ANNO DOM. 1553. 1. THE Lady Jane Gray, whom King Edward had declared for his next successor, was eldest daughter of Henry Lord Gray, Duke of Suffolk and Marquess Dorset, descended from Thomas Lord Gray, Marquess Dorset, the eldest son of Queen Elizabeth, the only wife of Edward the Fourth, by Sir John Gray, her former husband. Her mother was the Lady Frances, daughter, and in fine one of the co-heirs, of Charles Brandon, the late Duke of Suffolk, by Mary his wife, Queen Dowager to Lewis the Twelfth of France, and youngest daughter of King Henry the Seventh, Grandfather to King Edward, now deceased. Her high descent, and the great care of King Henry the Eighth to see her happily and well bestowed in marriage, commended her unto the bed of Henry, Lord Marquess Dorset, before remembered — a man of known nobility and of large revenues; possessed not only of the patrimony of the Grays of Groby, but of the whole estate of the Lord Harrington and Bonvile, which descended on him in the right of his grand-mother, the wife of the first Marquess of Dorset of this name and family. And it is little to be doubted but that the fortunes of the house had been much increased by the especial providence and bounty of the said Queen Elizabeth; who cannot be supposed to have neglected any advantage, in the times of her glory and prosperity, for the advancement of her children by her former husband. In these respects, more than for any personal abilities which he had in himself, he held a very fair esteem amongst the Peers of the realm: rather beloved than reverenced by the common people. For, as he had few commendable qualities which might produce any high opinion of his parts and merit: so was he guilty of no vices which might blunt the edge of that affection in the vulgar sort which commonly is borne to persons of that eminent rank. His wife, as of an higher birth, was of greater spirit; but one that could accommodate it to the will of her husband. Pretermitted in the succession to the crown by the last will and testament of King Henry the Eighth: not out of any disrespect which that King had of her; but because he was not willing to think it probable that either she or the Lady Ellanor, her younger sister, (whom he had pretermitted also in that designation) could live so long as to survive his own three children, and such as in the course of nature should be issued from them. 2. Of this marriage there were born three daughters, that is to say, Jane, Katherine, and Mary. Of which, the eldest, being but some months older than the late King Edward, may be presumed to have took the name of Jane from the Queen Jane Seimour; as Katherine, from Queen Katharine Howard, or Queen Katharine Parr; and Mary, from the Princess Mary, the eldest daughter of King Henry, or in relation to her grandmother, his youngest sister. But the great glory of this family was the Lady Jane, who seemed to have been born with those attractions which seat a sovereignty in the face of most beautiful persons; yet was her mind endued with more excellent charms than the attractions of her face — modest and mild of disposition, courteous of carriage, and of such affable deportment as might entitle her to the name of Queen of Hearts, before she was designed for Queen over any subjects. Which native and obliging graces were accompanied with some more profitable ones, of her own acquiring; which set an higher value on them, and much increased the same both in worth and lustre. Having attained unto that age in which other young ladies used to apply themselves to the sports and exercises of their sex, she wholly gave her mind to good arts and sciences; much furthered in that pursuit by the care and diligence of one Mr Elmer, who was appointed for her tutor; the same (if my conjecture deceive me not) who afterwards was deservedly advanced by Queen Elizabeth to the see of London. Under his charge she came to such a large proficiency, that she spake the Latin and Greek tongues with as sweet a fluency as if they had been natural and native to her; exactly skilled in the liberal sciences, and perfectly well studied in both kinds of philosophy. 3. For proof whereof, there goes a story, that Mr Roger Ascham (being then tutor to the Princess Elizabeth,) came to attend her once at Broadgates, a house of her father’s neigh-bouring to the town of Leicester: where he found her in her chamber, reading Phaedon Platonis in Greek with as much delight as some gentlewomen would have read a merry tale in Geoffery Chaucer. The Duke her father, the Duchess, and all the rest of the household, were at that time hunting in the park: which moved him to put this question to her, “How she could find in her heart to lose such excellent pastimes?” To which she very cheerfully returned this answer, “That all the pastimes in the park were a shadow only of the pleasure and contentment which she found in that book:” adding moreover, “That one of the greatest blessings God ever gave her, was in sending her sharp parents and a gentle schoolmaster, which made her take delight in nothing so much as in her study.” By which agreeableness of disposition, and eminent proficiency in all parts of learning, she became very dear to the young King Edward; to whom Fox not only makes her equal, but doth acknowledge her also to be his superior in those noble studies. And for an ornament superadded to her other perfections, she was most zealously affected to the true protestant religion, then by law established; which she embraced, not out of any outward compliance with the present current of the times; but because her own most excellent judgment had been fully satisfied in the truth and purity thereof. All which together did so endear her to the King, that he took great delight in her conversation, and made it the first step to that royal throne to which he afterwards designed her in the time of his sickness. 4. Thus lived she in these sweet contentments till she came unto the years of marriage, when she, that never found in herself the least spark of ambition, was made the most unhappy instrument of another man’s.

Dudley of Warwick, a person of a proud, deceitful, and aspiring nature, began to entertain some ambitious thoughts, when Edward first began to reign; but kept them down as long as his two uncles lived together in peace and concord. But, having found a means to dissolve that knot, occasioned by the pride and insolency of the Duchess of Somerset, one as ill natured as himself, he first made use of the Protector to destroy the Admiral, and after served himself by some Lords of the court for humbling the Lord Protector to an equal level with the rest of the Council. Finding by this experiment how easy a thing it was to serve his turn by them on all other occasions, he drew unto himself the managing of all affairs; none being so hardy as to question any of his actions, and much less to cross them. But, not content with being looked on as the chief in power, he is resolved to make himself the first in place; thinking no private greatness to be answerable to so great a merit as he had fancied in himself. Thus busying his unquiet thoughts upon new designs, and passing from one imagination to another, he fixed at last upon a purpose of husbanding the opportunities to his best advantage in transferring the crown into his own family, which he thought capable enough of the highest honors. 5. “For why,” said he within himself, “should not the son of a Dudley, being the more noble house of the two, be thought as capable of the imperial Crown of this realm as the son or grandchild of a Seimour?

Though I pretend not to be born of the race of Kings, yet I may give a King to England of my race and progeny, on as good grounds as any which derive themselves from Owen Tudor, the ancestor of the boy now reigning.

