Ft1 Thus in Eliz. 2:3 — 4, the name Yale is printed Dale in Edd. 1, 2, and Vale in 3; and Neale is in 1, 2, printed Keale, and in 3, Weale.

Ft2 This is said to be the most valuable form of the Annals — the translation, by the author’s son, having been superintended and improved by Bishop Godwin himself. Biogr. Britann. 4:2237.

Ft3 An example will explain the form of these references. Thus Eliz. 4:5, means the fifth paragraph of the fourth year (or chapter) of the History of Queen Elizabeth.

Ft4 Where the name of Godwin is given, without the title of the work, it is believed that the subject will sufficiently show whether the reference is to the Catalogue of Bishops or to the Annals.

Ft5 The collection is usually referred to as Kennett’s, although his share in it consisted in writing the third volume, and he had no hand in the republication of the works contained in vols. 1-2. Biogr. Britann. 4:2825.

Ft6 Where the name of Stow is given without the title of the work, the Annals are meant, except in cases where a preceding reference makes it unnecessary to mention the Survey.

Ft7 When the Life of Cranmer is referred to as a work of more than one volume, the Eccl. Hist. Society’s edition, (not yet complete), is intended.

Ft8 Zur. Lett. means the second edition of the translated Letters, 1558- 1602, 1 vol.; Zur. Lett. 1-2, the first edition of the same, Latin and English; Epp. Tigur. the Latin, and Orig. Lett. the English, of the Letters 1537-1558.

Ft9 Bibl. Max. Patrum, Lugd. 1677, t. 3 p. 479, e.

Ft10 The “Rival Biographers of Heylyn” are the subject of an amusing, though not altogether correct, article in D’Israeli’s “Curiosities of Literature.”

Ft11 John Barnard or Bernard, the son of a father of both his names, gent., was born in a market town in Lincolnshire called Castor, educated in the grammar-school there, whence going to Cambridge, he became a pensioner of Queens’ College, and thence journeying to Oxon to obtain preferment from the visitors there appointed by parliament, in the end of 1647, was actually created B.A. in the Pembrokian creation, [i.e. a creation “made by the command of Philip Earl of Pembroke, Chancellor of the University, while he continued in Oxon, to break open lodgings, and give possession to the new heads of the Presbyterian gang.” — Fasti Oxon. 2:110] 15th April, 1648; and on the 29th of Sept. following he was, by order of the said visitors, then bearing date, made fellow of Lincoln College. In 1651 he proceeded in Arts, and about that time became a preacher in and near Oxon. At length, wedding the daughter of Dr Peter Heylyn, then living at Abingdon, became rector of a rich church in his own country, called Waddington, near Lincoln, the perpetual advowson of which he purchased, and held for some time with it the sinecure of Gedney in the same county. After his majesty’s restoration, he conformed, and not only kept his rectory, but was made prebendary of Asgarby in the church of Lincoln. In 1669 he took his degrees in Divinity, being then in some repute for his learning and orthodox principles. He died at Newark, in his journey to the Spaw, on the 17th of August, 1683.” — Wood, Athen. Oxon. 4:96-7. Among his works Wood names one entitled Censura Cleri, “published in the latter end of 1659 or beginning of 1660, to prevent such from being restored to their livings that had been ejected by the godly party. His name is not set to this pamphlet, and he (lid not care afterwards, when he saw how the event proved, to be known as the author.” In the same volume (p. 610) is a notice of a younger John Barnard, son of the biographer, who was a fellow of Brasennose College, became a Romanist in the reign of James II., and afterwards returned to the Church of England, and “was maintained with dole for some time by the Bishop of Chester, Stratford.”

Ft12 “George Vernon, a Cheshire-man born, was admitted a servitor of Brasennose College, 1653, aged 16 years, took the degrees in Arts, holy orders, was made chaplain of All Souls’ College, afterwards rector of Sarsden, near Churchill in Oxfordshire, of Bourton-on-the-water, in Gloucestershire, of St John and St Michael, in the city of Gloucester.”- Wood, Athen. Oxon. 4:606; where several works by Vernon are enumerated.

Ft13 Barn. p. 67 Ft14 Ibid. p. 4.

Ft15 Ibid. pp. 6-7.

Ft16 Ibid. p. 5.

Ft17 Barn. p. 9.

Ft18 Ibid.

Ft19 Ath. Oxon. in. 567; 4:606. Mr D’Israeli was not aware of this circumstance, on which much of the story depends.

Ft20 Ath. Oxon. 4:606.

