta est justitia mea ut reveletur,” may be verified in us, not of the primitive justice, but of our sanctification by grace; so that, as to-morrow is celebrated the nativity of our Savior, our righteousness may rise together with him, and his blessing may be upon us, which God hath promised, saying, “My saving health is near at hand to come,” etc.; whereof speaketh Isaiah the prophet [chap. 51.], “My saving health shall endure for ever,” etc. This health grant unto us, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost! Amen.

This sermon was made by Master Nicholas Orem before pope Urban V. and his cardinals, upon the even of the nativity of the Lord, being the fourth Sunday of Advent, A.D. 1868, and the second of his popedom.

In the fifth year of this forenamed pope Urban, began first the order of the Jesuats. Unto this time, which was about A.D. 1867, the offices here in :England, as that of the lord chancellor, the lord treasurer, and the privy seal, were wont to be in the hands of the clergy; but, about this year, through the motion of the lords in the parliament, and partly, as witnesseth mine author, for hatred of the clergy, all the said offices were removed from the clergy to the lords temporal.

After the death of pope Urban, next succeeded pope Gregory XI., who, among his other acts, first reduced again the papacy out of France unto Rome, which had from thence been absent the space now of seventy years; being thereto moved (as Sabellicus recordeth) by the answer of a certain bishop, whom as the pope saw standing by him he asked, why he was so long from his charge and church at home, saying that it was not the part of a good pastor to keep him from his flock so long. Whereunto the bishop answering again said, “And you yourself, being the chief bishop, who may and ought to be a spectacle to us all, shy are you from the place so long where your church doth lie?” by the occasion whereof the pope sought all means after that to remove and to rid his court out of France again to Rome, and so he did. f1268 The king of England, holding a parliament in the third year of this pope, sent his ambassadors to him, desiring him, that he from thenceforth would abstain from his reservations of benefices used in the realm of England; and that spiritual men, within this realm promoted unto bishoprics, might freely enjoy their elections within the realm, and be confirmed by their metropolitans, according to the ancient custom of the realm. Wherefore, upon these, and such other like matters, wherein the king and the realm thought themselves aggrieved, he desired of the pope some remedy to be provided, etc. Whereunto the pope returned a certain answer again unto the king, requiring by his messengers to be certified again of the king’s mind concerning the same. But what answer it was, it is not in the story expressed, save that the year following, which was A.D. 1874, there was a tractation at Bruges upon certain of the said articles between the king and the pope, which did hang two years in suspense; and so at length it was thus agreed between them, that the pope should no more use his reservations of benefices in England, and likewise the king should no more confer and give benefices upon the writ “Quare impedit,” etc.; but, touching the freedom of elections to be confirmed by the metropolitan, mentioned in the year before, thereof was nothing touched. f1269 As touching these reservations, provisions, and collations, with the elections of archbishops, bishops, beneficed men, and others, wherewith the pope vexed this realm of England, as before you have heard; the king, by the consent of the lords and commons, in the twenty-fifth year of his reign enacted, that a statute made in the thirty-fifth year of his grandfather Edward I., but not put in execution, should be revived; wherein was made an Act against the ravenous pillage of the pope through the same provisions, reservations, and collations, etc.; by the which provisions the state of the realm decreased more and more, the king’s royalty and prerogative were greatly obscured and diminished, innumerable treasures of the realm transported, aliens and strangers placed in the best and fattest bishoprics, abbeys, and benefices within the realm, and such, as either for their offices in Rome, as cardinalships and such-like, could not be here resident, or if resident, yet better away for causes infinite, as partly have been touched before. Moreover, he not only revived the said statute made by Edward I. his grandfather, but also enacted another, forbidding that any one, for any cause or controversy in law whatsoever, either spiritual or temporal, the same being determinable in any of the king’s courts (as all matters were), whether they were personal or real citations, or other, should either appeal or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realm to the pope or see of Rome; adding thereunto very strait and sharp penalties against the offenders therein or in any part thereof, as, exemption out of the king’s protection, loss of all their lands, goods, and other possessions, and their bodies to be imprisoned at the king’s pleasure; and further, whosoever were lawfully convicted, or who otherwise, for want of appearance, by process directed forth were within the lapse of this statute of ‘Praemunire,’ for so bore the name thereof, should suffer all and every such molestations and injuries, as men exempted from the protection of the king; insomuch that whosoever had killed such men, had been in no more danger of law there-for, than for the killing of an outlaw, or one not worthy to live in a commonweal. Like unprofitable members were they then, yea, in that time of ignorance, esteemed in this commonweal of England, who would offer themselves to the willful slavery and servile obedience of the pope; which thing in these days, yea, and that amongst no small fools, is counted more than evangelical holiness. He that listeth to peruse the statute, and would see every branch and article thereof at large discussed and handled, with the penalties there-for due, let him read the statute of Provision and Praemunire made in the twenty-fifth year of this king’s days: and let him read in the statutes made in the parliaments holden the twenty-seventh and thirty-eighth years of his reign, and under the same titles of Provision and Praemunire he shall find the pope’s primacy and jurisdiction within this realm more nearly touched, and much of his papal power restrained. Divers other matters wherein the pope is restrained of his usurped power, authority, and jurisdiction within this realm of England, are in the said titles and statutes expressed and at large set forth, whoever listeth to peruse the same, which for brevity’s sake I omit, hastening to other matters. f1270 About this time, being A.D. 1370, lived holy Bridget, whom the church of Rome hath canonized not only for a saint, but also for a prophetess; who, notwithstanding, in her book of Revelations, which hath been oftentimes imprinted, was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergy, calling him a murderer of souls, a spiller and apiller of the flock of Christ, more abominable than Jews, more crueller than Judas, more unjust than Pilate, worse than Lucifer himself. The see of the pope, she prophesieth, shall be thrown down into the deep like a millstone, and that his assisters shall burn with brimstone. She affirmeth, that the prelates, bishops, and priests, are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected, and almost extinguished; and that the clergy have turned the ten commandments of God into two words, to wit, “Da pecuniam,” that is, “Give money.” It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth; let the above suffice: one thing only I will add, where the said Bridget affirmeth in her Revelations, that she beheld when the Blessed Virgin said to her Son, how Rome was a fruitful and fertile field, and that he replied, “Yea, but of weeds only and cockle.” f1275 To this Bridget I will join also Catharine of Sienna, a holy virgin, who lived much about the same time (A.D. 1870); of whom writeth Antoninus. F1276 This Catharine, having (according to the papists themselves) the spirit of prophecy, was wont much to complain of the corrupt state of the church, namely of the prelates and monks, and of the court of Rome, and of the pope himself; prophesying before of the great schism which soon followed in the church of Rome, and endured to the council of Constance, the space of thirty-nine years; also of the great wars and tribulation which ensued upon the same; and, moreover, declared before and foretold of this so excellent reformation of religion in the church now present. The words of Antoninus be these: “After this virgin had, on setting out for Rome, foretold her brother of the wars and tumults that should arise in the countries about Rome after the schism which had just happened between the two popes; I, then, curious to know of things to come, and it having become manifest that she had by revelation a knowledge of futurity, demanded of her, I pray you, good mother, said I, and what shall befall after these troubles in the church of God? And she said: ‘By these tribulations and afflictions, after a secret manner unknown unto man, God shall purge his holy church, and stir up the spirit of his elect. And after these things shall follow such a reformation of the holy church of God, and such a renovation of holy pastors, that the only thought and anticipation thereof maketh my spirit to rejoice in the Lord. And, as I have oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse, which now is all deformed and ragged, shall be adorned and decked with most rich and precious ouches and brooches. And all the faithful shall be glad and rejoice to see themselves so beautified with such holy shepherds. Yea, and also the infidels then, allured by the sweet savor of Christ, shall return to the catholic fold, and be converted to the true shepherd and bishop of their souls. Give thanks therefore to God; for after this storm he will give to his church a great calm.’ And after she had thus spoken, she staid, and said no more.” f1279 Besides these aforenamed, the Lord, who never ceaseth to work in his church, stirred up against the malignant church of Rome the spirits of divers other good and godly teachers, as Matthias Parisiensis, a Bohemian born, who, about A.D. 1870, wrote a large book “De Antichristo,” and proveth him already come, and hinteth the pope to be the same; which book one Illyricus, a writer in these our days, hath, and promiseth to put it in print. In this book he doth greatly inveigh against the wickedness and filthiness of the clergy, and against the neglecting of their duty in governing the church. the locusts mentioned in the Apocalypse, he saith, be the hypocrites reigning in the church. The works of Antichrist, he saith, be these, the fables and inventions of men reigning in the church, the images and reigned relics that are worshipped every where. Item, That men do worship, every one, his proper saint and savior beside Christ, so that every man and city almost have their diverse and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed, moreover, that godliness and true worship of God are not bound to place, persons, or times, to be heard more in this place than in another, at this time more than at another, etc. He argueth also against the cloisterers, who leaving the only and true Savior, set up to themselves their Franciscans, their Dominies, and such others, and have them for their saviours, glorying, and triumphing in them, and feigning many forged lies about them. He was greatly and much, offended with monks and friars for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ, and instead of him for celebrating and setting up their own rules and canons; affirming it to be very hurtful to true godliness, for that priests, monks and nuns do account themselves only spiritual, and all others to be lay and secular; attributing only to themselves the opinion of holiness, and contemning other men with all their politic administration, and the office as profane in comparison of their own. He further writeth that Antichrist hath seduced all universities and colleges of learned men, so that they teach no sincere doctrine, neither give any light to the Christians with their teaching.

Finally, he forewarneth that it will come to pass, that God yet once again will raise up godly teachers, who, being fervent in the spirit and zeal of Elias, shall disclose and refute the errors of Antichrist, and Antichrist himself, openly to the whole world. This Matthew, in the said book of Antichrist, allegeth the sayings and writings of the university of Paris, also the writings of Gulielmus de Sancto Amore, and of Militzius before noted.

About the same time, or shortly.after (A.D. 12,84), we read also of Johannes of Mountziger, rector of the university of Ulm, who openly in the schools, in his oration, propounded that the body of Christ was not God, and therefore not to be worshipped as God with that kind of worship called ‘Latria,’ as the sophister termeth, it. meaning thereby the sacrament not to be adored, which afterwards be also defended by writing; affirming also, that Christ in his resurrecetion. tion took to him again all his blood which in his passion he had shed Meaning thereby to infer, that the blood of Christ, which in many places is worshipped, neither can be called the blood of Christ, neither ought to be worshipped. But by and by he was resisted and withstood by the monks and friars; who by this kind of idolatry were greatly enriched, till at length the senate and council of the dry were fain to take up the matter between them.

Nilus was archbishop of Thessalonica, and lived much about this time. He wrote a long work against the Latins; that is, against such as took part and held with, the church of Rome. His first book being written in Greek, was afterward translated into Latin, and lately now into English, in this our time. In the first chapter of his book he layeth all the blame and fault of the dissension and schism between the east and the west church, upon.the pope. He affirmed that the pope would command only what him listed, were it never so contrary to all the old and ancient canons; that he would hear and follow no man’s advice; that he would not permit any free councils to be assembled, etc. And that, therefore, it was not possible that the controversies between the Greek church and the Latin church should be decided and determined.

In the second chapter of his book, he purposely maketh a very learned disputation. For first, he declareth that he, no whit at all God’s commandment, but only by human law, hath any dignity, more than have other bishops; which dignity the councils, the fathers, the emperors, have granted unto him: neither did they grant the same for any other consideration, or greater ordinance, than because, the same city then had the empery of all the whole world, and not at all for that Peter ever was there, or not there.

Secondarily he.declareth, that the same primacy or prerogative is not such and. so great, as he and his sycophants do usurp unto themselves. Also he refuteth the chief propositions of the papists, one after another. He declareth, that the pope hath no dominion more than other patriarchs have, and that he himself may err as well as other mortal men; and that he is subject both to laws and councils, as well as other bishops. That it belonged not to him, but to the emperor, to call general councils; and that in ecclesiastical causes, could establish and ordain no more than all other bishops night. And; lastly, that he getteth no more by Peter’s succession, than that he is a bishop, as all other bishops after the apostles be, etc.