That family pretended only from a daughter to the house of Somerset, and there are now some daughters of the house of Suffolk which may pretend as much as she. If, by a match into that house, I can find a way to bring the crown into my own, I shall want no precedents at home, and find many abroad. Some dangers may present themselves in the pursuit of this enterprise: but dangers are to be despised, as in all great actions, so chiefly when a crown is aimed at. It is resolved that I will try my fortune in it: which if it prosper to my wish, I shall live triumphantly; if I sink under the attempt, I shall perish nobly.” Which being concluded and resolved on, he first insinuates himself into the good affections of the Marquess of Dorset, whom he assisted in his suit for the title of Suffolk, which without him was not to be gained: exalts himself to the like glorious title of Duke of Northumberland, that he might stand on equal ground with the proudest of them: and, in a word, so cunningly prepareth his toils for the Duke of Somerset, that at the last he fell into them, never to be set free again until death released him: all which particulars have been at large laid down in the former history. And this being done, he suffered the young King to wear out all the following year, the better to avoid all popular suspicion that his uncle’s death was only hastened to make way for his. And possible it is that he might have tired it out a little longer, but for a smart jest which he put upon this ambitious minister. The King took great delight in his bow and arrows; and, shooting one day at the butt (as he used to do) hit the very white. “Well aimed, my Liege, said merrily the mighty Duke. “But you aimed better,” said the King, “when you shot off the head of my uncle Somerset.” Which words so stang the conscience of the guilty man, that he could not think himself secure, but by accelerating his design for settling the crown upon the head of one of his children, according to the plot which he had hammered in the forge of his wretched brain. 6. For now, the King beginning sensibly to decay, he takes his time to enter into communication with the Duke of Suffolk, about a marriage to be made betwixt the Lord Guilford Dudley, his fourth son, and the Lady Jane Gray, the Duke’s eldest daughter: which, with the rest of the marriages before mentioned, being propounded and concluded — (for he was grown too great, and known to be too dangerous, to be denied in any reasonable suit) — a day was set, in which this excellent lady was to be transplanted into the family of the Dudleys; a day which she expected with a virgin modesty, and, after the solemnity of the nuptial rites, delivers her pure body to the chaste embraces of a virtuous consort; who, of all Dudley’s brood, had nothing of the father in him. All which succeeding to his wish, he sets himself to the accomplishing of that project which he had long before designed. The King was now grown weak in body and decayed in spirits, and in that weak estate he takes his opportunities to inculcate to him what infinite blessings had been derived from him on this Church and nation, by the blessed reformation of religion, so happily begun and brought to such perfection by him: that it must therefore be his care so to provide for the continuance of those infinite blessings, that posterity might enjoy the benefit and comfort of it, which would gain him a more precious memory amongst his subjects than all his other princely virtues: that nothing was more feared by all sorts of people, than that the Crown imperial (if it should please Almighty God to call him to a crown of glory) would fall upon the head of the Lady Mary, a princess passionately affected to the interess of the Church of Rome, and one who, by her marriage with some potent prince of that religion, might captivate the free-born English nation to a foreign servitude: that both his sisters, being born of disputed marriages, and howsoever being but his half-sisters only, and by several winters, could neither be heirs to him nor to one another, by the known laws of the land, which neither Acts of Parliament nor the last Will and Testament of the King deceased were of power to alter: that the young Queen of Scots was an alien born, by consequence uncapable of any inheritance in the realm of England, and had, besides, preferred the alliance of the French before that of his Majesty, which rendered her as unworthy as she was uncapable: that, for the better carrying on of that blessed work of reformation, the peace and happiness of his people, the preventing of all emergent mischiefs, and his own everlasting fame, it was not possible to make a more happy provision than by transferring the crown to the Lady Jane, a lady of such excellent virtues as were sufficient to adorn the richest diadem: that there was no question to be made, but that his Majesty knew as well as any the amiable qualities of that matchless lady, her zeal to the religion here by him established, the agreeableness of her conversation with his own affections, and could not but conceive that nation to be infinitely happier than all others, which might fall under the command of so mild a government: and finally, that he was bound by his duty to God, the light of his own conscience, and the love he had to all his subjects, to lay aside all natural affections to his father’s house, in respect of that great obligation which he had to God’s glory and the true religion; following therein the example of our Lord and Savior, who looked both for his brothers and sisters amongst his disciples, without relating to his nearest kindred by Joseph or Mary. 7. By these suggestions and inducements, he much inclined the King to hearken to his propositions. For furtherance whereof, he caused such as were about him to entertain him with continual discourses of the divine perfections and most heavenly graces of the Lady Jane; the high esteem in which she was with all the subjects for her zeal and piety; the everlasting fame which would wait upon him, by providing such a successor to enjoy the Crown, in whom his virtues would survive to succeeding ages.

Than which no music could sound sweeter in the ears of the King, whom he knew to have an affectionate sympathy with that excellent lady, as being much of the same age, brought up in the same studies, as near to him in the sweetness of her disposition as she was in blood, and of a conversation so agreeable to him as if they had been but the same person in divers habits.

And they all plied their game so cunningly, that the weak King, not being able to withstand so many assaults, did at last condescend to that which he found not only most conformable to their importunities, but to his own affections also. Order was taken thereupon, that an instrument should be drawn in due form of law, for the transposing of the Crown to the children of the Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, and daughter to Mary the French Queen, one of the sisters of King Henry, his Majesty’s father. In which instrument nothing was to be defective, which either could be drawn from the grounds of law or the rules of polity to justify and endear the action. In drawing up whereof, there was none thought fitter to be used than Sir William Cecil, one of the chief Secretaries of Estate, who, having before served Dudley’s turn against his old master the Duke of Somerset, was looked on as the readiest man for the present service. 8. The pretensions taken from the law, for excluding the King’s two sisters from the right of succession, were grounded, first, upon the invalidity of their mother’s marriage — both being made void by legal sentences of divorce, and those divorces ratified by Acts of Parliament, in which the said two sisters were declared to be illegitimate, and consequently uncapable of any of those favors which were intended to them by the Act of Succession, made in the thirty-fifth year of the late King Henry, or by the last Will and Testament of that King, which was built upon it. In the next place, it was pretended that the said two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, being but of half blood to the King now reigning (admitting them to have been born in lawful wedlock), were not in any capacity by the common law, (the old good law of England), to be heirs unto him, or to succeed in any part of that inheritance which came unto him by his father. It was considered also, that, by the known rules and principles of the common law, no manner of person was inheritable to any estate of lands or tenements in the realm of England, who was not born under the King’s allegiance, as King of England, but in the case of naturalization by Act of Parliament; which seemed to be a sufficient bar against all titles and demands for the line of Scotland, although derived from Margaret, the eldest daughter of King Henry the Seventh. And whereas the Lady Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, might seem, both by the law of nature and the right of succession, to have precedency in title before her daughter; yet was no injury offered to her, in regard that she was willing to pass by all her personal claims for the preferment of her children. Which pretermissions of the mother were neither new nor strange in the succession to the Crown of this kingdom.