Ft21 “The Life of the learned and reverend Dr Peter Heylyn, Chaplain to Charles I. and Charles II., monarchs of Great Britain. Written by George Vernon, etc. London, Printed for C. H., and sold by Edward Vize, next door but one to Pope’s-Head-Alley, over against the Royal Exchange, in Cornhill.”

Ft22 p. 4 of Pref.

Ft23 See sect. 87-90.

Ft24 See sect. 107.

Ft25 Barn. p. 10.

Ft26 Ibid. p. 10-13.

Ft27 Vernon, p. 271.

Ft28 Ibid. Pref. a. 2; Barn. p. 3.

Ft29 Epistle Dedicatory.

Ft30 Barn. p. 22.

Ft31 See sect. 101.

Ft32 Ibid.

Ft33 Vern. 123-5.

Ft34 See notes on sect. 27.

Ft35 sect. 26.

Ft36 Vern. 120.

Ft37 Barn. p. 17.

Ft38 See sect. 27.

Ft39 So the folio. The 12mo. reads “stir’d,” Ft40 Tacit. [Annal.] 4:[35.] A.

Ft41 Agrie. [1.] A.

Ft42 [“ Oxford, I say, our most noble Athens, the Muses’ seat, and one of England’s stays; nay, the sun, eye, and soul thereof.”] — Camd. Brit. [377.] A.

Ft43 “Schola secunda Ecclesiae [after Paris] imo, ecclesiae fundamentum.” — Matthew Paris. p. 945. ed. Lond. 1640. (This is quoted by Camden, 580).

Ft44 Heyl. Cosmeg. 306 [= 271.] A. [The author used the edition of 1655, while that in the editor’s hands is the first, of 1652.] Ft45 See p. 21, n. 2.

Ft46 Angel. Rocha, p. 214..4. [This reference is taken from Heylyn’s Cypr.

Angl. 317,where a quotation is given — “ Hebraicae, Arablcae, Graecae linguae studium propagandae fidei ergo in nobilissimis quatuor Europae academiis instituitur.”] Ft47 Heyl. Cosmog. ibid.; Camd. Brit. 380.

Ft48 Quensted, Dialog. de Patriis Illustr. Virorum, [p. 50, Witteberg. 1691.

But there is an error here, Thuanus having been born in 1553. (Conversat. Lexic.)] Ft49 So the folio and Vernon; “Peutre-Heylyn,” ed. Barn. here and below.

Ft50 Cosmog. [292.] A.

Ft51 “Heylyn, Promus, sire a poculis, quae vox in proprium nomen abiit; saith the Welsh dictionary.” — Ibid.

Ft52 Nehem. 1:11; 2:8.

Ft53 Cosmog. 292.

Ft54 Justin, 15:[4.] A. [“Originis ejus” etc. i.e. of an extraordinary origin, which the historian relates.] Ft55 Cosmog. 292.

Ft56 Ibid. 326. [= 292.] A.

Ft57 Alsted, Chr. Synch. A. [J. H. Alstedii Thesaur. Chronologiae, 12mo.] Ft58 Daniel Ft59 Tacit. [Annal.] in. [18.] A.

Ft60 Cypr. Anglic. 152. [= 203.] A.

Ft61 “Populus non capit fructum sed detrimentum, Bellarm. De Verbo Dei, 1. 2 c. 15. A. [“ Quid? quod populus non solum non caperet fructum ex Scripturis, sed etiam caperet detrimentum.” — t. 1 p. 119.] Ft62 Sixt. Sen. Bib. 1. 6:A. [See Heyl. Tracts, 35.] Ft63 See Collier, 1:401; Bp. Short’s Sketch of the Church, 2:67, ed. 1.

Ft64 Polyd. Verg. Hist. Angl. 120. A. [This reference does not agree with the Basel edition of 1555. The version of Wiclif is intended.] Ft65 Cosmog. 339. [= 305.] The Doctor saith he hath this charter in his custody. — [ibid.] A.

Ft66 “That honest and modest gentleman.” — Vernon, 5.

Ft67 “He framed a story in verse and prose, upon a ludicrous subject, of which he himself was spectator. And he composed it in imitation of the History of the Destruction of Troy, and some other books of chivalry, upon which he was then very studious and intent.” — Vernon, 5-6.

Ft68 Suid. [Lexic. in voc. Ermoge>nhv where the circumstances here stated are mentioned. Hermogenes wrote his Rhetoric at eighteen, and at twenty-four ejxe>sth tw~n frenw~n kai< h=n ajlloi~ov auJtou~, mhdemia~v ajformh~v genome>nhv A.