I cannot, among other things, following here the occasion of this matter offered, leave out the memory of Jacobus Misuensis, who also wrote of the coming of Antichrist. In the same he maketh mention of a certain learned man, whose name was Militzius, which Militzius: saith he, “was a famous and worthy preacher in Prague.” he lived about A.D. 1366, long before Huss, and before Wickliff also. In his writings Jacobus declareth, how the same good man Militzius was, by the Holy Spirit of God incited, and vehemently moved to search, out of the holy Scriptures the manner and coming of Antichrist; and found that now, in his time, he was already come. And the same Jacobus saith, that Militzius was constrained by the Spirit of God to go up to Rome, and there publicly to preach. And that afterwards, before the inquisitor, he affirmed the same; namely, that the same mighty and great Antichrist, which the Scriptures made mention of, as already come.

He affirmed also, that the church, by the negligence of the pastors, should become desolate; and that iniquity should abound, that is, by season of Mammon, master of iniquity. Also, he said that there were in the church of Christ idols, which should destroy Jerusalem, ed make the temple desolate, but were cloaked by hypocrisy. further, that there be many who deny Christ, for that they keep silence; neither do they hear Christ, whom all the world should know, and confess his verity before men; who also knowingly do detain the verity and justice of God.

There is also a certain bull of pope Gregory XI. to the archbishop of Prague; wherein he is commanded to excommunicate and persecute Militzius and his auditors. The same bull declareth, that he was once a canon of Prague, but afterwards he renounced his canonship, and began to preach; who, also, for that he so manifestly preached of Antichrist to be already come, was of John, archbishop of Prague, put in prison, declaring what his error was; to wit, how he had his company or congregation to whom he preached, and that amongst the same were certain converted harlots, who had forsaken their evil life, and did live godly and well, which harlots he accustomed in his sermons to prefer before all the blessed virgins that ‘ever offended. He taught also openly, that in the pope, cardinals, bishops, prelates, priests, and other religious men was no truth, either that they taught the way of truth, but that only he, and such is held with him, taught the true way of salvation. His postil in some places is yet to be seen. They allege unto him certain other inconvenient articles, which notwithstanding I think the adversaries, to deprave him withal, have slanderously invented against him. He and, as appeared by the aforesaid bull, very many of every state and condition, as well rich as poor, that cleaved unto him.

About A.D. 1371, lived Henricus de Iota, whom Gerson doth such commend, and also his companion Henricus de Hassia, an excellent learned and famous man. An epistle of this Henricus de classia, which he wrote to the bishop of Normacia, Jacobus Carttensis inserted in his book ‘De Erroribus Christianorum.’ In the come epistle the author doth greatly accuse the spiritual men of very order, yea and the most holy of all others, the pope himself, ‘of many and great vices. He said, that the ecclesiastical governors in be primitive church were to be compared to the sun shining in the day time; and the political governors, to the moon shining in the night.

But the spiritual men, he said, that now are, do never shine in the day time, nor yet in the night time, but rather with their darkness do obscure both the day and the night; that is, with their thy living, ignorance, and impiety.

He citeth also out of the prophecy of Hildegard these words: “therefore doth the devil in himself speak of you priests: Dainty banquets, and feasts wherein is all voluptuousness, do I find amongst these men; insomuch that mine eyes, mine cars, my belly, and my veins, be even filled with the froth of them, and my breasts stand astrut with the riches of them,” etc. “Lastly,” saith she, “they every day more and more, as Lucifer did, seek to climb higher and higher; till that every day with him, more and more, they fall deeper and deeper.” f1284 About A.D. 1890, there were burned at Bingen thirty-six citizens of Mentz, for the doctrine of the Waldenses, as Bruschius affirmeth; which opinion was nothing contrary to that they held before, wherein they affirmed the pope to be that great Antichrist, which should come; unless, peradventure, the pope seemed then to be more evidently convicted of Anti-christianity, than at any other time before he was revealed to be. f1285 For the like cause, many other beside these are to be found in stories, who sustained the like persecutions by the pope, if leisure would serve to peruse all that might be searched. As where Masseus recordeth of divers at Menerbe near Carcassone, in the province of Narbonne, to the number of a hundred and forty, who chose rather to suffer whatsoever grievous punishment by fire, than to receive the decretals of the Romish church, contrary to the upright truth of the Scripture, A.D. 1210.

What should I here speak of the twenty-four who suffered at Paris in the same year? Also in the same author is testified that in the following year, at Lavaur, there were four hundred under the name of heretics burned, eighty beheaded, prince Aimericus hanged, and the lady of the castle stoned to death. f1287 Moreover, in the Chronicles of Hoveden, and of other writers, be recited a marvellous number, who in the countries of France were burned for heretics; of whom, some were called Publicans, some Catharites, some Patenines, and others by other names. What their assertions were, I find no certain report worthy of credit. f1288 In Trithemius, it is signified of one Eckhard, a Dominican friar, who, not long before Wickliffs time, was condemned and suffered for heresy at Heidelburgh (A.D. 1330), who as he differeth not much in name, so may he be supposed to be the same, whom others do name Beghard, and is said to be burned at Erfurdt. f1289 Of the Albigenses, because sufficient mention is made before, of whom great number were burned about the time of king John, I pass them over.

Likewise, I let pass the Eremite of whom John Bacon maketh relation, f1290 who, disputing in Paul’s Church, affirmed “That those sacraments which were then used in the church (A.D. 1860) were not instituted by Christ.”

Peradventure, it was the same Ranulphus, mentioned in the Flower of Histories, and who is said to die in prison; for the time of them doth not much differ.

In Boetius, why the pope should so much commend a certain king, because for one man he had slain four hundred, shamefully mutilating the rest, I cannot judge, except the cause were that which the pope calleth heresy.

But to let these things overpass that be uncertain, because neither is it possible to comprehend all them who have withstood the corruption of the pope’s see, neither have we any such firm testimony left of their doings, credibly to stay upon, we will now (Christ willing) convert our story to things more certain and undoubted; grounding upon no light reports of feeble credit, nor upon any fabulous legends without authority, but upon the true and substantial copies of the public records of the realm, remaining yet to be seen under the king’s most sure and faithful custody: out of the which records such matter appeareth against the popish church of Rome, and against its usurped authority, such open standing and crying out against the said see, and that not privily, but also in open parliament, in the days of this king Edward III., that neither will the Romish people of this our age easily think it to be true when they see it, neither yet shall they be able to deny the same, so clear standeth the force of those records.

Ye heard a little before (p. 683), how John Stratford, archbishop of Canterbury, being sent for, and required by the king to come unto him, refused so to do. What the cause was why he denied to come at the king’s sending, is neither touched of Polydore Virgil nor of any other monkish chronicler writing of those acts and times; whose part had been, faithfully to have dispensed the simple truth of things done to their posterity. But that which they dissemblingly and colourably have concealed, contrary to the true law of story, the true cause thereof we have found out by the true parliament rolls declaring the story thus: a1055 King Edward III., in the sixth year of his reign, hearing that Edward Baliol had proclaimed himself king of Scotland, required counsel of the whole state, to wit, whether were better for him to assail Scotland, and to claim the demesing or demesnes of the same; or else by making him party to take his advantage, and thereby to enjoy the service, as other his ancestors before him had done. For this cause he summoned a parliament of all estates to meet at York, about the beginning of December. Where the king was already come, waiting for the coming of such as were warned thereunto; for the want of whose coming the parliament was adjourned till Monday, and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing. None other of all the clergy came, but only the archbishop of York, the bishops of Lincoln and Carlisle, and the abbots of York and Selby; so that hereunto came not the archbishop of Canterbury, nor above one of his province, and all for bearing the cross, whereby the same was a loss of the opportunity against Scotland. For, inasmuch as the matters to be debated were so weighty, and most of the states were absent, the assembly required the prorogation of the parliament until the Utas of St. Hilary then ensuing, at York, which was granted. And so a new summons was especially awarded to every person with special charge to attend, so that the affairs of the king and the realm might not be hindered because of the debate between the archbishop of Canterbury and the archbishop of York, for the superior bearing of their cross. In conclusion, for all the king’s summoning, the archbishop of Canterbury came not. And thus much out of the records, whereby thou mayest easily judge (prudent reader) what is to be thought of these pope-holy catholic churchmen, being of the pope’s brood and setting up; whom such frivolous causes of contention stir up both to such disquietness among themselves, and also to such disobedience against their prince: excuse them who can. It followeth, moreover, in the same records, concerning the abandoning of the pope’s provisions, f1293 how that the commons find great fault about provisions coming from Rome, whereby strangers were enabled within this realm to enjoy ecclesiastical dignities, and show divers inconveniencies ensuing thereby; namely, the decay of daily alms, the transporting of the treasure to nourish the king’s enemies, the discovering of the secrets of the realm, and the disabling and impoverishing of the clerks within this realm. They also show how the pope had granted to two new cardinals a1057 (one of whom, namely cardinal Peragortz, was a bitter enemy of the king and of the realm) benefices within this realm to the amount of 6,000 marks by the Valor Ecclesiasticus, which (owing to the general and covert terms of the grant) might and would be extended to 10,000 marks. They therefore required the king and nobles to find some remedy, for that they neither could nor would any longer bear those strange oppressions; or else to help them to expel out of this realm the pope’s power by force. f1294 Hereupon the king, lords, and commons, sent for the Act made at Carlisle in the thirty-fifth year of king Edward I. upon the like complaint, the which forbade that any thing should be attempted or brought into the realm, which should tend to the blemishing of the king’s prerogative, or to the prejudice of his lords or commons.

And so at this time the statute called the ‘Act of Provision’ was made by common consent, which generally forbiddeth the bringing in of any bulls or such trinkets from the court of Rome, or the using, enjoying, or allowing of any such bull, process, instrument, or such ware, as therein at large doth appear; which sufficiently is touched before, pp. 689, 776, 777.

The penalty of the aforesaid statute afterwards followed in the next parliament, a1058 which was this: the transgressors thereof were to lie in perpetual prison, or to be forejured the land; and that all justices of assize, gaol delivery, and oyer and terminer, may determine the same. Ordered withal, that the same ‘Act of provision’ should continue for ever. f1296 Item, In the said eighteenth year of the reign of king Edward, it was, moreover, propounded, that if the lawful patron, whether archbishop, or any person religious, or other, do not present within four months some able clerk to any benefice, which any person hath obtained from Rome by provision, bull, etc., but surcease the same, that then the king may present some able clerk to the said benefice for that turn. f1297 Item, It was propounded in the said parliament, that if any bishop elect shall refuse to take the bishopric otherwise than by such bull, that then such elect shall not enter or enjoy his temporalties without the special license of the king. Also that the king shall dispose all the benefices and dignities of such aliens his enemies, as remain in the country of his enemies, and shall employ the profits thereof to the defense of the realm, save what is necessary to maintain the sacred edifices and divine worship therein. f1299 Moreover, it was propounded, that commissioners be sent to all the king’s ports, to apprehend all persons bringing in any instrument from Rome contrary to this order, and to bring them, forthwith, before the council to answer thereto. Propounded furthermore, that the deanery of York, which is recovered by judgment in the king’s court, may be bestowed upon some able man within the realm, who will maintain the same against him (meaning the cardinal aforesaid) who holdeth the same by provision from Rome, being the enemy of the king and of the realm, and that the profits may be employed to the defense of the realm, The king’s answer. To all which petitions answer was made in form following: “It is agreed by the king, earls, barons, justices, and other wise men of the law, that the petitions aforesaid be reduced to proper form of law, according to the prayer of the said parliament.”

Note in this answer of the king, good reader, that at the grant hereof the consent of the bishops is neither named, nor expressed, with the other lords of the parliament: and yet the act of parliament standeth in its full force, notwithstanding.