Not new, because the like was done by Maud the Empress, for the advancement of her son King Henry the Second: nor strange, because it had been lately practiced in the person of the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, in giving way to the preferment of King Henry the Seventh, the first King of the house now regnant. 9. The reasons or pretexts which seemed to be built on polity and point of state, were: first, the unavoidable danger of reducing this free and noble realm under the vassalage and servitude of the Bishop of Rome, if either of the King’s two sisters, in their several turns, should marry with a foreign Prince of that religion, or otherwise, by the transport of their own affections, submit their sceptres to the Pope. 10. It was considered also, that by such marriages not only many foreign customs and laws would be introduced; but that there might follow an abolishment of those ancient laws upon which the native rights of all the subjects seemed to have dependence. Besides, that possibly the realm might hereby be annexed to some greater kingdom; of which in time it would be reckoned for a member, and consequently be reduced unto the form of a province, to the utter subversion of the ancient dignity and estate thereof. Which whensoever it should happen, it was neither impossible nor improbable, that the people, upon a just sense of the indignities and pressures, might elect some popular and seditious man to be their king, who, to countenance his own unworthiness and obscurity, would little regard what contumely he cast upon the falling family of the kings before him. To which perchance some further countenance might be added from the holy Scriptures, where Solomon is found to be preferred unto the throne by David before Adonijah: — the youngest son before the eldest: a child before a man experienced and well grown in years. And some examples also might be had of the like transpositions in the realm of Scotland, in Hungary, Naples, and elsewhere: enough to shew that nothing had been done in this great transaction which was not to be precedented in other places. Upon all which considerations, it was thought most agreeable to the rules of polity, that the King, by letters patent under the Great Seal of England, should so dispose of the possession of the Crown (with such remainders and reversions, as to him seemed best) as might prevent such inconveniencies and emergent mischiefs as might otherwise happen: which could not better be effected, than by setting the crown on the head of the Lady Jane — a lady of royal blood, born in the realm, brought up in the religion now by law established, married already to a person of desert and honor; and such an one in whom all those graces were concentrated which were sufficient to adorn all the rest of her sex. 11. These reasons being thus prepared, the next care was, to have the instrument so contrived in due form of law, that nothing might be wanting in the style and legalities of it which might make it any way obnoxious to disputes and questions. For the doing whereof, it was thought necessary to call in the assistance of some of the Judges, and others of his Majesty’s Council learned in the laws of this realm; by whose authority it might be thought more passable amongst the people. Of all which rank, none were thought fitter to be taken into the consultation than Sir Edward Montague: not only as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and very well experienced in his own profession, but because, he being one of the executors of the King deceased, his concurrence with the rest of the Council seemed the more considerable. A letter is therefore sent unto him on the eleventh of June, subscribed by the Lord Treasurer, the Duke of Northumberland, the Earls of Shrewsbury, Bedford, and Pembroke, the Lord Admiral Clinton, the Lord Darcie, Sir John Gates, Sir William Petre, Sir William Cecil, and Sir John Cheek. By the tenor whereof he was commanded to attend upon their Lordships the next day, in the afternoon, and to bring with him Sir John Baker, Chancellor of the Firstfruits and Tenths, Master Justice Bromeley, together with the Attorney-and Solicitor- General. Being brought into the King’s presence, at the time appointed, whom they found attended by the Lord Treasurer and some others of those who had subscribed the former letter: the King declared himself with a weak voice to this effect: viz. That “He had considered in his sickness, of the estate of his realm; which if it should descend on the Lady Mary, who was then unmarried, it might so happen that she might marry a stranger born, whereby not only the laws of the realm might be changed and altered, but all his own proceedings in religion might be also reversed; that it was his pleasure, therefore, that the crown should descend after his decease unto such persons, and in such form, as was contained in certain Articles then ready to be shewed unto them, to be by them digested and disposed of in due form of law.” 12. These Articles when they had perused and considered of, they signified unto the King that they conceived them to be contrary to the Act of Succession, which, being made in Parliament, could not be frustrated or made ineffectual but by Parliaments only. Which answer notwithstanding, the King, without allowing further time or deliberation, commanded them to take the Articles along with them, and give the business a dispatch with all speed as might be. But finding greater difficulties in it than had appeared unto their Lordships, they made a report unto them at their next attendance, that they had considered of the King’s Articles and the Act of Succession; whereby it appeared manifestly, that, if they should make any book concerning the King’s commandment, they should not only be in danger of treason, but their Lordships also. The sum of which report being certified to the Duke of Northumberland (who, though absent, was not out of call), he came in great rage and fury to the Council-chamber, called the Chief Justice traitor, affirmed that he would fight in his shirt in that quarrel against any man living, and behaved himself in such an outrageous manner as put both Montague and Justice Bromeley in a very great fear that he would have struck them. Called to the Court again, by a letter of the fourteenth of the same month, they found the King more earnest in it than he was before; requiring them, with a sharp voice and a displeased countenance, to dispatch the book, according to the Articles delivered to them; and telling them that he would have a Parliament shortly to confirm the same. When nothing else would serve the turn, answer was made, that his commandment should be obeyed; upon condition that they might be commissionated so to do by his Majesty’s warrant, under the Great Seal of England, and have a general pardon for it when the deed was done. 13. Not daring longer to resist, and having made as good provision as they could for their own indemnity, they betook themselves unto the work, digested it in form of law, caused it to be engrossed in parchment, and so dispatched it for the Seal to the Lord Chancellor Goodrick, sufficiently prepared before-hand not to stick upon it. But then appeared another difficulty amongst the Lords of the Council: some of which, not well satisfied with these proceedings, appeared as backward in subscribing to the instrument, before it went unto the Seal, as the great lawyers had done at the first, in being brought to the employment. But such was the authority which Dudley and his party had gained amongst them, that some for fear, and some for favor, did subscribe at last: — a zeal to the reformed religion prevailing in it upon some; a doubt of losing their church-lands more powerfully over-swaying others; and all in fear of getting the displeasure of that mighty tyrant, who by his power and practices carried all before him.

The last that stood it out was Archbishop Cranmer. Who, being sent for to the Court, when all the Lords of the Council and most of the Judges of the realm had subscribed the instrument, refused to put his hand unto it, or to consent to the disherison of the late King’s daughters. After much reasoning of the case, he requires a longer time of deliberation; consults about it with some of the most learned lawyers, and is finally sent for by the King: who, having fully set his heart upon the business, did use so many reasons to him in behalf of religion, and plied him with such strong persuasions in pursuance of them, that at the last he suffered himself to be overcome by his importunities, and so subscribed it with the rest. Only Sir James Hales, one of the Justices of the Common Pleas, carried the honor of a resolute and constant man — not only from those of his own rank, but even from all the Lords of the Council, and almost all the peers of the realm to boot; who, being a man observed to be both religious and upright, did very worthily refuse to subscribe, and was afterwards as unworthily requited by Queen Mary for it. 14. Yet, notwithstanding all these rubs, the project was driven on so fast by the hasty Duke, that by the one and twentieth of June, the letters patent were made ready to pass the Seal; which was about a fortnight before the death of the King. During which interval, he had another game to play: which was the getting into his power the Princess Mary; whom, of all others, he most feared, as the most likely person to destroy his whole contrivance. For well he knew that, if she stood upon her right, as no doubt she would, she was not only sure of a strong party in the realm, who still remained in good affections to the Church of Rome; but that her party here would be backed and countenanced by her alliances abroad, who could not but prefer and support her interess against all pretenders. He therefore must make sure of her, or else account all void and frustrate which was done already. And, that he might make sure of her, he so prevailed that letters were directed to her, in the King’s name, from the Lords of the Council — willing her forthwith to resort to the King; as well to be a comfort to him in his sickness, as to see all matters well ordered about him . The Lady, suspecting no lurking mischief, addressed herself with all speed to the journey; expressing great joy, that either her company or her service should he esteemed needful to the King. But as she was upon the way, and within half a day’s journey of the Court, she received advice both of the King’s desperate estate and of the Duke’s designs against her: whereupon she returned in haste to her house at Hunsdon, where in a very short time she heard the sad news of her brother’s death; who died upon the sixth of July, as before was said. Which being the same day of the month on which King Henry had taken off the head of Sir Thomas More, for his adhesion to the Pope, the interess of Queen Katharine Dowager and the Princess Mary gave an occasion unto those of the Romish party to look upon it as a piece of Divine retribution, in taking away the life of his only son on the same day also. 15. Two days the death of the King was by special order kept so secret that it was known to very few about the Court. And it concerned them so to do: partly in expectation of the coming of the Princess Mary, whom they knew to be upon the way; and partly to make sure of the city of London, the favor and fidelity whereof was of great importance for the carrying on of the design. But understanding by their espials that the Princess Mary was retired — a message was sent on Saturday, the 8th of July, to Sir George Barns, the Lord Mayor of London, requiring him, in the name of the Lords of the Council, to give his attendance at the court, and bring with him six of the principal aldermen, six merchants of the staple, and as many of the company of merchant-adventurers. No haste was wanting on their parts; and, coming at the time appointed, they were privily informed by some of the council (but in the name of all the rest) that the King was dead, and that he had declared by his letters patents, under the great seal of England, subscribed by all the Lords of the Council and almost all the peers of the realm, that his cousin the Lady Jane Gray was to succeed him in the crowns of England and Ireland, as the most true, certain, and undoubted heir of all his dominions. Which being signified unto them, it was no hard matter to obtain their consent to that which they were not able to deny.