Ft69 [Vixit quidem diu, sed ut unus ex multis.] — Coel. Rhodig. Lect.

Antiq. 21:6. [col. 1156, ed. Colon. Allobrog. 1620.] A. [So Suidas also says, ei=v tw~n pollw~n nomizo>menov but the meaning of both writers is, not that he was extraordinary for the length of his life, but that after the failure of his intellects he was no more than an ordinary person.] Ft70 S. Aug. Confess. 1. 4:A. [In c. 28, he speaks of reading and understanding Aristotle’s Categories, when “annos natus ferme viginti;” but the editor has not found the passage here quoted.] Ft71 Hor. Art. Poet. 254.

Ft72 Val. Max. 8:13. [2.] A.

Ft73 Vernon states that “his proficiency in letters was much retarded by a distemper that seized on his head, the cure of which was not effected under the space of two years;” and that the death of his first master took place during the intermission of his studies, which was caused by this disorder. — pp. 6-7.

Ft74 1613. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 552.

Ft75 Vernon says “afterwards a zealous Puritan” (p. 9): but the expression in the text is borne out by a passage in Heylyn’s dedication of his Sermons on the Tares — (quoted in Wood, in. 552.) “It was my happiness to be bred under such a father as very well understood the constitution of the Church of England; and, although my tutor in Hart Hall was biassed on the other side, and that I was then very young, and capable of any impression which he might think fit to stamp upon me, yet I carried thence the same principles I brought thither with me, and which I had sucked in, as it were, with my mother’s milk.”

Ft76 July 22, 1614. “Having no other recommendations than Sir John Walter’s, then Attorney-general to the Prince, and afterward Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer.” — Vernon, 9.

Ft77 “But immediately after his admission into that noble foundation, he fell into a consumption, which constrained him to retire to his native air, where he continued till Christmas following. He was a year after his admission made impositor of the hall.” — Vern. 10.

Ft78 “This title is given to the Demy whose office it is to place on each table the names of those entitled to ‘commons’ at it. The office has become a sinecure, but is still kept up, and an allowance is made to the Demy who has it.” Letter to the Editor from a friend at Oxford.

Ft79 Vern. 10; Wood.

Ft80 Inserted from Vernon, 10-11.

Ft81 The first lecture was read in July 1618. tavern. 11.

Ft82 “Unto which act of grace his Lordship was induced by an humble petition presented to him by the regent masters, in behalf of themselves and non-regents, as also by Dr Prideaux, then Vice-Chancellor, who, being pre-acquainted with the business, gave great encouragement to proceed onward in it,” etc. — Vernon, 12-13.

It appears from Wood, Hist. and Antiq. Oxf. 2:317-9, 336-8, that the wearing of the cap was an ancient right, which had been lost by neglect. There had been an agitation on the subject in 1614 — the Vice-Chancellor of that time, Dr Singleton, being strongly opposed to the claim. Among the persons who subscribed the petition of 1620, Wood mentions Sheldon, Farindon, and Heylyn.

Ft83 The Geography was written between Feb. 22 and Apr. 29. — Vernon, 12. This seems to have been in 1620.

Ft84 Who died soon after this. — Vern. 14.

Ft85 “Teritur noster ubique liber.” — Martial, 8 in. 4. The words “Quae jam manibus hominum teruntur,” are used of Heylyn’s works in the Epitaph which will be found at the end of the Life.

Ft86 Ancestor of the Lothian family.

Ft87 Arthur Lake, consecrated Bishop of Bath and Wells, 1616, died 1626.

Ft88 1622, according to the folio, 4 and Vernon, 14.

Ft89 Order of Confirmation.

Ft90 S. Basil. Hexaem. A.

Ft91 “Infelix homo qui scit ilia omnia, to autem nescit; beatus autem qui to self, etiamsi ilia nesciat.” — S. Aug. Confess. 5:7. Cf. De Imitat.

Christi, 1:1-2; in. 43.

Ft92 Probably Thomas Buckner, of Magdalene College, who took the degree of D.D. in 1638, was a prebendary of Winchester, and died in 1644. — Wood, Fasti Oxon. 1:276, ed. Lond. 1721.

Ft93 1 Peter 1:12.

Ft94 1 Corinthians 11:10.

Ft95 John Howson, consecrated Bp. of Oxford, 1619, translated to Durham, 1628, died 1631. — Godwin, 546, 758.