NOTES OF THE PARLIAMENT HOLDEN IN THE TWENTIETH YEAR OF KING EDWARD III.

To pass on further, in the twentieth year of the king’s reign, in the parliament holden September 8th, the commons prayed, that all alien monks should avoid the realm by Michaelmas next coming, and that their houses and livings should be disposed of to young English scholars. Answer: being spiritual persons they could not be displaced without the king’s consent; but their temporalities were already in his hands. f1302 Item . That the king would take into his own hands the profits of all other strangers’ livings, as cardinals and others, during their lives.

Answer: the same as the last. f1303 That any aliens, enemies to England but advanced to livings here in England, who should henceforth remain here, should be outlawed, and their goods seized to the king’s use, and be bestowed on Englishmen able to teach the parishioners and supply the chantries, for that the aliens aforesaid were but shoemakers, tailors, or chamberlains to cardinals, and unable to teach. Answer: the same as before.

The commons wished not to make any payment to any cardinals sojourning abroad in France to treat of war or peace: which was granted as reasonable. f1304 Item, It was propounded and fully agreed, that the yearly advance:rent of two thousand marks, granted by the pope to two cardinals of the provinces of Canterbury and York, should be restrained, and that any who might sue at law for the same should be outlawed. f1305 Likewise it was enacted and agreed, that no Englishman should take any church or other benefice in farm of any alien religious, or buy any of their goods, or be of their counsel, on pain of forfeiting his goods and imprisonment for life.

Enacted further, That no person, Englishman or alien, should bring to any bishop or other person of the realm, any bull or other papal letter touching any foreign matter, unless he first show the same to the chancellor or warden of the Cinque Ports; upon loss of all he hath.

Finally, the parliament having resolved to request of the king to take possession of all benefices held by aliens, the archbishops and bishops of England were all commanded, before the next convocation to certify to the king in his chancery the names of such aliens and their benefices, and the values of the same. f1306 NOTES OF THE FIVE AND TWENTIETH YEAR OF KING EDWARD III.

The parliament of the twenty-fifth year of the reign of king Edward III. was begun on Wednesday, the Utas of the Purification [Feb 9th, A.D. 1351]. In that parliament, beside other matters, it was prayed, that remedy might be had against the pope’s reservations, and receiving the first fruits of all ecclesiastical dignities in England; which, with the brokage attendant thereon, were a greater consumption to the realm, than all the king’s wars. f1307 Also, that the like remedy might be had against such as in the court of Rome presumed to undo any judgment given in the king’s court, as if they labored to undo the laws of the realm.

Whereunto it was answered, that there was sufficient remedy already provided by law. [The Statute of Provisors is then given (tit. 43), the same as is found in the Statutes at Large under 25 Ed. III.] NOTES OF THE EIGHT AND THIRTIETH YEAR OF KING EDWARD III.

In the parliament holden at Westminster, the thirty-eighth year of Edward III, on Monday the Utaves of St. Hilary [Jan. 20tb, A. . 1365], Simon, bishop of Ely, being lord chancellor, it was by the king’s own mouth declared to all the estates how citations came daily to all sorts of persons in the realm through false suggestions made to the pope, for matters determinable in his courts within the realm, and for procuring provisions to ecclesiastical dignities, to the great defacing of the ancient laws, to the spoiling of his crown, to the daily conveying away of the treasure, to the wasting of ecclesiastical livings, to the withdrawing of divine service, alms, hospitality, and other acceptable works, and to the daily increase of all mischiefs: wherefore, in person, and by his own mouth, the king required all the estates to provide hereof due remedy. An ordinance was accordingly prepared and enacted the Saturday following. f1309 It is to be noted finally in this parliament of the thirty-eighth year, that the Act of Provisors brought in during this parliament, although in the printed copy [chapters 1, 2, 3.4,] it doth agree with the record in manner, yet in the said records, unprinted, are more biting words against the pope: a mystery not to be known of all men. f1310 NOTES OF THE FORTIETH YEAR OF KING EDWARD III.

It followeth, moreover, in the said acts of king Edward III., and in the fortieth year of his reign, that another parliament was called at Westminster on the Monday after the Invention of the Holy Cross [May 4th, A.D. 1366], the bishop of Ely being lord chancellor and speaker; who, on the second day of the said assembly, in the presence of the king, lords, and commons, declared how the day before they understood the cause of this their assembly generally, and now should understand the same more particularly; especially how that the king understood that the pope, for the homage which he said king John made to the see of Rome for the realms of England and Ireland, and for the tribute of a thousand marks annually by him granted, meant to institute a process against the king and the realm, to recover the same; wherein the king required their advices, what were best for him to do, if any such thing were attempted; granting them a respite of answer until the next day, when the bishops, lords, and commons should answer separately.

The next day the whole of the estates re-assembled together, and by common consent enacted in effect as follows, viz., That neither king John, nor any other, could bring himself or his realm and people into such subjection, but by their common assent; and if he did what was alleged, yet it was abundantly evident he did it without their assent, and against his coronation oath; and therefore if the pope should attempt any thing against the king, by process or in any other manner, the king with all his subjects should with all their force and power resist the same. f1312 Here, moreover, is not to be omitted, how, in the said present parliament, the universities of Oxford and Cambridge on the one side, and the friars of the four orders Mendicant in the said universities on the other side, made long complaints the one against the other to the king in parliament of certain mutual outrages, disputes and mischiefs, and in the end submitted themselves to the king’s order. f1314 After this the king, upon full digesting of the whole matter, by assent of parliament took order; that as well the chancellors and masters, regent and non-regent, and all others of the said universities, as the friars of those orders in the said universities, should in all graces and school exercises use each other in friendly wise, without any tumult, as they were wont to do before a certain statute was lately passed in the said universities, ordaining that none of those orders should receive any scholars of the said universities into their said orders, being under the age of eighteen years: which statute the king annulled.

That the said friars shall take no advantage of any processes which have been instituted by them in the court of Rome against the said universities since the passing of the said statute, nor proceed therein; and that the king have power to redress all controversies between them from thenceforth; and the offenders to be punished at the pleasure of the king and his council. f1315 NOTES OF THE FIFTIETH YEAR OF KING EDWARD III.

In process of the aforesaid acts and rolls it followeth more, that in the fiftieth year of the. reign of king Edward III. other great parliament was assembled at Westminster on the Monday after the feast of St. George [April 28th, A.D. 1376]; where, Sir John Knyvet being lord chancellor of England, a certain long bill was put up against the usurpations of the pope, as being the cause of all the plagues, murrains, famine, and poverty of the realm, so that thereby was not left of persons, or other commodity within the realm, the third that lately was. f1315 2. That the taxes paid to the pope of Rome for ecclesiastical dignities, do amount to fivefold as much as the tax of all profits which appertain to the king, by the year, out of his whole realm; and that for some one bishopric or other dignity voided, the pope, by means of translations, hath two or three several taxes. f1316 3. That the brokers of that wicked city Avignon for money promote many caitiffs, being altogether unlearned and unworthy, to preferments of the value of a thousand marks by year, whereas a doctor of decrees or a master in divinity must be content with twenty marks; whereby learning decayeth. 4. That aliens, enemies to this land, who never saw nor care to see their parishioners, have English livings, whereby they bring God’s service into contempt, and convey away the treasure, and are more injurious to holy church than the Jews or Saracens. f1317 5. Also, it was put in the said bill to be considered, that the law of holy church would have benefices to be bestowed for pure love only, without paying or praying for them. 6. That both law and reason and good faith would, that livings given to holy church of devotion should be bestowed to the honor of God, and according to the pious intent of the donor, and not out of the realm, among our enemies. 7. That God had committed his sheep to our holy father the pope, to be pastured and not to be shorn. 8. That lay patrons, perceiving the covetousness and simony of the churchmen, do learn from their example to sell the benefices in their patronage unto those who devour them as beasts, none otherwise than God was sold to the Jews who put him to death. 9. That there is no prince in Christendom so rich, that hath by the fourth part so much treasure as goeth most sinfully out of this realm in the way described, to the ruin of the realm; all through sufferance and want of good counsel. f1318 10 . Over and besides in the said bill, repeating again their tender zeal for the honor of holy church, they declared and particularly named, all the plagues which had justly fallen upon this realm, for suffering the said church to be so defaced, with declaration that where there is great iniquity there always hath been and always will be adversity. f1319 11. Whereupon with much persuasion was desired help, to remedy these disorders; and the rather, for that this was the year of jubilee, the fiftieth year of the king’s reign, the year of grace and joy, and that there could be no greater grace and joy to the realm, nor more acceptable to God and his church, than his providing such remedy. f1320 12. The means how to begin this was to write two letters to the pope, the one in Latin, under the king’s seal, the other in French under the seals of the nobles, as was done by the parliament on a former occasion a1059 [see p. 689], requiring redress in the above particulars. f1321 13. And for a further accomplishment hereof it was suggested, to enact that no money should be carried forth from the realm by letter of Lombard or otherwise, on pain of forfeiture and imprisonment. 14. the king answered that he had heretofore by statute provided sufficient remedy, and otherwise was pursuing the same object with the holy father the pope, and so minded to do from time to time, until he had obtained redress, as well for the matters before, as for the articles ensuing, being in a manner all one. f1322 15. That the pope’s collector, a French subject, and other aliens the king’s enemies, lived here, spying for English dignities and disclosing of the secrets of the realm, to the great prejudice of the realm. f1323 16. That the same collector, being also receiver of the Pope’s pence, keepeth a great hostel in London, with clerks and officers thereto, as it were a prince’s custom-house, transporting thence to the pope twenty thousand marks on an average yearly. f1324 17. That cardinals, and other clerks, aliens and denizens, reside at Rome, whereof one cardinal is dean of York, another of Salisbury, another of Lincoln, another archdeacon of Canterbury, another archdeacon of Durham, another archdeacon of Suffolk, another archdeacon of York, another prebendary of Thame and Nassington, another prebendary of Bucks in the church of Lincoln: and many others aliens living at Rome have divers of the best dignities and benefices in England, and have sent over to them yearly twenty thousand marks, over and above that which English brokers living there have. f1325 18. That the pope, to ransom Frenchmen taken prisoners by the English, and to maintain his wars in Lombardy, doth levy a subsidy of the clergy of England. 19. That the pope, on the vacancy of a bishopric by death or otherwise, maketh four or five translations of other bishops, to have the first fruits of each: and the same by other dignities within the realm. f1326 20 . That the pope’s collector hath this year (for the first time) taken to his use the first fruits of all benefices bestowed by collation or provision, whereas he never used to take first fruits but for vacancies in Curia Romana. f1327 21. Whereupon it was suggested to renew all the Statutes against Provisors from Rome, and against papal reservations; since the pope reserveth all the benefices of the world for his own proper gift, and hath this year created twelve new cardinals, so that now there are thirty, where were wont to be but twelve; and all those cardinals, except two or three, are the king’s enemies. f1328 22. That the pope, in time, will give the temporal manors of those dignities to the king’s enemies, since he so daily usurpeth upon the realm and the king’s regalities. f1329 23. That all houses and corporations of religion, which until the present king’s reign had free election of their own heads, the pope hath encroached the same to himself. f1330 24. That in all legacies from the pope whatsoever, the English clergy bear the charge of the legates, and all for the love of the realm and of our money. f1331 25. And so it appeareth, that if the money of the realm were as plentiful as ever it was, the collectors aforesaid, with the proctors of cardinals, would soon convey the same away. f1332 26 . For remedy hereof may it be provided, That no foreign collector or proctor do remain in England, on pain of life and limb; and that no Englishman, on the like pain, become any such collector or proctor to others residing at Rome. f1333 27 . For better information herein, and namely touching the pope’s collector, for that the whole clergy being at his mercy dare not displease him, it were good that Mr. John Strensale, parson of St.