And so, upon a promise of their best assistance to promote the cause, and to keep secret the King’s death until further order, they were dismissed unto their houses. 16. It is an ancient custom of the Kings of England, immediately on the death of their predecessors, to provide their lodgings in the Tower; taking possession, as it were, by that royal fortress, of the rest of the kingdom; and from thence passing in a solemn and magnificent manner through the principal streets of London to their coronation. According to which ancient custom, the lodgings in the Tower being fitted and prepared for the Queen’s reception, the Lords of the Council passed over from Greenwich on Monday, the 10th of the same month. A letter had been brought the night before from the Princess Mary, who had received advertisement of her brother’s death, notwithstanding all their care and diligence in laboring to conceal it from his nearest servants; which made them meet the earlier and in greater numbers, to return an answer thereunto. The Princess knew her own right, and the wrong which was intended to her; both which she signified unto them in these following words: “MY LORDS, “WE greet you well; and have received sure advertisement that our dearest brother the King, our late Sovereign Lord, is departed to God’s mercy. Which news, how woeful they be unto our heart, he only knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submit us and our wills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, [now] after his Majesty’s departure and death, — concerning the crown and governance of this realm of England, with the title of France, and all things thereto belonging, what hath been provided by Act of parliament, and the testament and last will of our dearest father, besides other circumstances advancing our right, you know, the realm and the whole world knoweth: the rolls and records appear, by the authority of the King our said father, and the King our said brother, and the subjects of this realm. So that we verily trust that there is no good true subject that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof: and of our part, we have of ourselves caused, and, as God shall aid and strengthen us, shall cause, our right and title in this behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth strange, that our said brother dying upon Thursday at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof; — yet we consider your wisdom and prudence to be such, that, having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this present case, with our estate, your own estate, the common wealth, and all our honors, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust with much assurance in your loyalty and service; and therefore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, that ye yet will, like noble men, work the best. Nevertheless we are not ignorant of your consultations to undo the provisions made for our preferment; nor of the great bands and provisions forcible wherewith you be assembled and prepared: by whom and to what end God and you know; and nature cannot but fear some evil. But be it that some consideration politic or whatsoever thing else hath moved you thereto; yet doubt ye not, my Lords, but we can take all these your doings in gracious part; being also right ready to remit and fully pardon the same, and that [freely], to eschew bloodshed and vengeance against all those that can or will intend the same; trusting also assuredly that ye will take and accept this grace and virtue in good part, as appertaineth; and that we shall not be enforced to use the service of other our true subjects and friends: which, in this our just and right cause, God, in whom all our affiance is, shall send us. Wherefore, my Lords, we require you and charge you that every of you, of your allegiance which you owe to God and us, and to none other, for our honor and the surety of our person only employ yourselves; and forthwith, upon receipt hereof, cause our right and title to the crown and governance of this realm to be proclaimed in our city of London and other places, as to your wisdoms shall seem good, and as to this case appertaineth; not failing hereof, as our very trust is in you. And this our letter, signed with our hand, shall be your sufficient warrant in that behalf. “Given under our signet, at our manor of Kenning-hall, the 9th of July, 1553.” 17. This letter seemed to give their Lordships no other trouble than the returning of an answer. For well they knew that she could do no less than put up her claim; and they conceived that she was not in a condition for doing more. Only it was thought fit to let her know what she was to trust to — the better to prevent such inconveniences as might otherwise happen.

And to that end an answer was presently dispatched, under the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor Goodrick, Bishop of Ely, the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk, the Marquesses of Winchester and Northampton, the Earls of Arundel, Shrewsbury, Huntington, Bedford, and Pembroke, the Lords Cobham and Darcie, Sir Thomas Cheny, Sir Robert Cotton, Sir William Petre, Sir William Cecil, Sir John Cheek, Sir John Mason, Sir Edward North, Sir Robert Bowes. The tenor whereof was as followeth: “MADAM, “WE have received your letters the 9th of this instant, declaring your supposed title which you judge yourself to have to the imperial crown of this realm, and all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answer whereof this is to advertise you, that, forasmuch as our Sovereign Lady Queen Jane is, after the death of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth (a Prince of most noble memory) invested and possessed with the just and right title in the imperial crown of this realm — not only by good order of old ancient laws of this realm, but also by our late Sovereign Lord’s letters patents, signed with his own hand, and sealed with the great seal of England, in presence of most part of the nobles, counsellors, judges, with divers others grave and sage personages assenting and subscribing the same: we must, therefore, as of most bounden duty and allegiance, assent unto her said Grace and to none other; except we should (which faithful subjects cannot) fall into grievous and unspeakable enormities. Wherefore we can no less do, but for the quiet, both of the realm and you also, to advertise you, that, forasmuch as the divorce made between the King of famous memory, King Henry the Eighth, and the Lady Katharine your mother, was necessary to be had, both by the everlasting laws of God, and also by the ecclesiastical laws, and the most part of the noble and learned universities in Christendom, and confirmed also by the sundry Acts of parliaments remaining yet in force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and unheritable to the crown imperial of this realm, and the rule and dominions and possessions of the same; — you will, upon just consideration hereof, and of divers other causes lawful to be alleged for the same, and for the just inheritance of the right line and godly order taken by the late King, our Sovereign Lord King Edward the Sixth, and agreed upon by the nobles and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease by any pretense to vex or molest any of our Sovereign Lady Queen Jane her subjects from their true faith and allegiance due unto her Grace: assuring you that, if you will for respect shew yourself quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service that we with duty may; and be glad with your quietness to preserve the common state of this realm, wherein you may be otherwise grievous to us, to yourself, and to them. “And thus we bid you most heartily well to fare, etc.” 18. These letters being thus dispatched, and no further danger seeming to be feared on that side, all things are put in readiness against the coming of the Queen, who, the same day, about three of the clock in the afternoon, was brought by water to the Tower, attended by a noble train of both sexes, from Durham-house, in the Strand, where she had been entertained as a part of Dudley’s family ever since her marriage. She could not be ignorant of that which had been done in order unto her advancement to the royal throne; and could not but conceive that her being conducted to the Tower in that solemn manner did portend somewhat which looked toward a coronation. But still she hoped that either she should hear some good news of the King’s recovery, or of the altering of his purpose; and that she might be suffered to enjoy those divine contentments which she had found in the repose of a studious life. But when she came into the presence of the two Dukes, her father and her father-in-law, she observed their behavior towards her to be very different from that which they had used before. To put her out of which amazement it was signified to her by the Duke of Northumberland, that “the King was dead, and that he had declared her for his next successor in the crown imperial. That this declaration was approved by all the Lords of the Council, most of the peers, and all the judges of the land, which they had testified by the subscription of their names, and all this ratified and confirmed by letters patents, under the great seal of England: that the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, and some of the principal citizens had been spoke withal, by whom they were assured of the fidelity of the rest of the city: that there was nothing wanting but her grateful acceptance of the high estate which God Almighty, the sovereign disposer of all crowns and sceptres (never sufficiently to be thanked by her for so great a mercy), had advanced her to: that therefore she should cheerfully take upon her the name, title, and estate of Queen of England, France, and Ireland, with all the royalties and pre-eminencies to the same belonging — receiving at their hands the first-fruits of the humble duty (now tendered by them on their knees) which shortly was to be paid to her by the rest of the kingdom.” 19. This speech being ended, the poor lady found herself in a great perplexity, not knowing whether she should more lament the death of the King or her adoption to the kingdom: the first loss not to be repaired, the next care possible to be avoided. 45 She looked upon the crown as a great temptation, to resist which she stood in need of all the helps which both philosophy and divinity could suggest unto her. And she knew also, that such fortunes seldom knocked twice for entrance at the same man’s gate; but that, if once refused, they are gone for ever. Taking some time, therefore, of deliberation, she summoned a council of her purest thoughts; by whose advice, half drowned in tears (either as sorrowing for the King’s death or foreseeing her own) she returned an answer in these words, or to this effect — that “the laws of the kingdom and natural right standing for the King’s sister , she would beware of burthening her weak conscience with a yoke which did belong to them: that she understood the infamy of those who had permitted the violation of right to gain a scepter: that it were to mock God and deride justice, to scruple at the stealing of a shilling, and not at the usurpation of a crown.” “Besides,” said she, “I am not so young, nor so little read in the guiles of fortune, to suffer myself to be taken by them. If she enrich any, it is but to make them the subject of her spoil; if she raise others, it is but to pleasure herself with their ruins. What she adored but yesterday, is to-day her pastime. And, if I now permit her to adorn and crown me, I must to-morrow suffer her to crush and tear me in pieces. Nay, with what crown doth she present me? A crown which hath been violently and shamefully wrested from Katharine of Arragon; made more unfortunate by the punishment of Ann Bollen and others that wore it after her. And why then would you have me add my blood to theirs, and to be the third victim from whom this fatal crown may be ravished with the head that wears it?