Ft96 “That young student.s in divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England, and incited to bestow their times in the fathers and councils, schoolmen, histories, and controversies, and not to insist too long upon compendiums and abbreviatures, making them the grounds of their study in divinity.” — K. James’ Directions for the University of Oxford, 1616. (Cypr. Angl. 72.) Heylyn states in the Preface to his Theologia Veterum, that he adopted this direction as the rule of his studies.

Ft97 John Young, Dean of Winchester, 1616. He was ejected from his preferments, and may be presumed to have died before 1660, as he did not then resume the deanery. See Walker, Sufferings of the Clergy, Pt. it. 76, and Le Neve’s Fasti.

Ft98 “The King at first expressed the great value he had for the author; but unfortunately falling on a passage, etc.” — Vern. 18.

Ft99 1 Samuel 14:7; 19:27.

Ft100 Ovid. Trist. 2:1 [315-6.] A. [The old ed. reads fatenda.] Ft101 No change has been introduced here, although the text is unintelligible.

Perhaps we ought to make If the beginning of a new sentence, and to read — “ If it had been a higher crime than of a monosyllable, it had yet been pardonable.”

Ft102 Ovid. Trist. 4:1:23-4.

Ft103 The text of this apology has been amended from the copy in Vernon, 19-24.

Ft104 Barn. “burthens.”

Ft105 Barn. “desired.”

Ft106 Barn. “great.”

Ft107 Barn. “the.”

Ft108 Barn. “thereof.”

Ft109 Vern. “ridiculous.”

Ft110 Vern. omits “king” — perhaps correctly.

Ft111 Barn. “piety.”

Ft112 Virg A En. 6:843.

Ft113 This is also quoted by Heylyn, Cosmog. Pref. p. 3. The last words in Baronius are “ac S. Romanae Ecclesiae potestate.”

Ft114 Vern. “abilities.”

Ft115 The words “concerning…England” are not in Vernon.

Ft116 Vernon wrongly reads “part.” The passage is in p. 4 of the 4th edition of Camden.

Ft117 Terent. Phorm. 10 in. 20.

Ft118 Lassels, Richard, “Voyage through Italy, with the characters of the People, and a description of the chief Towns.” Par. 1670. — Watt’s Bibliotheca, 2:589, where three London editions are also mentioned.

Ft119 The spurious edition, entitled “France Painted to the Life,” and bearing the name of Richard Bignail as the author, did not appear until 1656 — thirty years after the tour described in it. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 563.

Ft120 “Never was the vanity and levity of the Monsieurs, and the deformity and sluttishness of their Madames more ingeniously exposed, both in prose and verse.” — Vern. 25.

Ft121 Cosmog. 176-7. [= 145-6.] 4. [The account in the text is abridged, and the order altered. The character of the French is more qualified in the Cosmography than it here appears.] Ft122 This sentence is not in the first edition of the Cosmography.

Ft123 “Cui stragula vestis, Blattarum et tinearum epulae, putrescat in arca.”

Horat. Sat. n. in. 118-9.

Ft124 Examen Historicum, Pt. 2:Append. [214, seqq.] A.

Ft125 John Prideaux, born 1578, rector of Exeter College, 1615, Regius Professor of Divinity, 1615, Bishop of Worcester, 1641. After suffering great poverty and hardships for his loyalty, he died in 1650. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 266-9.

Ft126 So Exam. Histor.; “Wickliffs,” Barn. here and below.

Ft127 Exam. Hist. “to look for.”

Ft128 Exam. Hist. “then subject to the power of the Popes thereof.”

Ft129 Ovid. Metam. 13:389. “ne quisquam,” etc.; Barn. “superare possit.”

Ft130 So Exam. Hist.; “Points,” Barn.

Ft131 Inserted from Exam.

Ft132 Hist.Barn. “as any one Divine.”

Ft133 It was on the subject of the Trinity that Bellarmine is said to have pronounced this commendation (which the editor has not found in his works.) — Exam. Hist. 2:40.

Ft134 Not, however, until after “the Respondent had ended his determination.” — Exam. Hist.

Ft135 The part of this narrative which is not marked as a quotation from the Examen Historicum is abridged from that work; where Hey-lyn adds — “The like he also did — (Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? [Virg. AEn. 1:11.]) — at another time, when the Respondent changed his copy and became Prior Opponent, loading the poor young man with so many reproaches, that he was branded for a papist before he understood what Popery was.” “On the 5th of August following,” says Wood, “being Sunday, Mr Edw. Reynolds [afterwards Bishop of Norwich] preaching to the University in the Chapel of Merton Coll. (of which he was fellow) touched upon the passages which had happened between Prideaux and Heylyn, impertinently to his text, but pertinently enough to his purpose, which was to expose Heylyn to disgrace and censure.