Botolph’s, living in Holborn, in the same house where Sir W. Mirfield used to live, may be sent for to come before the lords and commons of this parliament; who, being straitly charged, can declare much, for that he lived with the said collector as clerk full five years. f1334 And thus much of this bill, touching the pope’s matters; whereby it may appear not to be for nought what hath been of us reported by the Italians and other strangers, who used to call Englishmen good asses: for they bear all burdens that be laid upon them.

CERTAIN OTHER NOTES OF PARLIAMENT. Item, In the said parliament it was provided also, that such order as is taken in London against the horrible vice of usury, may be observed throughout the whole realm.” f1335 The commons of the diocese of York complain of the outrageous taking of the archbishop and his clerks, for admission of priests to their benefices. f1336 To these records of the parliament above prefixed, of the fiftieth year of this king Edward, we will adjoin also other notes collected out of the parliament in the year next following, which was held the fifty-first year of this king’s reign, and the last of his life, on Tuesday the Quindime of St. Hilary [January 27. A D 1377] although in the printed book these Statutes are said to be made at the parliament holden, as above, in the fiftieth year: which is much mistaken, and ought to be referred to the one and fiftieth year, as by the records of the said year manifestly doth appear.

In that parliament, the bishop of St. David’s, being lord chancellor, made a long oration, taking his theme out of St. Paul, “Libenter suffertis insipientes,” etc.: declaring in the said oration many things; as first, showing the joyful news of the old king’s recovery; then, declaring the love of God toward the king and realm in chastising him with sickness; afterwards, showing the blessing of God upon the king in seeing his children’s children; then, by a similitude of the head and members, exhorting the people, as the members of one body, to conform themselves unto the goodness of the head; lastly, he turned his matter to the lords and the rest, declaring the cause of that assembly: that forsomuch as the French king had allied himself with the Spaniards and Scots, the king’s enemies, who had prepared great powers, conspiring to blot out the English tongue and name, the king, therefore, wished to have therein their faithful counsel. f1337 This being declared by the bishop, Sir Robert Ashton, the king’s chamberlain, declaring that he was to move them on the part of the king for the profit of the realm (the which words perchance lay not in the bishop’s mouth, for that it touched the pope), protesting first, that the king was ready to do all that ought to be done for the pope; but, because divers usurpations were done by the pope to the king’s crown and realm, as by particular bills in this parliament should be showed, he required of them to seek redress. f1338 In this present parliament petition was made by the commons, that all provisors of benefices from Rome, and their agents, should be out of the king’s protection; whereunto the king answered, that the pope had promised redress, which if he did not give, the laws in that case provided should then stand. f1339 It was also in that parliament prayed, that every person of what sex soever, being professed of any religion, continuing the habit till fifteen years of age and upward, may, upon proof of the same in any of the king’s courts, be in law utterly forebarred of all inheritance, albeit he have dispensation from the pope against which dispensation, is the chief grudge. Whereunto the king and the lords answered, saying, that they would provide. f1340 Item, In the said parliament the commons prayed, that the Statutes of Provisors at any time made he executed, and that remedy might be had against such cardinals as, within the provinces of Canterbury and York, had purchased reservations with the clause ‘Anteferri,’ a1060 to the value of twenty or thirty thousand gold crowns of the sun yearly: also against the pope’s collector, who had been wont to be an Englishman, but was now a mere Frenchman, residing at London, and keeping a large office at an expense to the clergy of three hundred pounds yearly, and who conveyed yearly to the pope twenty thousand marks, or twenty thousand pounds; and who, this year, gathered the first fruits of all benefices whatsoever: alleging the means to meet these reservations and novelties to be, to command all strangers to depart the realm during the wars; and that no Englishman become their farmer, or send to them any money without a special license, on pain to be out of the king’s protection. Whereunto was answered by the king, that the statutes and ordinances for that purpose made, should be observed. f1341 In the rolls and records of such parliaments as were in this king’s time held, divers other things are to be noted very worthy to be marked, and not to he suppressed in silence; wherein the reader may learn and understand, that the state of the king’s jurisdiction here within this realm was not straitened in those days (although the pope then seemed to be in his chief ruff), as afterwards in other kings’ days was seen: as may appear in the parliament of the fifteenth year of this king Edward III., and in the twenty-fourth article of the said parliament: where it is to be read, that the king’s officers and temporal justices did then both punish usurers, and impeach the officers of the church for extortion in the money taken for redemption of corporal penance, probate of wills, solemnizing of marriage, etc., all the pretensed liberties of the popish church to the contrary notwithstanding. f1342 Furthermore, in the parliament of the twenty-fifth year it appeareth, that the liberties of the clergy, and their exemptions in claiming the deliverance of men by their book under the name of clerks, stood then in little force, as appeared by one Hawktine Honby, knight; who, for imprisoning one of the king’s subjects till he made fine of twenty pounds, was on that account executed, notwithstanding the liberty of the clergy, who by his book would have saved himself, but could not.

The like also appeareth by judgment given against a priest at Nottingham, for killing his master.

And likewise by hanging certain monks of Combe. f1343 Item, In the parliament of the fifteenth year, by the apprehending of John Stratford, archbishop of Canterbury, and his arraignment; concerning which his arraignment all things were committed to Sir William of Kildisby, keeper of the privy seal. f1344 Besides these truths and notes of the king’s parliaments, wherein may appear the toward proceedings of this king and of all his commons against the pretensed church of Rome; this is, moreover, to be added to the commendation of the king, how in the book of the Acts and Rolls of the king appeareth, that the said king Edward III. sent also John Wickliff, reader then of the divinity lecture in Oxford, with certain other lords and ambassadors, over into the parts of Flanders, to treat with the pope’s legates concerning affairs betwixt the king and the pope, with full commission: the tenor whereof here followeth expressed: f1345 THE KING’S LETTER AUTHORIZING JOHN WICKLIFF AND OTHERS TO TREAT WITH THE POPE’S LEGATES.

The king, to all and singular to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye, that we, reposing assured confidence in the fidelity and wisdom of the reverend father, John, bishop of Bangor, and our well-beloved and trusty Mr. John Wickliff, professor of sacred theology, Mr. John Gutur, dean of Segovia, and Mr. Simon Multon, doctor of laws, Sir William de Burton, knight, John Bealknap, and John de Henyngton, have directed them as our special ambassadors, nuncios, and commissioners to the parts beyond the seas: giving to the said our ambassadors, nuncios, and commissioners, to six or five of them, of whom we will the aforesaid bishop to be one, authority and power, with commandment special, to treat and consult mildly and charitably with the nuncios and ambassadors of the lord pope, touching certain affairs, whereupon, of late, we sent heretofore the aforesaid bishop and Sir William, and friar Ughtred, monk of Durham, and master John de Shepeye, to the see apostolical; and to make full relation to us and our council of all things done and passed in the said assembly: that all such things as may tend to the honor of holy church and the maintenance of our crown and our realm of England may, by the assistance of God and wisdom of the see apostolical, be brought to good effect, and accomplished accordingly. In witness whereof, etc. Given at London the twenty-sixth day of July. [48 Ed. III. A.D. 1374.] By the which it is to be noted, what good-will the king then bare to the said Wickliff, and what small regard he had to the sinful see of Rome.

Of the which John Wickliff, because we are now approached to his time, remaineth consequently for our story to entreat of, so as we have heretofore done of other like valiant soldiers of Christ’s church before him.

THE STORY OF JOHN WICKLIFF. *Although it be manifest and evident enough, that there were divers and sundry before Wickliff’s time, who have wrestled and labored in the same cause and quarrel that our countryman Wicliff hath done, whom the Holy Ghost hath from time to time raised and stirred up in the church of God, something to work against the bishop of Rome, to weaken the pernicious superstition of the friars, and to vanquish and overthrow the great errors which daily did grow and prevail in the world; amongst the which number in the monuments of histories are remembered Berengarius, in the time of the emperor Henry III., A.D. 1051; and John Scotus, who took away the verity of the body and blood from the sacrament; Bruno bishop of Angers; a1064 Okleus the second; a1063 the Waldenses; Marsilius of Padua; John de Janduno; Ocham; with divers other of that sect or school yet notwithstanding, forsomuch as they are not many in number, neither yet very famous or notable, following the course of years, we will begin the narration of this our history with the story and tractation of John Wickliff; at whose time this furious fire of persecution seemed to take his first original and beginning. After all these, then, whom we have heretofore rehearsed, through God’s providence stepped forth into the arena the valiant champion of the truth, John Wickliff,* our countryman, and other more of his time and same country; whom the Lord with the like zeal and power of spirit raised up here in England, to detect more fully and amply the poison of the pope’s doctrine and false religion set up by the friars. In whose opinions and assertions albeit some blemishes perhaps may be noted, yet such blemishes they be, which rather declare him to be a man that might err, than who directly did fight against Christ our Savior, as the pope’s proceedings and the friars’ did. And what doctor or learned man hath been from the prime age of the church so perfect, so absolutely sure, in whom no opinion hath sometime swerved awry? and yet be the said articles of his neither in number so many, nor yet so gross in themselves and so cardinal, as those Cardinal enemies of Christ, perchance, do give them out to be; if his books which they abolished were remaining to be conferred with those blemishes which they have wrested to the worst, as evil will never said the best.

This is certain and cannot be denied, but that he, being the public reader of divinity in the university of Oxford, was, for the rude time wherein lie lived, famously reputed for a great clerk, a deep schoolman, and no less expert in all kinds of philosophy; the which doth not only appear by his own most famous and learned writings and monuments, but also by the confession of Walden, his most cruel and bitter enemy, who in a certain epistle written unto pope Martin V. saith, “That he was wonderfully astonished at his most, strong arguments, with the places of authority which he had gathered, with the vehemency and force of his reasons,” etc.

And thus much out of Walden. It appeareth by such as have observed the order and course of times, that this Wickliff flourished about A.D. 1371, Edward III. reigning in England; for thus we do find in the Chronicles of Caxton: “In the year of our Lord 1871,” saith he, “Edward III., king of England, in his parliament was against the pope’s clergy: he willingly hearkened and gave ear to the voices and tales of heretics, with certain of his council conceiving and following sinister opinions against the clergy; wherefore, afterwards, he tasted and suffered much adversity and trouble.

And not long after, in the year of our Lord,” saith he, “1872, he wrote unto the bishop of Rome, that he should not by any means intermeddle any more within his kingdom, as touching the reservation or distribution of benefices; and that all such bishops as were under his dominion should enjoy their former and ancient liberty, and be confirmed of their metropolitans, as hath been accustomed in times past,” etc. Thus much writeth Caxton. But, as touching the just number of the year and time, we will not be very curious or careful about it at present: this is out of all doubt, that at what time all the world was in most desperate and vile estate, and that the lamentable ignorance and darkness of God’s truth had overshadowed the whole earth, this man stepped forth like a valiant champion, unto whom that may justly be applied which is spoken in the book called Ecclesiasticus, of one Simon, the son of Onias: “Even as the morning star being in the midst of a cloud, and as the moon being full; her course, and as the bright beams of the sun; so doth he shine and glister in the temple and church of God.” [chap. 1. 5:6.] Thus doth Almighty God continually succor and help, when all things are in despair’ being always, according to the prophecy of the Psalm [Psalm 60, 5:9.], “a helper in time of need;” which thing never more plainly appeared, than in these latter days and extreme age of the church, when the whole state and condition, not 0nly of worldly things, but also of religion, was so depraved and corrupted: that, like the disease named lethargy amongst the physicians, even so the state of religion amongst the divines, was past all man’s help and remedy. The name only of Christ remained amongst Christians, but his true and lively doctrine was as far unknown to the most part, as his name was common to all men. As touching faith, consolation, the end and use of the law, the office of Christ, our impotency and weakness, the Holy Ghost, the greatness and strength of sin, true works, grace and free justification by faith, the liberty of a Christian man, wherein consisteth and resteth the whole sum and matter of our profession, there was almost no mention, nor any word spoken. Scripture, learning, and divinity, were known but to a few, and that in the schools only; and there also they turned and converted almost all into sophistry.