But in case it should not prove fatal unto me, and that all its venom were consumed; if fortune should give me warranties of her constancy — should I be well advised to take upon me those thorns which would dilacerate though not kill me outright — to burthen myself with a yoke which would not fail to torment me, though I were assured not to be strangled with it? My liberty is better than the chain you proffer me, with what precious stones soever it be adorned, or of what gold soever framed. I will not exchange my peace for honorable and precious jealousies, for magnificent and glorious fetters. And, if you love me sincerely and in good earnest, you will rather wish me a secure and quiet fortune, though mean, than an exalted condition exposed to the wind and followed by some dismal fall.” 20. It had been happy for herself, her fathers, and their several families, if they had suffered themselves to be overcome by such powerful arguments, which were not only persuasive, but might seem convincing, had they not all been fatally hurried unto their own destruction. But the ambition of the two Dukes was too strong and violent to be kept down by any such prudent considerations. So that, being wearied at the last with their importunities, and overcome by the entreaties of her husband, whom she dearly loved, she submitted unto that necessity which she could not vanquish; yielding her head with more unwillingness to the ravishing glories of a crown than afterwards she did to the stroke of the axe. The point being thus concluded on, the two Dukes, with all the rest of the Lords of the Council, swore allegiance to her. And on the same day, about five of the clock in the afternoon, they caused her solemnly to be proclaimed Queen of England, France, and Ireland, etc. in many of the principal streets in London; and after, by degrees, in most of the chief cities, towns, and places of greatest concourse and resort of people. In which proclamation it was signified, that, by the letters patents of the late King Edward, bearing date the 21st of June last past, the Lady Jane Gray, eldest daughter to the Duchess of Suffolk, had been declared his true and lawful successor to the crown of England; the same to be enjoyed after her decease by the heirs of her body, etc., as in the said letters patents more especially did at large appear. Which proclamation, though it was published in the city with all solemnities, and that the concourse of people was exceeding great, yet their acclamations were but few; which served as a sufficient argument to the friends and followers of the Princess Mary, that they were rather drawn together out of curiosity to behold some unusual spectacle, than out of any purpose to congratulate the Queen’s advancement. And so far some of them declared their dislike thereof, that, the next day one Gilbert Pot was set on the pillory in Cheapside, his ears first nailed and afterwards cut off, for certain words which he had spoken at the publishing of the proclamation; a trumpet sounding at the time of the execution, and an herald in his coat of arms publicly noting his offense in a form prescribed. A severity neither safe nor necessary (the party being of no better condition than a vintner’s boy) as the case then stood. 21. For the next day the Lords received advertisement from divers hands that many persons of quality were drawn together at Kenning-hall Castle, in Norfolk, to offer their service and assistance to the Princess Mary; who, finding by the answer which she had received from the Lords of the Council that no good was otherwise to be done, resolved not to be wanting to her own pretensions, and to that end gave cheerful entertainment to all comers which either favored her title or embraced her religion. Amongst such gentlemen as were certified to the Lords of the Council, I find the names of the Earl of Bath, Sir Thomas Wharton, son to the Lord Wharton, Sir John Mordant, son to the Lord Mordant, Sir William Drury, Sir John Shelton, Sir Henry Bedingfield, Mr Henry Jerningham, Mr John Sulierd, Mr Richard Higham, of Lincoln’s-Inn. It was advertised also that the Earl of Sussex and Mr Henry Ratcliff his son were coming towards her with their forces: which last advertisement gave the business some appearance of danger; for what else was to be expected but that the countenance and encouragement of so great a person, might draw many more unto the side, who otherwise would have been content to be lookers on, in case they had not moved against her? Prevention in such cases was the wholesomest physic; which therefore was to be administered with all speed that might be, before those companies increased and were united under some commander, which might gain them the reputation of a little army — little at first, but like enough to become formidable to their enemies, if not broken in time. Some forces therefore to be sent under the conduct, and command of some person who was well-affected to the cause, to scatter those small companies before they grew unto an head, to seize upon the Lady Mary and bring her with him to the court, where they knew well enough how to make sure of her. For which employment none more fit than the Duke of Suffolk, who had the greatest stock going in the present adventure, and whose affection to the Queen, being raised out of the bowels of nature, would prompt him to dispatch the service with his utmost diligence. And because possibly the Lady Mary, hearing of these preparations, might fly for safety into Flanders, and create more trouble to them there than she could at home, it was thought necessary that such ships as lay upon the Downs should be commanded to attend on the coast of Norfolk, to intercept her on the way, if peradventure she should think of flying to the Emperor’s court. 22. So was it counselled and concluded. But the matter could not be carried so close as not to come to the Queen’s knowledge; to whom the least drop of her father’s blood was far more precious than all the kingdoms in the world: so that, with tears in her eyes, and voice as mournful as her face, she besought such of the Lords as she conceived to be most tenderly affected towards her, to be her mediators to the rest of the council, that her father might be suffered to remain with her, and that some other man, more exercised in deeds of arms, might be sent out on that employment. Nor was the motion made in vain: for some there were who secretly had as great a mind to put Northumberland upon the service as she could be to have her father excused from it. They saw how things were like to go, and how generally the people were inclined to King Henry’s children, and could not promise to themselves any long security under that power which they had put into the hands of a weak young lady, who must be altogether governed by Duke Dudley’s counsels — of whom they stood in so great fear, that none of them durst oppose his doings, or steer their course unto that point which most they aimed at, and which they doubted not to gain if they could find a way to send him from the counciltable.