But so it was, that, though he was then present, yet it did little trouble him, as he himself acknowledgeth.” — Ath. Oxon. in. 553.

Ft136 Quensted. Dialog. de Patriis Illustr. Virorum, [328, ed. Witteb. 1691.] A.

Ft137 Acts 26:25 Ft138 [“Quia non habet parem Ecclesia Dei quoad doctrinam, et quia,” etc.] Quensted. 327. A.

Ft139 Onuphr. [ap. Platin. de Vitis Pontlf. 430.] A.

Ft140 The interval was longer than the text might lead us to suppose, the disputations having taken place in April 1627, while the interview with Laud was in the following February.

Ft141 “For which he was much blamed by Archbishop Abbot, then Vicechancellor, and made a by-word and reproach in the University.” — Vern. 29. Comp. Cypr. Angl. 53-4.

Ft142 [“ On Tuesday, the fifth of February, he strained the back sinew of his right leg, as he went with his Majesty to Hampton Court, which kept him to his chamber till the 14th of the same; during which time of his keeping in, I had both the happiness of being taken into his special knowledge of me, and the opportunity of a longer conference with him than I could otherwise have expected. I went to have presented my service to him as he was preparing for this journey, and was appointed to attend him on the same day seven night, when I might presume on his return. Coming precisely at the time, I heard of his mischance, and that he kept himself in his chamber; but order had been left with the servants, that if I came he should be made acquainted with it; which being done accordingly, I was brought into his chamber, where I found him sitting in a chair, with his lame leg resting on a pillow.

Commanding that nobody should come to interrupt him till he called for them, he caused me to sit down by him, inquired first into the course of my studies, which he well approved of, exhorting me to hold myself in that moderate course in which he found me. He fell afterwards to discourse of some passages in Oxon in which I was specially concerned, and told me thereupon the story of such oppositions as had been made against him in that University by Archbishop Abbot and some others; encouraged me not to shrink, if I had already or should hereafter find the like. I was with him thus, remotis arbitris, almost two hours: it grew towards twelve of the clock, and then he knocked for his servants to come unto him. He dined that day in his ordinary dining-room, which was the first time he had so done since his mishap. He caused me to tarry dinner with him, and used me with no small respect, which was much noted by some gentlemen who dined that day with him.”] — Cypr. Angl. 166. [=175- 6.] A.

Ft143 Exam. Hist. 2: Append. 215.

Ft144 Ibid. Comp. Certamen Epistolare, 141; Pref. to the Sermons on the Tares, ed. 1659.

Ft145 Horat. Sat. I. 7:14-15.

Ft146 “Pernicies communis adolescentium, Perjurus, pestis.” Terent. Adelph. n. i. 34-5.

Ft147 Tacit. [Ann.] 4 [53.] A.

Ft148 Vernon writes the name Heygate; the folio, in both ways.

Ft149 The expedition to Cadiz was in 1596. — Hume, 5:334.

Ft150 See the History of the Reformation, Mary, 5:1.

Ft151 Vernon gives the same account of Mrs Heylyn’s pedigree, and adds, “These particulars are set down by our learned Doctor in his little manuscript, to this end — ‘That [his] posterity might know from what roots they sprang, and not engage in anything unworthy their extraction.’” — 33-4.

Ft152 To this gentleman, in conjunction with Dr Heylyn’s son of the same name, Vernon’s work was dedicated.

Ft153 “Witty Apophthegms of K. James, K. Charles, the Marquis of Worcester,” etc. Loud. 1658, pp. 28-9. Clarendon notices Sir H. Bard unfavourably, styling him “the licentious governor” of Camden House. — 551.

Ft154 Vernon, 34.

Ft155 Vernon states that “many irreparable losses and misfortunes happened to her eldest brother, which he was not able to recover;” but he does not give the unfriendly explanation as to the cause. — 34.

Ft156 Hor. Ep. 1:18. 21.

Ft157 John Aliibond, of Magdalene College, master of the free-school adjoining the College, “a most excellent Latin poet and philologist,” D.D. 1643, rector of Bradwell, Gloucestershire, (see below, sect. 28,) died 1658. — Wood, Fasti, 2:69.