Instead of Peter and Paul, men occupied their time in studying Aquinas and Scotus, and the Master of Sentences. the world, leaving and forsaking the lively power of God’s spiritual word and doctrine, was altogether led and blinded with outward ceremonies and human traditions, wherein the whole scope, in a manner, of all Christian perfection, did consist and depend. In these was all the hope of obtaining salvation fully fixed; hereunto all things were attributed; insomuch that scarcely any other thing was seen in the temples or churches, taught or spoken of in sermons, or finally intended or gone about in their whole life, but only heaping up of certain shadowy ceremonies upon ceremonies; neither was there any end of this their heaping.

The people were taught to worship no other thing but that which they did see; and did see almost nothing which they did not worship.

The church, being degenerated from the true apostolic institution above all measure, reserving only the name of the apostolic church, but far from the truth thereof in very deed, did fall into all kind of extreme tyranny; whereas the poverty and simplicity of Christ was changed into cruelty and abomination of life. Instead of the apostolic gifts and continual labors and travails, slothfulness and ambition was crept in amongst the priests.

Beside all this, there arose and sprang up a thousand sorts and fashions of strange religions; being only the root and well-head of all superstition.

How great abuses and depravations were crept into the sacraments, at the time they were compelled to worship similitudes and signs of things for the very things themselves; and to adore such things as were instituted and ordained only for memorials! Finally, what thing was there in the whole state of Christian religion so sincere, so sound, and so pure, which was not defiled and spotted with some kind of superstition? Besides this, with how many bonds and snares of daily new-fangled ceremonies were the silly consciences of men, redeemed by Christ to liberty, ensnared and snarled; insomuch that there could be no great difference perceived between Christianity and Jewishness, save only the name of Christ: so that the state and condition of the Jews might seem somewhat more tolerable than ours! There was nothing sought for out of the true fountains, but out of the dirty puddles of the Philistines; the Christian people were wholly carried away as it were by the nose, with mere decrees and constitutions of men, even whither it pleased the bishops to lead them, and not as Christ’s will did direct them. All the whole world was filled and overwhelmed with error and darkness; and no great marvel: for why? the simple and unlearned people, being far from all knowledge of the holy Scripture, thought it quite enough for them to know only those things which were delivered them by their pastors and shepherds, and they, on the other part, taught in a manner nothing else but such things as came forth of the court of Rome; whereof the most part tended to the profit of their order, more than to the glory of Christ.

The Christian faith was esteemed or accounted none other thing then, but that every man should know that Christ once suffered; that is to say, that all men should know and understand that thing which the devils themselves also knew. Hypocrisy was accounted for wonderful holiness.

All men were so addicted unto outward shows, that even they themselves, who professed the most absolute and singular knowledge of the Scriptures, scarcely did understand or know any other thing. And this did evidently appear, not only in the common sort of doctors and teachers, but also in the very heads and captains of the church, whose whole religion and holiness consisted, in a manner, in the observing of days, meats, and garments, and such like rhetorical circumstances, as of place, time, person, etc. Hereof sprang so many sorts and fashions of vestures and garments; so many differences of colors and meats, with so many pilgrimages to several places, as though St. James at Compostella could do that, which Christ could not do at Canterbury; or else that God were not of like power and strength in every place, or could not be foam but by being sought for by running gadding hither and thither. Thus the holiness of the whole year was transported and put off unto the Lent season. No country or land was counted holy, but only Palestine, where Christ had walked himself with his corporal feet. Such was the blindness of that time, that men did strive and fight for the cross at Jerusalem, as it had been for the chief and only force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to read the monuments of the former times, to see and understand what great troubles and calamities this cross hath caused almost in every Christian commonwealth; for the Romish champions never ceased, by writing, admonishing, and counseling, yea, and by quarrelling, to move and stir up princes’ minds to war and battle, even as though the faith and belief of the gospel were of small force, or little effect without that wooden cross. This was the cause of the expedition of the most noble prince king Richard unto Jerusalem; who being taken in the same journey, and delivered unto the emperor, could scarcely be ransomed home again for thirty thousand marks . a1065 In the same enterprise or journey, Frederic, the emperor of Rome, a man of most excellent virtue, was drowned in a certain river there, A.D. 1190; and also Philip, the king of France, scarcely returned home again in safety, and not without great losses: so much did they esteem the recovery of the holy city and cross. f1351 Upon this alone all men’s eyes, minds, and devotions were so set and bent, as though either there were no other cross but that, or that the cross of Christ were in no other place but only at Jerusalem. Such was the blindness and superstition of those days, which understood or knew nothing but such things as were outwardly seen; whereas the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries.

What was the cause why Urban did so vex and torment himself? Because Jerusalem with the holy cross was lost out of the hands of the Christians; for so we do find it in the Chronicles, at what time as Jerusalem with king Guido and the cross of our Lord was taken, and under the power of the sultan, Urban took the matter so grievously, that for very sorrow he died.

In his place succeeded Albert, who was called Gregory VIII., by whose motion it was decreed by the cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptuousness) “they should preach the cross of Christ, and by their poverty and humility first of all should take the cross upon them, and go before others into the land of Jerusalem.” These are the words of the history; whereby it is evident unto the vigilant reader, unto what grossness the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel . was degenerated and grown in those days; how great blindness and darkness were in those days, even in the first primacy and supremacy of the bishop of Rome: as though the outward succession of Peter and the apostles had been of greater force and effect to that matter. What doth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that every man should labor and study with all his endeavor to follow the life and confession of Peter; and that man seemeth unto me to be the true successor of Peter against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail. For if Peter in the Gospel do bear the type and figure of the Christian church (as all men, in a manner, do affirm), what more foolish or vain thing can there be, than through private usurpation, to restrain and to bind that unto one man, which, by the appointment of the Lord, is of itself free and open to so many? * But f1353 let it be so that Peter did establish his emir and seat at Rome, and admit that he did the like at Antioch: what doth this place of Peter make, or help, to the remission of sins, to the interpretation of Scriptures, or to have the authority or keys of binding and loosing? The which things, if they be the works of the Holy Ghost and of Christian faith, and not of the place, surely very foolishly do we then refer them unto the see of Rome; including, and hedging them in, as it were, within certain borders and limits, as though there were no faith, or that the Holy Ghost had no operation or power, in any other place but only at Rome. What doth it make matter, where Peter served the Lord? We ought rather to seek and know wherein Peter was acceptable unto his Lord, or wherefore? that we likewise, with all our whole power and endeavor, may go about by the same means and way, to do the like.

Wherefore if we do think or judge that Christ had given unto Peter any singular or particular privilege, which was not also granted unto the residue of the apostles, more for any private affection or love of the man (such as many times reigneth amongst us now-a-days), we are far deceived. But if that he, for the most high, divine, and ready confession, which not he alone, but for, and in the name of them all, did pronounce and express, obtained any singular privilege; then he who doth succeed in the place and emir of Peter, doth not, by and by, show forth Peter’s faith; but whosoever doth nearest follow Peter in faith (in what chair or see soever he do sit) is worthily to be counted the successor of Peter, and is his successor indeed; in such sort and wise that he getteth thereby no kind of worldly honor. For the apostleship is an office, and no degree of honor; a ministry or service, and no mastership or rule; for as amongst the apostles themselves there was no pre-eminence of place or dignity, but that they altogether, with one mind, spirit, and accord, went about and did the work of their Master, and not their own business, so he who was the least amongst them was most set by before Christ, witness to himself. f1355 Whereby their succession deserved praise before God, but neither dignity nor promotion in the world. For, as Polycarp answered very well in Eusebius, unto the under consul, “How doth the profession of them (said he ) who have forsaken all things for Christ’s sake, accord or agree with these worldly riches and earthly promotions?”

But the bishops in these days (I know not by what means of ambition, or desire of promotion) have altered and changed the ecclesiastical ministration into a worldly policy, that even as prince sueceedeth prince, so one bishop doth succeed another in the see, as by right and title of inheritance, flowing and abounding moreover in all kind of wealth and riches here in earth; being also guarded, after the fashion and manner of the world, with routs and bands of men, challenging unto himself rule and lordship, in such .manner that the whole governance and rule of all things fully did rest and remain in his power and hands. All other pastors and shepherds of other churches had no power or authority, more than was permitted and granted unto them by him. He alone did not only rule and govern over all churches, but also reigned over all kingdoms; he alone was feared of all men; the other ministers of Christ were little or nothing regarded; all things were in his power, and at his hands only, all things were sought for. There was no power to excommunicate, no authority to release, neither any knowledge of understanding or interpreting the Scriptures, in any other place, but only in the cloister at Rome.* Thus, in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkness of ignorance, what time there seemed in a manner to be no one so little a spark of pure doctrine left or remaining, this aforesaid Wick-lift, by God’s providence, sprang and rose up, through whom the Lord would first waken and raise up again the world, which was overmuch drowned and whelmed in the deep streams of human traditions. Thus you have here the time of Wickliff’s original: *now we will also in few words show somewhat of his troubles and conflicts.* This Wickliff, after he had now a long time professed divinity in the university of Oxford, and perceiving the true doctrine of Christ’s gospel to be adulterated and defiled with so many filthy inventions of bishops, sects of monks, and dark errors: and that he, after long debating and deliberating with himself (with many secret sighs, and bewailing in his mind the general ignorance of the whole world), could no longer suffer or abide the same, at the last determined with himself to help and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide, and out of the way. But, forsomuch as he saw that this dangerous meddling could not be attempted or stirred without great trouble, neither that these things, which had been so long time with use and custom rooted and grafted in men’s minds, could be suddenly plucked up or taken away, he thought with himself that this matter should be done by little and little, * even as he that plucked out the hairs out of the horse tail, as the proverb saith.* Wherefore he, taking his original at small occasions, thereby opened himself a way or mean to greater matters. And first he assailed his adversaries in logical and metaphysical questions, disputing with them of the first form and fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, with other such like sophisms of no great effect; but yet, notwithstanding, it did not a little help and furnish him, who minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters first began Keningham, a Carmelite, a1069 to dispute and argue against John Wickliff.

By these originals, the way was made unto greater points, so that at length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the church; touching which things this holy man took great pains, protesting, as they said, openly in the schools, that it was his chief and principal purpose and intent, to revoke and call back the church from her idolatry, to some better amendment; especially in the matter of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. But this boil or sore could not be touched without the great grief and. pain of the whole world: for, first of all, the whole glut of monks and begging friars was set in a rage and madness, who, even as hornets with their sharp stings, did assail this good man on every side; fighting, as is said. for their altars, paunches, and bellies. After them the priests and bishops, and then after them the archbishop, being then Simon Sudbury, took the matter in hand; who, for the same cause, deprived him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford. *At the last, when their power seemed also not sufficient to withstand the truth which was then breaking out, they ran wholly unto the lightnings and thunderbolts of the bishop of Rome, as it had been unto the last refuge of most force and strength. For this is their extreme succor and anchor-hold, in all such storms and troubles, when the outcries of monks and friars, and their pharisaical wickedness, cannot any more prevail.* Notwithstanding, he being somewhat friended and supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bore out the malice of the friars and of the archbishop all this while of his first beginning, till about A.D. 1377; after which time, now to prosecute likewise of his troubles and conflict, first I must fetch about a little compass, as is requisite, to introduce some mention of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, the king’s son, and lord Henry Percy, who were his special maintainers.