No way more probable than this; and this they meant to husband to the best advantage, using their best endeavors to persuade him to the undertaking of the present service: “For who,” said they, “can be so proper as your Grace to undertake this expedition into Norfolk, where your late victories hath made your name so terrible to all sorts of people, as may disperse them without battle? For, should the matter come to blows — (which God prohibit!) — what man so able as yourself in the art of war, the order of encamping, the putting of your men into such a figure as may best suit with the advantages which are offered to you, and animating the most cowardly soldiers, not only by your own exemplary valor, but by strong persuasions? Whom have we in the realm so dexterous in point of treaty, so able to persuade the enemy to lay down arms (which is the noblest way of conquering the true-born English), if once it came unto parle,” as they hoped it would. Besides, the Queen had made it her most earnest suit, that her father might be spared to stay with her till those terrors and affrights were over; and had moreover pointed out his Grace as the abler man and more fit for action; “than which what can be further said to prompt your Grace to lay fast hold upon all opportunities for obliging her, who may hereafter find so many ways for obliging you?” 23. Swelling with vain-glory, and tickled with the frequent mention of his dear abilities, he suffered himself to be entreated to an action of such fame and merit as that which they presented to him. And, signifying his assent with a reigned unwillingness, he told them that “he would make ready his own power on the morrow after, not doubting but they would send theirs with him, or speed them after him; that he must recommend the Queen unto their fidelity, of whose sacred person he desired them to be very tender.” All which they promised him to do. And, having thus settled the affairs, they made the Queen acquainted, in Northumberland’s presence, with how great readiness he had took the danger of that action upon himself, to give her the contentment of enjoying her father’s company till the present storm was over-blown; who humbly thanked the Duke for so great a favor, and cheerfully desired him not to be wanting to the public and his personal safety. That evening and the greatest part of the next day being spent in raising men and making other necessary preparations for the expedition, he repairs again to the court, and, once more putting them in mind of hastening their forces, and appointing Newmarket for the place of their rendezvous, he took his leave of them in these words, or to this effect: “My Lords,” said he, “I, and these other noble personages, with the whole army that now goes forth, as well for the behalf of you and yours as for the establishing of the Queen’s Highness, shall not only adventure our bodies and lives amongst the bloody strokes and cruel assaults of our adversaries in the open field; but also we do leave the conservation of ourselves, children, and families, at home here with you, as altogether committed to your trust and fidelity. Whom if we thought you would, through malice, conspiracy, or dissension, leave us, your friends, in the briers, and betray us; we could as well sundry ways foresee and provide for our own safe-guards, as any of you, by betraying us, can do for yours. But now, upon the only trust and faithfulness of your honors, whereof we think ourselves most assured, we do hazard our lives: which trust and promise if you shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion, yet shall not God count you innocent of our bloods, neither acquit you of the sacred holy oath of allegiance, made freely by you to this virtuous lady, the Queen’s Highness, who by your and our enticement is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request. Consider also, that God’s cause, which is the preferment of his word, and the fear of the return of Popery, hath been (as ye have hitherto always said) the original cause where-upon ye (even at the first motion) granted your good wills and consents thereunto, as by your hand-writing appeareth. And think not otherwise but that, if you mean deceit, though not forthwith, yet hereafter, God will revenge the same. I can say no more, but in this troublesome time wish you to use constant hearts; abandoning all malice, envy, and private affections.” 24. Which said, and having paused a little, he shut up his address in these following words: “I have not spoken to you, my Lords, in this sort, upon any mistrust I have of your fidelities; of which always I have ever hitherto conceived a trusty confidence: but I have only put you in remembrance thereof, what chance of variance soever might grow amongst you in my absence. And this I pray you, that you would not wish me less good speed in this journey than you would have yourselves.” To which last words, one of them is reported to have thus replied: — “My Lord, if you mistrust any of us in this matter, your Grace is much mistaken in us. For which of us can wash his hands clean of the present business? For if we should shrink from you as one that is culpable, which of us can excuse himself as being guiltless?” Little the more assured by this quick return, he went to take his leave of the Queen, where he found his commission ready sealed, together with certain instructions, subscribed by all the Lords of the Council, in which his marches were laid out and limited from one day to another — conditions not to be imposed on any who commands in chief, nor to have been accepted by him, but that it was a matter of his own desiring. And he desired it for these reasons, — (so strongly was he caught in a snare of his own devising) — partly because he would be thought to have acted nothing but by authority of the Council, which he supposed might serve for his indemnity if the tide should turn; and partly that the blame of all miscarriages might be laid on them, if he were foiled in the adventure. But so instructed he takes leave, embraced by all the Lords with great demonstrations of affection, according to the wonted dissimulation in Princes’ Courts; by none more passionately than by those who most abhorred his pride and falsehood. Amongst which it is said of the Earl of Arundel (upon whom he had put more disgraces and affronts than on all the rest), that he seemed to express much sorrow at the Duke’s departure, in regard he was not ordered to be one of his company — in whose presence he could find in his heart to spend his blood, and to lay his life down at his feet. Accompanied with the Marquess of Northampton, the Lord Gray, and others, he passeth by water in his barge to Durhamplace, and from thence to Whitehall, where they mustered their men. And the next morning, being Friday, the 14th of the month, he sets forward with a body of six hundred horse, their arms and ammunition being sent before; and Sir John Gates (of whose fidelity and adhesion he was well assured) following not far behind with the rest of his company. Passing through Shoreditch, he found the streets to be thronged with people, but could hear nothing of their prayers for their prosperous journey, insomuch that, turning to the Lord Gray, he could not choose but say unto him, “The people press to see us, but not one bids God speed us.” On Saturday night he comes to Cambridge, where he assured himself of all obedience and conformity which either the university or that town could give him, as being Chancellor of the one, and Seneschal or High Steward of the other; — two offices incompatible in themselves, and never united in one person before or since. At night he sends for Doctor Edwin Sandys, Master of Katharine Hall and Vice-Chancellor of the University, to supper with him; whom he enjoins to preach before him the next day — a service not to be performed, and much less declined, without manifest danger. But the good man, submitting to the present necessity, betakes himself to his study and his prayers, falls on a text exceeding proper to the present exigent (being that of Joshua 1:16), but handled it so warily and with such discretion, that the much satisfied the one, without giving any just advantage against him to the other party. On Monday morning the Duke with his whole power goes forward to St Edmond’s-Bury, where he lodged that night.

But, instead of hearing news of those supplies which were to attend him at Newmarket, he receives letters from some Lords of the Council, so full of trouble and discomfort that he marched back again to Cambridge on the morrow after. And there we will leave him for a time betwixt hope and fear — less confident and worse attended than he was at his first coming thither; as being not only deserted by a great part of his company, but in a manner by himself. 25. In the meantime the Princess Mary was not idle, but served herself of all advantages which were offered to her. Comforted and encouraged by so many persons of quality as she had about her, she sends unto the Mayor of Norwich on the 12th of July, requiring him and the rest of the magistrates of that city to proclaim her Queen. Which though they at that time refused to do, because they had no certain knowledge of the death of the King, yet on the next day, having received good assurance of it, they did not only proclaim her Queen (as she had desired) but sent her men and ammunition to advance the service. Not finding Norfolk men so forward as she had expected, she removes with her small party into Suffolk, and puts herself into Framlingham Castle, a castle situate near the sea, from whence she might conveniently escape into Flanders, if her affairs succeeded not to her hopes and prayers. Here she first takes upon her the name of Queen, and by that name dispatcheth letters to the peers of the realm, requiring them and all other her faithful subjects to repair unto her succour. And, for the first handsel of good fortune, it happened that the six ships which were appointed to hover on the coast of Norfolk, were driven by foul weather into the haven of Yarmouth, where Jerningham, above mentioned, was busy in raising men to maintain her quarrel. By whom the captains and the mariners were so cunningly dealt with, that they put them-selves under his command, drew all their ordnance on shore, and left their ships to be disposed of at his pleasure. About which time Sir Edward Hastings, the brother of Francis Earl of Huntington, being commissionated by the Duke of Northumberland to raise four thousand men for the present service, passed over with his men to the other side, and joined himself to her party also. The news whereof, being brought unto the Lords which remained in London, hastened the execution of that design which had been formerly contrived by some amongst them. 26. For no sooner had the great Duke put himself on his march toward Cambridge, but some began to shew themselves in favor of the Princess Mary, and to devise how they might extricate themselves out of those perplexities into which they had been brought by his ambition. Amongst which none more forward than the Earl of Pembroke, in whom he had placed more confidence than in all the others. Who, together with Sir Thomas Cheyny, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, with divers others, endeavored to get out of the Tower, that they might hold some secret consultation with their friends in London; but were so narrowly watched that they could not do it. On Sunday, the 16th of the month, Doctor Nicholas Ridley, Bishop of London, is ordered by the Lords of the Council to preach at St Paul’s Cross, and in his sermon to advance the title of Queen Jane, and shew the invalidity of the claim of the Lady Mary. Which he performed according to such grounds of law and polity as had been laid together in the letters patents of King Edward, by the authority and consent of all the Lords of the Council, the greatest judges in the land, and almost all the peers of the kingdom. But then, withal, he pressed the incommodities and inconveniences which might arise by receiving Mary for their Queen; — prophesying that which after came to pass, namely, that she would bring in a foreign power to reign over this nation, and. that she would subvert the time religion then established by the laws of this realm.