Ft158 Hickman thirty years afterwards (1658-9) in writing against Heylyn, put the question — “ whether he that is married, and carrieth it so clancularly that the house can make no just proof of it, be not bound to restore all the benefits that he received from his place after his half year is expired?” Heylyn thus notices the subject — “ This reflects on me, who held my fellowship above a twelvemonth more than his allowance.

But, first, it was no clandestine or clancular marriage, but carried openly enough. The College-chapel was set out, by my appointment, with its richest ornaments. The marriage was performed on St Simon’s and Jude’s day, between ten and eleven of the clock in the morning, and in the presence of a sufficient number of witnesses of both sexes, according both to law and practice. “The wedding-dinner kept in my own chamber; some doctors and their wives, and five or six of the Society invited to it. My wife placed at the head of the table, and by me publicly desired to make much of the company; the town-music playing, and myself waiting at the table the most part of the dinner; no old formality wanting, to my best remembrance, which was accustomably required (even to the very giving of gloves) at a solemn wedding. “No clancular carriage in all this, no deceit put upon the college, and therefore no necessity of a restitution; the college saving my diet, the fellows getting my minor dividends for the greatest part of the time till I left the house.” — Certam. Epistol. 136-7.

Vernon is very unfairly treated in the affair of the marriage. Dr Barnard, as has been said, (p. 27) first charges him with enmity to the memory of Heylyn because he had mentioned the imputation of secrecy; and then proceeds to confute his vindication! — not adverting to the fact that the vindication and denial were really Heylyn’s own, Vernon having merely changed the form of the narration from the first to the third person. “Concerning his marriage,” says our biographer, “though he was my father-in-law, I cannot excuse it from being clandestine, much less justify the contrary — (as the author does boldly) — against a general known truth, believed by every one in the University, affirmed by all, and not denied by the Doctor himself. I have reason to know it above others, because this was wrongfully charged upon me by Doctor Hood of Lincoln College, as if I had intended to have done the like, when I desired to hold my fellowship a longer time than the year of grace; which had been granted to others, particular to Mr Cross, Rector of Great Chue, in Somersetshire, but denied to me for this reason, which the Rector alleged against me, saying, ‘You are to marry Doctor Heylyn’s daughter (we hear), and you will do as he did.’ — The good man then forgetting himself that one of his own daughters was married to a Fellow of Lincoln College; the marriage was kept private, and the profit of the fellowship received by his son-in-law, who shall be nameless. It is more ingenious to confess an error, than make a weak defense or apology for it, that does rather aggravate than extenuate the crime. While the author sweats to prove the Doctor’s marriage was not clancular, because ‘he ordered it to be performed upon St Simon and St Jude’s day, etc.’ [the account already quoted, with Vernon’s alteration to the third person].., yet all this while it was a marriage clancularly, a marriage in masquerade, a marriage incognito to the College, because the President and Fellows neither knew nor believed there was a true solemnization of marriage in their chapel; and though some of them were invited to the weddingdinner, they took the invitation to a merriment, and not to a marriage.

Indeed it was not clandestine against the laws of our Church and realm, because the usual ceremonies and formalities of both were performed in the solemnization betwixt the parties: but such marriage was expressly against the laws and statutes of the College founder; and much more for a married fellow to keep his fellowship after. He is an absurd writer that will start into circumstances, and not prove the main matter which is controverted. “But what mattereth it or availeth, whether the Doctor’s marriage was clandestine or not was he only the first example of this kind in the University? was not this done in his youthful days? In amore hoec insunt vitia. Aristotle will excuse a young man’s faults, that cannot be so happy either in his judgment or practice as his elders, oujde< pai~v eujdai>mwn ejsti>n ou]tw gatwn dia< than — (Arist. Eth. 1:9). “Now many breakers are there of College statutes besides Doctor Heylyn? I believe very few fellows, but they are faulty in some kind or other. Yet I will not go about to accuse or condemn them, nor apologize for him further than the rule of rhetoric will allow, and that is, Quod negari non queat, responsione joculari eludas, et rem facias risu magis dignam quam crimine — that which cannot really be denied must be put off with a jest; and so it will seem a laughing matter rather than a crime, for which we have the example of Cicero, when he was accused about money. And so it was the Doctor’s case about matrimony; the whole affair and management of it was a most pleasant humor, which he was resolved to carry on dramatically under a disguise, and yet the same was real — ‘Mrs Bride placed at the head of the table, the town-music playing, himself waiting most part of the dinner, and no formality wanting, — all which circumstances were contrived fallacies, and yet most undeniably truths. Notwithstanding, the writer of his life is most grievously offended with any one that is not of his opinion about the Doctor’s marriage, and the College dividend which he received betwixt that time and the resignation of his Fellowship .... I think still it was a clandestine marriage, and the Doctor was after bound to restore all emoluments from that time; but the College did easily forgive him, and in testimony of their love and extraordinary respect, many years after his marriage, did accommodate him for some time of the war with convenient lodgings for himself, wife, and family, when they were driven out of all house and harbor from his two livings, Alsford and Southwarnborough.” (pp. 17-21).