As years and time a1070 grew on, king Edward III., who had now reined about fifty-one years, after the decease of prince Edward his son, who departed the year before, was stricken with great age, and with such feebleness withal, that he was unwieldy, through lack of strength, to govern the affairs of the realm. Wherefore, a parliament being called the year before his death, it was there put up, by the knights and other the burgesses of the parliament, because of the misgovernment of the realm (by certain greedy persons about the king, raking all to themselves, without seeing any justice done), that twelve sage and discreet lords and peers, such as were free from note of all avarice, should be placed as tutors about the king, to have the doing and disposing under him (six at one time, and in their absence, six at another) of matters pertaining to the public regiment. Here, by the way, I omit to speak of Alice Perris, the wicked harlot, who, as the story reporteth, had bewitched the king’s heart, and governed all, and sat upon causes herself, through the devilish help of a friar Dominic; who, by the duke of Lancaster, was caused to be taken, and was convicted, and would have suffered for the same, had not the archbishop of Canterbury and the friars, more regarding the liberty of their church than the punishment of vice, reclaimed him for their own prisoner.

This Alice Perris, notwithstanding she was banished by this parliament from the king, yet afterwards she came again, and left him not, till at his death she took all his rings upon his fingers and other jewels from him, and so fled away like a harlot. But this of her by the way.

These twelve governors, by parliament aforesaid being appointed to have the tuition of the king, and to attend the public affairs of the realm, remained for a certain space about him; till afterwards it so fell out, that they being again removed, all the regiment of the realm next under the king, was committed to the duke of Lancaster, the king’s son; for as yet Richard, the son of prince Edward, lately departed, was very young and under age.

This duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceived a certain displeasure against the popish clergy; whether for corrupt and impure doctrine, joined with like abominable excess of life, or for what other cause, it is not precisely expressed; only by story the cause thereof may be guessed to arise by William Wickham, bishop of Winchester. The matter is this:

The bishop of Winchester, as the saying went then, was reported to affirm, that the aforesaid John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, was not the son of king Edward, nor of the queen; who, being in travail at Gaunt, had no son, as he said, but a daughter, which, the same time, by lying upon of the mother in the bed, was there smothered. Whereupon the queen, fearing the king’s displeasure, caused a certain man-child of a woman of Flanders, born the very same time, to be conveyed, and brought unto her instead of her daughter aforesaid; and so she brought up the child whom She bare not, who now is called duke of Lancaster. And this, said the bishop, did the queen tell him, lying in extremity on her death-bed, under seal of confession; charging him if the said duke should ever aspire to get the crown, or if the kingdom by any means should fall unto him, he then should manifest the same, and declare it to the world, that the said duke of Lancaster was no part of the king’s blood, but a false heir of the king. This slanderous report of the wicked bishop, as it savoureth of a contumelious lie, so seemeth it to proceed of a subtle zeal towards the pope’s religion, meaning falsehood: for the aforesaid duke, by favoring of Wickliff, declared himself to be a professed enemy against the pope’s profession; which thing was then not unknown, neither unmarked of the prelates and bishops then in England. But the sequel of the story thus followeth. “This slanderous villany of the bishop’s report being blazed abroad, and coming to the duke’s ear; he, therewith being not a little discontented, as no marvel was, sought again, by what means he could, to be revenged of the bishop. In conclusion the duke, having now all the government of the realm, under the king his father, in his own hands, so pursued the bishop of Winchester, that by act of parliament he was condemned and deprived of all his temporal goods; which goods were assigned to prince Richard, of Bourdeaux, the next inheritor of the crown after the king; and, furthermore, he inhibited the said bishop from approaching nearer to the court than twenty miles.” Further as touching this bishop, the story thus proceedeth: “Not long after (A.D. 1877), a parliament was called by means of the duke of Lancaster, upon certain causes and respects; in which parliament great request and suit was made by the clergy, for the deliverance of the bishop of Winchester. At length, when a subsidy was asked in the king’s name of the clergy, and request also made, in the king’s behalf, for speedy expedition to be made for the dissolving of the parliament, the archbishop therefore accordingly convented the bishops for the tractation thereof. To whom the bishops with great lamentation complained for lack of their fellow and brother, the bishop of Winchester, whose injury, said they, did derogate from the liberties of the whole church; and therefore they refused to join themselves in tractation of any such matters, before all the members together were united with the head; and, seeing the matter touched them altogether in common, as well him as them, they would not otherwise do.

And they seemed, moreover, to be moved against the archbishop because he was not more stout in the cause, but suffered himself so to be cited of the duke.”

The archbishop, although he had sufficient cause to excuse himself, wherefore not to send for him, (as also he did,) because of the perils which might ensue thereof, yet being forced and persuaded thereto by the importunity of the bishops, directed down his letters to the aforesaid bishop of Winchester, willing him to resort unto the convocation of the clergy; who, being glad to obey the same, was received with great joy by the other bishops; and, at length, by means of Alice Perris, the king’s paramour, above mentioned, having given her a good quantity of money, the said Winchester was restored to his temporalities again.

As the bishops had thus sent for Winchester, the duke in the mean time had sent for John Wickliff, who, as is said, was then the divinity reader in Oxford, and had commenced in sundry acts and disputations contrary to the form and teaching of the pope’s church in many things; who also, for the same had been deprived of his benefice, as hath been before touched.

The opinions which he began at Oxford, in his lectures and sermons, first to treat of, and for which he was deprived, were these: That the pope had no more power to excommunicate any man, than hath another. That if it be given by any person to the pope to excommunicate, yet to absolve the same is as much in the power of another priest, as in his. He affirmed, moreover, that neither the king, nor any temporal lord, could give any perpetuity to the church, or to any ecclesiastical person; for that when such ecclesiastical persons do sin ‘habitualiter,’ continuing in the same still, the temporal powers ought and may meritoriously take away from them what before hath been bestowed upon them. And that he proved to have been practiced before here in England by William Rufus; “which thing” (said he) “if he did lawfully, why may not the same also be practiced now? If he did it unlawfully, then doth the church err” (said he) “and doth unlawfully in praying for him.” But of his assertions more shall follow, Christ willing, hereafter. The story which ascribeth to him these assertions, being taken out (as I take it) of the monastery of St. Alban’s, addeth withal, That in his teaching and preaching he was very eloquent, “but a dissembler” (saith he) “and a hypocrite.” Why he surmiseth him to be a hypocrite the cause was this:

First , Because he resorted much to the orders of the begging friars, frequenting and extolling the perfection of their poverty.

Secondly , Because he and his fellows usually accustomed in their preaching to go barefoot, and in simple russet gowns.

By this, I suppose, may sufficiently appear to the indifferent the nature and condition of Wickliff, how far it was from that ambition and pride, which in the slanderous pen of Polydore Virgil, a1073 reporting in his nineteenth book of him, that because he was not preferred to higher honors and dignities of the church, conceiving there-for indignation against the clergy, he became their mortal enemy. How true was this, He only knoweth best, that rightly shall judge both the one and the other.

In the mean time, by other circumstances and parts of his life we may also partly conjecture what is to be thought of the man. But however it was in him, whether true or false, yet it had been Polydore’s part, either not so intemperately to have abused his pen, or at least to have showed some greater authority and ground of that his report: for to follow nothing else but flying fame, so rashly to defame a man whose life he knoweth not, is not the part of a faithful story-writer.

But to return from whence we digressed. Beside these his opinions and assertions above recited, with others which are hereafter to be brought forward in order, he began then something nearly to touch the matter of the sacrament, proving that in the said sacrament the accidents of bread remained not without the subject, or substance; and this, both by the holy Scriptures, and also by the authority of the doctors, but especially by such as were most ancient. As for the later writers, that is to say, such as have written upon that argument under the thousand years since Christ’s time, he utterly refused them, saying, That after these years Satan was loosed and set at liberty; and that since that time the life of man hath been most subject to, and in danger of, errors; and that the simple and plain truth doth appear and consist in the Scriptures, whereunto all human traditions, whatsoever they be, must be referred, and especially such as are set forth and published now of late years. This was the cause why he refused the later writers of decretals, leaning only to the Scriptures and ancient doctors; most stoutly affirming out of them, that in the sacrament of the body, which is celebrated with bread, the accidents are not present without the substance; that is to say, that the body of Christ is not present without the bread, as the common sort of priests in those days did dream.

As for his arguments, what they were, we will shortly, at more opportunity, by God’s grace, declare them in another place, lest that with so long a digression we seem to defer and put off the reader. But herein the truth, as the poet speaketh very truly,, had gotten John Wickliff great displeasure and hatred at many men s hands; and especially of the monks and richest sort of priests.

Albeit through the favor and supportation of the duke of Lancaster and lord Henry Percy, he persisted, hitherto, in some mean quiet against their wolfish violence and cruelty: till at last, about A.D. 1877, the bishops, still urging and inciting their archbishop Simon Sudbury, who before had deprived him, and afterward prohibited him also not to stir any more in those sorts of matters, had obtained, by process and order of citation, to have him brought before them; whereunto both place and time for him to appear, after their usual form, was to him assigned.

The duke, having intelligence that Wickliff, his client, should come before the bishops, fearing that he being but one, was too weak against such a multitude, calleth to him, out of the orders of friars, four bachelors of divinity, out of every order one, to join them with Wickliff also, for more surety. When the day was come, assigned to the said Wickliff to appear, which day was Thursday, the nineteenth of February, a1074 John Wickliff went, accompanied with the four friar,, aforesaid, and with them also the duke of Lancaster, and lord Henry Percy, lord marshal of England; the said lord Percy also going before them to make room and way where Wickliff should come.

Thus Wickliff, through the providence of God, being sufficiently guarded, was coming to the place where the bishops sat; whom, by the way, they animated and exhorted not to fear or shrink a whir at the company of the bishops there present, who were all unlearned, said they, in respect of him (for so proceed the words of my aforesaid author, whom I follow in this narration), neither that he should dread the concourse of the people, whom they would themselves assist and defend, in such sort, as he should take no harm. With these words, and with the assistance of the nobles, Wickliff, in heart encouraged, approached to the church of St. Paul in London, where a main press of people was gathered to hear what should be said and done. Such was there the frequency and throng of the multitude, that the lords, for all the puissance of the high marshal, unneth with great difficulty could get way through; insomuch that the bishop of London, whose name was William Courtney, seeing the stir that the lord marshal kept in the church among the people, speaking to the lord Percy, said, that if he had known before what masteries he would have kept in the church, he would have stopped-him out from coming there; at which words of the bishop the duke disdaining not a little, answered the bishop and said, that he would keep such mastery there, though he said ‘nay.’

At last, after much wrestling, they pierced through and came to Our Lady’s Chapel, where the dukes and barons were sitting together with the archbishops and other bishops; before whom Wickliff, according to the manner, stood, to know what should be laid unto him. To whom first spake the lord Percy, bidding him to sit down, saying, that he had many things to answer to, and therefore had need of some softer seat. But the bishop of London, cast eftsoons into a fumish chafe by those words, said, he should not sit there. Neither was it, said he, according to law or reason, that he, who was cited there to appear to answer before his ordinary, should sit down during the time of his answer, but that he should stand.

Upon these words a fire began to heat and kindle between them; insomuch that they began so to rate and revile one the other, that the whole multitude, therewith disquieted, began to be set on a hurry; Then the duke, taking the lord Percy s part, with hasty words began also to take up the bishop. To whom the bishop again, nothing inferior in reproachful checks and rebukes, did render and requite not only to him as good as he brought, but also did so far excel him in this railing art of scolding, that to use the words of mine author, “ Erubuit dux, quod non potuit praevalere litigio; a1075 ” that is, the duke blushed and was ashamed, because he could not overpass the bishop in brawling and railing, and, therefore, he fell to plain threatening; menacing the bishop, that he would bring down the pride, not only of him, but also of all the prelacy of England. And speaking, moreover, unto him: “Thou,” said he, “bearest thyself so brag upon thy parents, who shall not be able to help thee; they shall have enough to do to help themselves;” for his parents were the earl and countess of Devonshire. To whom the bishop again answered, that to be bold to tell truth, his confidence was not in his parents, nor in any man else, but only in God in whom he trusted. Then the duke softly whispering in the ear of him next by him, said, That he would rather pluck the bishop by the hair of his head out of the church, than he would take this at his hand. This was not spoken so secretly, but that the Londoners overheard him. Whereupon, being set in a rage, they cried out, saying, that they would not suffer their bishop so contemptuously to be abused. But rather they would lose their lives, than that he should so be drawn out by the hair. Thus that council, being broken with scolding and brawling for that day, was dissolved before nine o’clock, and the duke, with the lord Percy, went to the parliament; where, the same day before dinner, a bill was put up in the name of the king by the lord Thomas Woodstock and lord Henry Percy, that the city of London should no more be governed by a mayor, but by a captain a1077 , as in times before; and that the marshal of England should have all the ado in taking the arrests within the said city, as in other cities besides, with other petitions more, tending to the like derogation of the liberties of London. This bill being read, John Philpot, then burgess for the city a1078 , standeth up, saying to those who read the bill, that that was never seen so before; and adding, moreover, that the mayor would never suffer a1079 any such things, or other arrest to be brought into the city; with more such words of like stoutness.