He also shewed that, at such time as she lived in his diocese, he had travailed much with her to reduce her to the true religion; but that (though otherwise she used him with great civility) she shewed herself so stiff and obstinate, that there was no hope to be conceived but that she would disturb and destroy all that which with such great labor had been settled in the reign of her brother. For which sermon he incurred so much displeasure that it could never be forgiven him, when the rest were pardoned by whose encouragement and command he had undertook 2, But this sermon did not work so much on the people as the ill news which came continually to the Tower had prevailed on many of the Lords. For presently upon that of the six ships which were revolted from the Queen, advertisement is given that the Princess Mary was proclaimed Queen in Oxfordshire by Sir John Williams and others, in Buckinghamshire by the Lord Windsore, Sir Edward Hastings, etc, and in Northamptonshire by Sir Thomas Tresham: and, which was worse than all the other, that the noblemen’s tenants refused to serve their Lords against her. 27. Upon the first bruit of which disasters the Lord Treasurer Paulet gets out of the Tower, and goes unto his house in Broad-street, which made such a powerful apprehension of some dangerous practices to be suddenly put in execution, that the gates of the Tower were locked about seven of the clock, and the keys carried to the Queen. And, though the Lord Treasurer was brought back about twelve at night, yet now the knot of the confederacy began apparently to break. For, finding by intelligence from so many parts of the realm, but chiefly by the Lord Treasurer’s return, that generally the people were affected to the title of the Princess Mary, they thought it most expedient for them to declare themselves in her favor also, and not to run themselves, their friends and families, on a certain ruin. But all the difficulty was in finding out a way to get out of the Tower, the gates whereof were so narrowly watched that no man could be suffered to go in and out but by the knowledge and permission of the Duke of Suffolk. But that which their own wisdom could not, the Duke of Northumberland’s importunity effected for them; who, failing of the supplies which the Lords had promised to send after him, as before is said, had pressed them earnestly by his letters not to be wanting to their own honor and the public service. This gave them a fair color to procure their liberty from that restraint, by representing to the Queen and the Duke her father, that the supplies expected, and all things necessary to the same, could not be raised unless they were permitted personally to attend the business, both for the pressing of the men, providing them of all things needful, and choosing fit commanders to conduct them in good order to the Duke of Northumberland. Which seemed so reasonable to the Duke of Suffolk — a man of no great depth himself, and so not like to penetrate into the bottom of a deep design — that he gave way to their departure for the present; little conceiving that they never meant to come back again till the state was altered. 28. Being thus at their desired liberty, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Pembroke, together with Sir Thomas Cheyny and Sir John Mason, betake themselves immediately to Baynard’s Castle — an house belonging then (as now) to the Earls of Pembroke. To which place they were followed not long after by almost all the rest of the Lords of the Council, bringing with them as many of the nobility then about the town as they conceived to stand fair for the Princess Mary. And, that the meeting might be held with less suspicion, it was given out to be upon a conference with Laval, the French Ambassador, about affairs of great importance for the weal of both kingdoms. No sooner had they took their places, but the Earl of Arundel, who had held intelligence with the Princess ever since the first extremities of her brother’s sickness, inveighed most bitterly against the Duke of Northumberland. And, after he had ripped up the acts of his former life, and burdened him with all that had been done unjustly, cruelly, or amiss, in King Edward’s time, he at last descends to the treacherous act of the disherison of the children of the late King Henry — professing that he wondered how he had so enthralled such persons as the Lords there present, as to make them instruments of his wickedness. “For was it not,” saith he, “by our consent and suffrages, that the Duke of Suffolk’s daughter, the same Northumberland’s daughter-in-law, hath took upon her the name and title of the Queen of England? — though it be nothing but the title; the sovereign power remaining wholly in the hands of Dudley, who contrived the plot that he might freely exercise his tyranny on our lives and fortunes. Religion is indeed the thing pretended. But suppose we have no regardto these apostolical rules, — Evil must not be done that good may come thereof; and, We must obey even evil Princes, not for fear, but for conscience-sake — yet how doth it appear that the Princess Mary intends any alteration in religion? Certainly, having been lately petitioned to in this point by the Suffolk men, she gave them a very hopeful answer. And what a mad blindness is it, for the avoidance of an uncertain danger, to precipitate ourselves into a most certain destruction! I would we had not erred in this kind. But errors past cannot be recalled: some may peradventure be amended; wherein speedy execution ofttimes happily supplieth former defects. Recollect yourselves then, and so make use of your authority, that the Princess Mary, the undoubtedly lawful heir, may publicly be proclaimed Queen of England, etc. No other way but this, as the case now stands, to recover our lost honors, and preserve the state.” 29. The Earl of Pembroke was a man altogether un-lettered, but so well skilled in humouring King Henry the Eighth, that he had raised himself to a great estate; for which he could not but express some sense of gratitude, in doing good offices for his children. And, having been formerly suspected to have had too great a part in Northumberland’s counsels, he conceived himself obliged to wipe off that stain by declaring his zeal and resolution in the cause of the Princess. And therefore, as soon as the Earl of Arundel had concluded his speech, he very cheerfully professed that he approved and would subscribe the proposition; and therewithal, laying his hand upon his sword, he signified his readiness and resolution to defend the Lady Mary’s cause against all opponents. The rest of the Lords, encouraged by these good examples, and seeing nothing but apparent danger on all sides if they did the contrary, came to a speedy conclusion with them, and bound themselves to stand together in defense of the late King’s sisters against all their enemies. Which being thus so generously and unanimously agreed upon, a messenger is presently dispatched to the Lord Mayor, requiring him to repair to Baynard’s Castle within an hour, and to bring with him the Recorder and such of the Aldermen of the city as to him seemed best. Who being come accordingly at the time appointed, their Lordships told them, in few words, as well their resolution as their reason of it; and so desired their company to Cheapside-Cross, to proclaim Queen Mary. Which said, without any further dispute about the title, they rode all together in good order through St Paul’s Church-yard, till they came to the gate which openeth into the street; where they found such multitudes and throngs of people — whom the noise of such a confluence at Baynard’s Castle, and the going down of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, had drawn together — that they could hardly force a way through them to come to the Cross. But being come thither at the last, though with much ado, Sir Christopher Barker, Knight of the Bath and Principal King at Arms, proclaimed by the sound of trumpet the Princess Mary, daughter of King Henry the Eighth and Queen Katherine his wife, to be the lawful and undoubted Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith — adding thereto that sacred title of Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England; which she retained till the beginning of the following parliament, and then rescinded all those Acts by which it had been formerly united to the crown of this realm. The proclamation being ended, they went together in a solemn procession to St Paul’s church, where they caused the Te Deum to be sung, with the rites accustomed, and so dismissed the assembly to their several dwellings. Being returned to Baynard’s Castle, the Earl of Arundel and the Lord Paget are presently dispatched to Framlingham, with thirty horse, to give the Queen a narrative of the whole proceedings. Some companies are also sent to assure the Tower, and to command the Duke of Suffolk to discharge the family and attendants of the Lady Jane; to signify unto her that she must lay aside the name and title of Queen, and suffer herself to be reduced to the rank of a private person. All which he readily obeyed (as easily subject to despair, as before he had been swelled with ambitious hopes); and the next day adjoins himself to the rest of the council, subscribing amongst others to such instructions as were to be dispatched to the Duke of Northumberland for the disbanding of his forces and carrying himself like an obedient and dutiful subject, as he ought to do. 30. But there was little need of this message, and none at all of the other.