Barnard then goes on to censure Vernon for some reflections on the President and Fellows of the College — again overlooking the circumstance that Heylyn (Cert. Epist. 137) was the real author of the passage in question. As to his later relations with the College, and his residence in it during the war, see Heyl. Postscr. to Hist. Quinquartic.

Tracts, 634 — 7.

Ft159 Horat. Carm. I. 13:17-20. The 12mo. reads divulsis.

Ft160 The 12mo. sometimes spells this name Lechled Ft161 Or Broadwell.

Ft162 The same who has already been mentioned (p. 47) under the title of Lord Danvers, as befriending Heylyn in the matter of King James and the Geography. He was governor of Jersey and Guernsey. — Wood, Ath. in. 554.

Ft163 Vernon states that Lord Danby’s “own chaplains modestly refused a voyage which they conceived to be troublesome and dangerous.” — 35.

Ft164 Sup. p. 58.

Ft165 Vernon states that the Bishop “making a second and more narrow inquiry into his temporal concerns, appointed him to meet him [at] court, which not long after was to remove to Woodstock. But his lordship fell sick at Reading; and Mr Heylyn met with some rude usages in the King’s chapel, which was talked of the more at Oxon, the interest he had at court being universally known in that university. But it was not very many months after, that power was given him to revenge the affront, being admitted chaplain in ordinary to the King,” etc. — 35-6. Laud, when charged with having preferred Heylyn, among other “popishly-affected” persons, replied “He is known to be a learned and an able man; but for his preferment, both to be his majesty’s chaplain and for that which he got in that service, he owes it, under God, to the memory of the Earl of Danby.” Troubles, 367 — 8, Loud. 1695.

Ft166 Lord Danby, however, does not appear to have been a Knight of the order — as his name does not occur in Heylyn’s list of the members.

Ft167 “The studying and writing whereof took up all the spring-time of 1630.” — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 554.

Ft168 Herat. [Carm. I. in. 36.] A.

Ft169 Barn. “238.” But Anterus became Bishop in 236, and was martyred the following year. — Platina, 30-1.

Ft170 “Anterus statuit primus ut omnes res gestae martyrum a notariis scriberentur; conscriptas recondi in aerario Ecclesiae mandavit.” — Platin. [p. 31.] A.

Ft171 7:29. [Opp. t. 2:917, Basil. 1564.] A.

Ft172 “In the prosecution of which argument, he was encountered with two contrary opinions — the one of them headed by M. Calvin, who made St George to be a fiction, a non-ens, a mere chimera; the other set up by Dr Reynolds, who made him to be the very same with George the Arian, once Patriarch of Alexandria, a bloody tyrant, and a great persecutor of the orthodox Christians.” — Heylyn, Append. to Exam.

Hist. 2:220.

Ft173 [“Whom some have so far quarrelled, as either not to grant him, heretofore, a being on the earth; or now, an habitation only with the fiends in hell.”] — Epist. Dedicat. A. [The passage occurs in the first edition only of the Hist. of St George.] Ft174 “Who all used him with respect suitable to his merits, except the Earl of E., who called him ‘a begging scholar;’ of which words he was afterwards very much ashamed, when the incivility, unbecoming a nobleman and courtier, came to the knowledge of those that were of his own quality.” — Vernon, 38. Barnard censures Vernon for relating this. — (Necessary Vindication, p. 17, and post, sect. 101) In the former place, he names the Earl of Derby, (William Stanley, sixth Earl, K.G. 1601-1642), as the nobleman by whom the offensive term was used; in the other, he agrees with Vernon in styling him “the Earl of E.,” which must mean William Cecil, second Earl of Exeter, K.G. 1630-1640. Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 558, says that Heylyn “was used by all [the eminent persons to whom he presented his book] with great respect, save only by Archbishop Abbot and William Earl of Exeter; the first of which disliked the argument, and the other snapped him up for a begging scholar.” Heylyn himself gives in his Certamen Epistolare (329-330) some particulars as to the presentation of his History of St George. “But he [Fuller] goes on and charges me with addressing my History of St George by several letters to the Earls of Danby, Lindsey, etc. and it is fit that he should have an answer to that charge also. And therefore be he pleased to know, that when I first came to the King’s service, I was very young, a stranger, and unpracticed in the ways of the court, and therefore thought it necessary to make myself known to the great Lords about his Majesty, by writing that History. Having presented it to three or four of the Lords, which were of the order of the Garter, the Earl of Rutland would needs force upon me the taking of two twenty-shilling pieces in gold. The sense and shame whereof did so discompose me, that afterwards I never gave any of them with my own hands, but only to the Earl of Somerset,” [the notorious Carr] “whom I had a great desire to see, and from whose condition I could promise myself to come off with freedom; but afterwards addressed them with several letters, by some one or other of my servants; with whom! hope my adversary will not think that I parted stakes, as some country madams are affirmed to do in the butler’box.” Ft175 George Hakewill, D.D. Archdeacon of Surrey and Fellow of Exeter College, succeeded to the headship on the promotion of Pri deaux to the bishoprick of Worcester, and died 1649, aged 72. He had been chaplain to Charles I., when Prince of Wales, and had been dismissed for his opposition to the Spanish match. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 253- 7. Comp. Heyl. Certain. Epist. 370-1.