The next day following the Londoners assembled themselves in a council, to consider among them upon the bill for changing the mayor, and about the office of the marshal; also, concerning the injuries done the day before to their bishop.

In the mean time, they, being busy in long consultation of this matter, suddenly and unawares entered into the place two certain lords, whether come to spy, or for what other cause, the author leaveth it uncertain; the one called lord Fitz-Walter, the other lord Guy Bryan. a1076 At the first coming in of them the vulgar sort was ready forthwith to fly upon them as spies, had not they made their protestation with an oath, declaring that their coming in was for no harm toward them. And so they were compelled by the citizens to swear to the city their truth and fidelity: contrary to the which oath if they should rebel, contented they would be to forfeit whatsoever goods and possessions they had within the city.

This done, then began the Lord Fitz-Walter, in this wise, to persuade and exhort the citizens; first declaring how he was bound and obliged to them and to their city, not only on account of the oath now newly received, but of old and ancient good will from his great grandfather’s time; besides other divers duties, for the which he was chiefly bound to be one of their principal fautors; forsomuch as whatsoever tended to their damage and detriment redounded also no ess unto his own: for which cause he could not otherwise choose, but that what he did understand to be attempted against the public profit and liberties of the city, he must needs communicate the same to them; who unless they with speedy circumspection do occur, and prevent perils that may and are like to ensue, it would turn in the end to their no small incommodity. And as there were many other things which required their vigilant care and diligence, so one thing there was, which he could in no wise but admonish them of; which was this, necessary to be considered of them all: how the lord marshal Henry Percy, in his place within himself a1080 had one in ward and custody, whether with the knowledge, or without the knowledge of them, he could not tell: this he could tell, that the said lord marshal was not allowed any such ward or prison in his house within the liberties of the city; which tiling, if it be not seen to in time, the example thereof being suffered, would, in fine, breed to such a prejudice unto their customs and liberties, as that they should not, hereafter, when they would, reform the injury thereof.

These words of the lord Fitz-Walter were not so soon spoken, but they were as soon taken of the rash citizens; who in all hasty fury running to their armor and weapons, went incontinent to the house of the lord Percy, where, breaking up the gates, by violence they took out the prisoner, and burned the stocks wherein he sat in the midst of London. Then was the lord Percy sought for, whom, saith the story, they would doubtless have slain if they might have found him. With their bills a1081 and javelins all corners and privy chambers were searched, and beds and hangings torn asunder. But the lord Percy, as God would, was then with the duke, whom one John Yper the same day with great instance had desired to dinner. a1082 The Londoners not finding him at home, and supposing that he was with the duke at the Savoy, in all hasty heat turned their power thither, running as fast as they could to the duke’s house; where also, in like manner, they were disappointed of their cruel purpose. In the mean while, as this was doing, cometh one of the duke’s men, running post haste to the duke and to the lord Percy, declaring what was done. the duke being then at his oysters, without any further tarrying, and also breaking both his shins at the form for haste, took boat with the lord Percy, and by water went to Kingston a1083 , where then the princess, with Richard the young prince did lie; and there declared unto the princess all the whole matter concerning the outrage of the Londoners, as it was. To whom she promised again, such an order to be taken in the matter as should be to his contentation. At what time the commons of London thus, as is said, were about the duke’s house at Savoy, there meeteth with them a certain priest, who, marvelling at the sudden rage and concourse, asked what they sought. To whom answer was given again of some, that they sought for the duke and the lord marshal, to have of them the lord Peter de la Mare, whom they wrongfully had detained in prison. To this the priest answered again more boldly than opportunely: “That Peter,” said he, “is a false traitor to the king, and worthy long since to be hanged.” At the hearing of these words, the furious people, with a terrible shout, cried out upon him, that he was a traitor, and one that took the duke’s part, and so falling upon him with their weapons, strove who might first strike him; and after they had wounded him very sore, they had him, so wounded, to prison; where, within few days, for the soreness of his wounds, he died.

Neither would the rage of the people thus have ceased, had not the bishop of London, leaving his dinner, come to them at Savoy, and putting them in remembrance of the blessed time, as they term it, of Lent, had persuaded them to cease and to be quiet.

The Londoners seeing that they could get no vantage against the duke, who was without their reach, to be-wreak their anger they took his arms, which in most despiteful ways they hanged up in the open places of the city, in sign of reproach, as for a traitor. Insomuch that when one of his gentlemen a1084 came through the city, with a plate containing the duke’s arms, hanging by a lace about his neck, the citizens, not abiding the sight thereof, east him from his horse, and plucked his escutcheon from him, and were about to work the extremity against him, had not the mayor rescued him out of their hands, and sent him home safe unto the duke his master.

In such hatred then was the duke among the vulgar people of London.

After this the princess, understanding the hearts and broil of the Londoners, set against the aforesaid duke, sent to London three knights, Sir Aubrey de Vet, a1085 Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Lewis Clifford, to entreat the citizens to be reconciled with the duke. The Londoners answered, that they, for the honor of the princess, would obey and do with all reverence, what she would require; but this they required and enjoined the messengers to say to the duke by word of mouth: that he should suffer the bishop of Winchester, before-mentioned, and also the lord Peter de la Mare, to come to their answer, and to be judged by their peers; whereby they might either be quit, if they were guiltless; or otherwise, if they be found culpable, they might receive according to their deserts after the laws of the realm. What grief and displeasure the duke conceived and retained in his mind hereof; again, what means and suit the Londoners on their part made to the old king for their liberties; what rhymes and songs in London were made against the duke; how the bishops, at the duke’s request, were moved to excommunicate those malicious slanderers; and, moreover, how the duke at last was revenged of those contumelies and injuries; how he caused them to be brought before the king; how sharply they were rebuked for their mis-demeanour by the worthy oration of the lord chamberlain, Robert Aston, in the presence of the king, archbishops, bishops, with divers other states, the king’s children, and other nobilities of the realm; in conclusion, how the Londoners were compelled to this at length, by the common assent and public charges of the city to make a great taper of wax, which, with the duke’s arms set upon it, should be brought with solemn procession to the church of St. Paul, there to burn continually before the image of Our Lady; and, at last, how both the said duke and the Londoners were reconciled together, in the beginning of the reign of the new king, with the kiss of. peace; and how the same reconcilement was publicly announced in the church of Westminster, and what joy was in the whole city thereof: these, because they are impertinent and make too long a digression from the matter of Wickliff, I cut off with brevity, referring the reader to other histories, namely of St. Alban’s, where they are to be found at large.

As these aforesaid things for brevity’ sake I pass over, so I cannot omit, though I will not be long, that which happened the same time and year to the bishop of Norwich, a1086 to the intent that this posterity now may see, to what pride the clergy of the pope’s church had then grown. At the same time that this broil was in London, the bishop of Norwich, a little after Easter, coming to the town of Lynn, belonging to his lordship; being not contented with the old accustomed honor due unto him, and used of his predecessors before in the same town, required, moreover, with a new and unused kind of magnificence to be exalted: insomuch that when he saw the chief magistrate or mayor of that town to go in the streets with his officer going before him, holding a certain wand in his hand, tipped at both ends with black horn, as the manner was, he, reputing himself to be lord of that town, as he was, and thinking to be higher than the highest, commanded the honor of that staff due to the mayor, to be yielded and borne before his lordly personage. the mayor or bailiff, with other the townsmen, courteously answered him, that they were right willing and contented, with all their hearts, to exhibit that reverence unto him; and would so do, if he first of the king and council could obtain that custom, and if the same might be induced, after any peaceable way, with the good wills of the commons and body of the town: otherwise, said they, as the matter was dangerous, so they durst not take in hand any such new alteration of ancient customs and liberties, lest the people, who are always inclinable and prone to evil, do fall upon them with stones, and drive them out of the town. Wherefore, kneeling on their knees before him, there humbly they besought him that he would require no such tiling of them; that he would save his own honor, and their lives, who, otherwise, if he intended that way, were in great danger. But the bishop, youthful and haughty, taking occasion, by their humbleness, to swell the more in himself, answered, that he would not be taught by their counsel, but that he would have it done, though all the commons (whom he named ribalds) said ‘nay.’ Also he rebuked the mayor and his brethren for mecocks and dastards, for so fearing the vulgar sort of people.

The citizens perceiving the willful stoutness of the bishop, meekly answering again, said, they minded not to resist him, but to let him do therein what he thought good: only they desired him that he would license them to depart, and hold them excused for not waiting upon him, and conducting him out of the town with that reverence which he required, for if they should be seen in his company, all the suspicion thereof would be upon them, and so should they be all in danger, as much as their lives were worth. The bishop, not regarding their advice and counsel, commanded one of his men to take the rod borne before the mayor, and to carry the same before him: which being done, and perceived of the commons, the bishop after that manner went not far, but the rude people running to shut the gates, came out with their bows, some with clubs and staves, some with other instruments, some with stones, and let drive at the bishop and his men as fast as they might, in such sort, that both the bishop and his horse under him, with most part of his men, were hurt and wounded. And thus the glorious pride of this jolly prelate, ruffling in his new scepter, was received and welcomed therethat is, he was so pelted with bats and stones, so wounded with arrows and other instruments fit for such a skirmish, that the most part of his men, with his mace bearer, all running away from him, the poor wounded bishop was there left alone, not able to keep his old power, who went about to usurp a new power more than to him belonged.

Thus, as is commonly true in all, so is it well exemplified here, that which is commonly said, and as it is commonly seen, that pride will have a fall, and power usurped will never stand. In like manner, if the citizens of Rome, following the example of these Lynn men, as they have the like cause, and greater, to do by the usurped power of their bishop, would after the same sauce handle the pope, and un-scepter him of his mace and regality, which nothing pertain to him; they, in so doing, should both recover their own liberties, with more honor at home, and also win much more commendation abroad. f1362 This tragedy, with all the parts thereof, being thus ended at Lynn, which was a little after Easter (as is said) about the month of April, A.D. 1877, the same year, upon the 21st day of the month of June next after, died the worthy and victorious prince, king Edward III., after he had reigned fiftyone years; a prince not more aged in years than renowned for many singular and heroical virtues, but principally noted and lauded for his singular meekness and clemency towards his subjects and inferiors, ruling them by gentleness and mercy without all rigour or austere severity.

Among other noble and royal ornaments of his nature, worthily and copiously set forth of many, thus tie is described of some, which may briefly suffice for the comprehension of all the rest: To the orphans he was as a father, compatient to the afflicted, mourning with the miserable, relieving the oppressed, and to all them that wanted, an helper in time of need, etc. But, chiefly, above all other things in this prince, in my mind, to be commemorated is this, that he, above all other kings of this realm, unto the time of king Henry VIII., was the greatest bridler of the pope’s usurped power, and outrageous oppression: during all the time of which king, not only the pope could not greatly prevail in this realm, but also John Wickliff was maintained with favor and aid sufficient. f1364 But before we close up the story of this king, there cometh to hand that which& I thought good not to omit, a noble purpose of the king in requiring a view to be taken in all his dominions of all benefices and dignities ecclesiastical remaining in the hands of Italians, and aliens, with the true valuation of the same, directed down by commission; whereof the like also is to be found in the time of king Richard II., the tenor of which commission of king Edward III., I thought here under to set down for worthy memory.