For the noise of these loud acclamations which were made at the proclaiming of the new Queen, passing from one street to another, came at last to the Tower, before the message had been sent to the Duke of Suffolk; where they were heard by the Lady Jane, (now no longer Queen), with such tranquillity of mind and composedness of countenance as if she had not been concerned in the alteration. She had before received the offer of the crown with as even a temper as if it had been nothing but a garland of flowers; and now she lays aside the thought thereof with as much contentedness as she could have thrown away that garland when the scent was gone. The time of her glories was so short, (but a nine days’ wonder), that it seemed nothing but a dream, out of which she was not sorry to be awakened. The Tower had been to her a prison rather than a court, and interrupted the delights of her former life by so many terrors, that no day passed without some new alarms to disturb her quiet. She doth now know the worst that fortune can do unto her; and, having always feared that there stood a scaffold secretly behind the throne, she was as readily prepared to act her part upon the one as upon the other. If sorrow and affliction did at any time invade her thoughts, it was rather in reference to her friends, but most of all unto her husband, who were to be involved in the calamity of her misfortunes, than upon any apprehensions which she had of herself.

And hereunto the bringing in of so many prisoners, one day after another, gave no small increase — brought hither for no other reason but because they had seemed forward in contributing towards her advancement. In the midst of which disconsolations, the restoring of the Duke her father to his former liberty gave some repose unto her mind; whose sufferings were more grievous to her than her own imprisonment. And then to what a miserable extremity must his death have brought her! And, though the attainder and death of the Duke of Northumberland, which followed very shortly after, might tell her in effect what she was to trust to, — yet she was willing to distinguish betwixt his case and her own; betwixt the principal and the accessaries in the late design. In which respect she gave herself no improbable hopes, that possibly the like mercies which were shewed to her father might possibly be extended unto others, and amongst others to her husband, — as innocent as herself from any open practice against the Queen. And who could tell but that it might descend on herself at last? whom no ambition of her own had tempted to the acceptation of that dangerous offer, which she beheld as the greatest error of her life, and the only stain of all her actions. 31. But neither the Queen’s fears nor the public justice of the land could be so satisfied. It was held treason to accept of a kingdom offered, to which she could pretend no right whilst the Queen was living. And, if examples of that nature should pass unpunished, no Prince could possibly be safe, nor titles valid, as long as any popular spirit could pretend a color to advance some other to the throne. Upon which reason of state she was brought to her trial at the Guildhall in London, on the thirteenth day of November, accompanied with her husband, the Lord Guilford Dudley — (his company never till that hour unwelcome to her) — together with Archbishop Cranmer [and] the Lord Ambrose Dudley, the second son then living to the Duke of Northumberland. Sentence of death passed upon them all, though at that time not executed upon any of them. The Lord Ambrose was reserved unto better fortunes; as the Archbishop was to a more miserable but more glorious death. And for herself and her dear husband, it was conceived that, now the law had done its part, in their condemnation, the Queen, in pity of their youth and innocence, would have gone no further.

But, as they were first brought under this affliction by the inordinate ambition of the Duke of Northumberland, so shall they shortly find an end of all their troubles, by the rash and unadvised attempts of the Duke of Suffolk. For upon Wyat’s breaking out in Kent, and the Earl of Devonshire in the west, the Duke had been prevailed with, amongst many others, to appear in the action. To which he unadvisedly yielded, caused proclamation to be made in some towns of Leicestershire against the Queen’s intended marriage with the Prince of Spain, and drew together many of his friends and followers, to oppose that match. And, though he was discomfited within few days after, yet the Queen saw that she could promise herself neither peace nor safety as long as the Lady Jane was preserved alive — whose restitution to the throne must be the matter chiefly aimed at in these insurrections, though other colors were devised to disguise the business. 32. Her death is now resolved upon; but first she must be practiced with to change her religion, as the great Duke of Northumberland had done before.

To which end Fecknam is employed — not long before made Dean of St Paul’s, and not long after Abbot of Westminster; a man whose great parts promised him an easy victory over a poor lady of a broken and dejected spirit; but it proved the contrary. For so well had she studied the concernments of her own religion, and managed the conference with him with such a readiness of wit, such constancy of resolution, and a judgment so well grounded in all helps of learning, that she was able to make answer to his strongest arguments; as well to her great honor, as his admiration. (The substance of which conference he that lists to see, may find it in the Acts and Monuments, fol. 1290). So that, not able to prevail with her in the change of religion, he made offer of his service to prepare her for death: which though she thankfully accepted of, as finding it to proceed from a good affection, yet soon he found that she was also beforehand with him in those preparations which are fit and necessary for a dying Christian.

Friday, the ninth of February, was first designed for the day of her execution; but the desire of gaining her to the Church of Rome procured her the short respite of three days more. On Sunday night, being the eye unto the day of her translation, she wrote a letter in the Greek tongue, at the end of the Testament which she bequeathed as a legacy to her sister the Lady Katherine; which, being such a lively picture of the excellent lady, may well deserve to be continually kept in remembrance of her, and is this that followeth: — “I have here sent you (good sister Katherine) a book, which, although it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, yet inwardly it is more worth than precious stones. It is the book (dear sister) of the law of the Lord. It is his Testament and last will, which he bequeathed unto us wretches; which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy, and, if you with a good mind read it, and with art earnest mind do purpose to follow it, shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It shall teach you to live, and learn you to die.

It shall win you more than you should have gained by the possession of your woeful father’s lands. For as, if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his lands; so, if you apply diligently this book, seeking to direct your life after it, you shall be an inheritor of such riches as neither the covetous shall withdraw from you, neither thief shall steal, neither yet the moths corrupt.

Desire with David (good sister) to understand the law of the Lord God. Live still to die, that you by death may purchase eternal life: and trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your life; for as soon, if God calls, goeth the young as the old: and labor always to learn to die. Defy the world, deny the devil, and despise the flesh; and delight yourself only in the Lord. Be penitent for your sins, and yet despair not. Be strong in faith, and yet presume not; and desire, with St Paul, to be dissolved, and to be with Christ, with whom even in death there is life. Be like the good servant, and even at midnight be waking; lest, when death cometh and stealeth upon you, like a thief in the night, you be with the evil servant found sleeping; and lest for lack of oil you be found like the five foolish women, and like him that had not on the wedding-garment; and then ye be cast out from the marriage. Rejoice in Christ, as I do. Follow the steps of your master Christ, and take upon you your cross. Lay your sins on his back, and always embrace him.

And, as touching my death, rejoice as I do (good sister) that I shall be delivered of this corruption and put on incorruption. For I am assured that I shall, for losing of a mortal life, win an immortal one.