The king directed writs unto all the bishops of England in this form:

Edward, by the grace of God king, etc. to the reverend father in Christ, N., by the same grace bishop of L., greeting. Being desirous upon certain causes to be certified what and how many benefices, as weal archdeaconries and other dignities, as vicarages, parsonages, prebends and chapels, within your diocese, be at this present in the hands of Italians and other strangers, what they he, of what kind, and how every of the said benefices be called by name; and how much every of the same is worth by the year, not as by way of tax or extent, but according to the true value of the same; likewise of the names of all and singular such strangers being now incumbents or occupying the same and every of them; moreover, the names of all them, whether Englishmen or strangers, of what state or condition soever they be, who have the occupation or disposition of any such benefices with the fruits and profits of the same, in the behalf, or by the authority of any the aforesaid strangers, by way of farm, or title, or procuration, or by any other ways or means whatsoever, and how long they have occupied or disposed the same; and withal whether any of the said strangers be now residents upon any of the said benefices, or not; we command you, as we heretofore commanded you, that you send us a true certificate of all and singular the premises, into our high court of chancery under your seal distinctly and openly, on this side the Quindene of Easter [April 16th] next coming, at the farthest: returning unto us this our writ withal. Witness ourself at Westminster, the sixth day of March, in the forty-eighth year of our reign over England and over France the thirty-fifth year. (A.D. 1374.)

By virtue hereof, certificate was sent up to the king into his chancery, out of every diocese of England, of all such spiritual livings as were then in the occupation either of priors aliens, or of other strangers; whereof the number was so great, as being all set down, it would fill almost half a quire of paper. Whereby may appear that it was high time for the king to seek remedy herein, either by treaty with the pope or otherwise; considering so great a portion of the revenues of his realm was, by this means, conveyed away and employed either for the relief of his enemies, or the maintenance of the foreigners; amongst which number the cardinals of the court of Rome lacked not their share, as may appear by this which followeth.

VIEW OF ECCLESIASTICAL BENEFICES.

The lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal of the holy church of Rome, doth hold and enjoy the deanery of the cathedral church of Lichfield, in the jurisdiction of Lichfield, which is worth five hundred marks by the year; and the prebend of Brewood, and the parsonage of Adbaston to the same deanery annexed, which prebend is worth by the year fourscore marks, and the parsonage twenty pounds; which deanery with the prebend and parsonage aforesaid, he hath holden and occupied for the space of three years. And one Master de Nigris, a stranger, as proctor to the said cardinal, doth hold and occupy the same deanery with other the premises with the appurtenances, by name of proctor, during the years aforesaid, and hath taken up the fruits and profits, for the said cardinal, dwelling not in the realm. Lord William, cardinal of St.

Angelo, a stranger, doth hold the archdeaconry of Suffolk, by virtue of provision apostolical, from the feast of St. Nicholas last past; he is not resident upon his said archdeaconry. And the said archdeaconry, together with the procurations due by reason of the visitation, is worth by year sixty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence. And Master John of Hellinington, etc., doth occupy the seal of the official of the said archdeaconry, etc. Lord Reginald of St. Adrian, deacon-cardinal, hath in the said county the parsonage of Godalming, worth by year forty pounds, and one Edward Teweste doth farm the said parsonage for nine years past.

The lord Anglicus of the holy church of Rome, priest and cardinal, a stranger, was incumbent, and did hold in possession the deanery of the cathedral church of York, from the eleventh day of November, A.D. 1366, and it is yearly worth, according to the true value thereof, four hundred pounds; and Master John of Stoke, canon of the said church, doth occupy the said deanery and the profits of the same, in the name or by the authority of the said lord dean, etc. But the said dean was never resident upon the said deanery since he was admitted thereunto. Item, lord Hugh of our lady in * * * deacon and cardinal, a strangers,doth possess the prebend of Driffield, in the said church of York, from the seventh day of June, A.D. 1363: from which day, etc. John of Gisbourne, and George Coupemanthorp, etc., do occupy the said prebend, worth by year one hundred pounds; the said lord Hugh is not resident upon the said pre-bend. Item, Lord Simon of the title of St. Sixt, priest and cardinal, etc., doth possess the prebend of Wistow in the said church of York, worth by year one hundred pounds; and the aforesaid Master John of Stoke doth occupy the aforesaid prebend and the profits thereof, etc.; but the said lord Simon is not resident upon the said prebend. Item, Lord Francis of the title of St. Sabine, priest and cardinal, a stranger doth possess the prebend of Stransal, in the said church of York, worth by year one hundred marks. And Master William of Merfield, etc., doth occupy the said prebend, etc.; but the said lord Francis is not resident upon the said prebend.

Lord Peter of the title of St Praxed, priest and cardinala stranger doth hold the archdeaconry of York, worth by year one hundred pounds, and Master William of Mirfield, etc., for farmers.

The deanery of the cathedral church of Saturn, with churches and chapels underwritten to the same deanery annexed, doth remain in the hands of lord Reginald of the title of St. Adrian, deacon and cardinal, and so hath remained these twenty-six years, who is never resident; his proctor is one Lawrence de Nigris, a stranger, and it is worth by year two hundred and fifty-four pounds, twelve shillings, and four pence.

Richard, bishop, doth hold the vicarage of Meere, to the deanery annexed, and hath holden the same for nineteen years; worth by year forty pounds.

Robert Codford, the farmer of the church of Heightredbury, to the same annexed, worth by year fifty pounds.

The church of Stoning and the chapel of Rescomp, to the same deanery annexed, worth by year seventy marks.

The chapel of Herst, to the same deanery annexed, worth by year forty pounds.

The chapel of Wokenhame, to the same deanery annexed, worth by year thirty-six pounds.

The chapel of Sandhurst, worth by year forty shillings.

The church of Godalming, to the same deanery annexed, in the diocese of Winchester, worth by year forty pounds.

The dignity of treasurer in the church of Sarum, with church and chapels underwritten to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord John of the title of St. Mark, priest and cardinal, and hath so continued twelve years, who was never resident in the same; worth by year one hundred and thirty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence.

The church of Fighelden, to the same annexed, worth by year twenty-six pounds, thirteen shillings, and four-pence.

The church of Alwardbury with the chapel of Putton, worth by year ten pounds.

The prebend of Calne to the same treasurer annexed, worth by year one hundred pounds.

The archdeaconry of Berks, in the cathedral church of Salisbury, with the church of Morton to the same annexed, is in the hands of lord William, of the title of St. Stephen, who was never resident in the same, worth by year eight score marks.

The archdeaconry of Dorset, in the church of Salisbury, with the church of Gissiche to the same annexed, in the hands of lord Robert, of the title of the Twelve Apostles, priest and cardinal and is worth by year one hundred and three marks.

The prebend of Woodford and Willeford, in the church of Salisbury, is in the hands of Robert, the cardinal aforesaid, and is worth forty marks.

The prebend of Heyworth, in the church of Salisbury, is in the hands of the lord cardinal of Agrifolio, who is never resident, worth by the year eighty pounds.

The prebend of Netherbarnby and Beminster, in the church of Salisbury, one Hugh Pelegrine a stranger, did hold. twenty years and more, and was never resident in the same; worth by the year eight score marks.

The church prebendary of Gillingham, in the nunnery of Salisbury, lately holden of lord Richard, now bishop of Ely, is in the hands of the lord Peter of the title of St. Praxed, priest and cardinal, etc. worth by the year eighty pounds.

Lord William, of the holy church of Rome cardinal, a stranger,” doth hold the archdeaconry of Canterbury, and is not resident; the true value of all the yearly fruits, rents and profits, is worth seven hundred florins.

The lord cardinal of Canterbury is archdeacon of Wells, and hath annexed to his archdeaconry the churches of Hewish, Berwes, and Southbrent, which are worth by year, with their procuration of visitations of the said archdeaconry, one hundred threescore pound. Item, The lord cardinal is treasurer of the church of Wells, and hath the moiety of the church of Mertock annexed thereunto, worth by year sixty pounds. Item, The lord cardinal of Agrifolio is archdeacon of Taunton in the church of Wells, and is worth by year, with the procurations and the prebend of Mylverton to the same annexed, eighty pounds.

Note. Like matter is also found in the time of king Richard II., upon what occasion it is uncertain; but, as it seemeth by record of that time, a new pope being come in place, he would take no knowledge of any matter done by his predecessors, that might any way abridge his commodity; and, therefore, this king was forced to begin anew, as may appear by this following. F1366 Lord cardinal of Agrifolio is prebendary of the prebend of Coringham, together with a portion of St. Mary of Stow to the same annexed; the fruits whereof, by common estimate, be worth by year one hundred and sixty-five pounds; Master John, vicar of Coringham, and Master Robert, person of Kettelthorpe, and W.

Thurly, be farmers.

Lord cardinal Albanum is prebendary of the prebend of Sutton, the fruits whereof be commonly esteemed worth by year four hundred marks. Roger Skyret of Buckingham, and William Bedeford of Sutton, do farm the same prebend. The lord cardinal Glandaven is prebendary of the prebend of Nassington, worth, by estimation, three hundred marks. Robert of Nassington, and John, son of Robert of Abbethorpe, do occupy the same prebend.

Lord cardinal Nonmacen is parson of Adderbury, worth, by estimation, one hundred pounds; Adam Robelyn, clerk, is his proctor, and occupieth the same.

Lord cardinal of St. *** is prebendary of Thame, worth yearly, by common estimation, two hundred marks; John Heyward and Thomas *** a layman, do occupy the same prebend.

Lord Peter de Yeverino, cardinal, is prebendary of Aylesbury, worth yearly, by common estimation, eighty marks. Holy Duse of Aylesbury doth occupy the same prebend.

The cardinal of St. Angelo hath the archdeaconry of Suffolk, and is worth by year, by common estimation, a hundred marks.

Lord cardinal Neminacem, treasurer of the church of Sarum, hath the archdeaconry of Sarum, with the church of Figheldon to his dignity annexed:, which is let to farm to Grace, late wife of Edmund Swayne, deceased, paying yearly fifty marks. He hath also, in the same archdeaconry and county, the said church of Alwardbury, with the chapels of Putton and Farle to the same annexed, which is let to farm to the lord prior of the house of Ederose for the yearly rent of twenty-three pounds; he hath also the prebend of Carne in the said archdeaconry and county, worth by year one hundred pounds, and the farmer thereof is Raymund Pelegrine.

Lord cardinal of Agriiblio hath the archdeaconry of Berks, worth by year one hundred and twenty marks, and remaineth in his own hands. Item, He hath the prebend of Worth, worth by year a hundred pounds; Raymund Peregrine is farmer there.

Lord cardinal Gebanen hath the prebend of Woodford and Willeford in the county of Wiltshire, let to farm to John Bennet of Sarum, worth by year forty marks.

Lord Audomar de Rupy is archdeacon of Canterbury to the which archdeacon belongs the church of Lymin within the same diocese, worth by year, after the taxation of the tenth, twenty pounds. The church of Tenham, worth by year, after the said taxation, one hundred and thirty pounds, six shillings, and eight-pence. The church of Hakington near Canterbury, worth by year twenty marks. The church of St. Clement in Sandwich, worth by year, after the taxation aforesaid, eight marks. The church of St. Mary in Sandwich, worth by year nine pounds, of the which the said archdeacon receiveth only six marks: the profits of all which premises Sir William Latimer, Knight, hath received, together with the profits arising out of the jurisdiction of the archdeaconry, worth by year twenty pounds.

Anglicus, of the church of Rome priest and cardinal, hath the deanery of the cathedral church of York, worth by year three hundred and seventy-three pounds, six shillings, and eight pence, and the prebend of Southcave, valued yearly at one hundred and sixty marks.