Ft176 Heyl. Append. to Exam. Hist. [ii. 221.] A. Hakewill’s attack was made in consequence of some reference to him in the first edition of the “History.” Heylyn tells us that the work was handed about in MS., and that he, having seen it in that form, replied to it without naming the writer. Wood (in. 558) states that “His Majesty received notice of [Hakewilrs Essay] from Laud, who had a copy of it sent to him from Oxon, by Dr W. Smith, the Vicechancellor, and he from Hakewill, to be approved before it was to go to the press.” By Heylyn’s replying beforehand — and possibly by difficulties as to licensing — the publication seems to have been prevented.

Ft177 Exam. Hist. 2:221. The Histriomastix was published in 1632.

Ft178 “An Apology or Declaration of the Power and Providence of God in the Government of the World: consisting in an examination and censure of the common error touching Nature’s perpetual and universal Decay.”

Ft179 Sic.

Ft180 The editor has not observed anything on the subject in the third edition of the “Apology,” 1635, except a tacit omission (p. 8) of the passage in which Hakewill had stated (2nd ed. p. 7), according to Reynolds’ view, that St George was “both a wicked man and an Arian.” “However it is plain that he was far from being entirely reconciled to Heylyn’s book; for though he made no formal reply to what concerned him in the second impression of it, he, about the same time, acquainted his friends what were his sentiments thereof, in several letters; in one of which he writes thus: ‘In the second impression of this book, where he hath occasion to speak of the Roman writers, he magnifies them more, and when he mentions our men, he vilifies them more, than he did in his first edition. But the matter is not much what he saith of the other — the condition of the man being such as his word one or hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander.’” — Biogr. Brit. 4:2596, citing Sandersoh’s “Post-haste,” p. 13, from which the same passage is quoted by Heylyn, Exam. Hist. 2:219.

Ft181 Hist. of St George. [ed. 1, p. 288.] A. [In the second edition, in mentioning churches dedicated to St George, Heylyn names Burford, but says no more than “where it pleased God to give me both my birth and education.” — 295.] Ft182 “As is no other, not being either an apostle or evangelist, but Saint Martin only.” — Hist, of St George, ed. 2, p. 308. The title was prefixed to other names at the last review of the Prayer-book.

Ft183 [Chamberlayne’s] Angliae Nofitia, cap. 19 A. [p. 427, ed. 3,1669.] Ft184 Ibid. p. 424. The last words of the sentence (in the edition referred to) are, “be better evidenced.”

Ft185 Ed. “Sebastine,” — omitting the surname. He was Margaret Professor from 1613 to 1626, and died in 1630. — Le Neve, Fasti, 475; Wood, Ath. Oxon. 2:487.

Ft186 “By reason of the absence of many of the jury, and the supply of Tales, (who attended upon the trial as watermen wait for a fare,) together with the tergiversation, or rather treachery, of one of his counsel, upon whose wisdom and integrity the client most relied, the cause went against him; though affirmed by all standers-by, and by the counsel himself, the night immediately preceding the trial, to be as fair and just an action as ever was brought to bar.” — Vernon, 40.

Ft187 Godfrey Goodman, consecrated 1624-5, died 1655-6. — Richardson, in Godwin, 554.

Ft188 The college has now the patronage.

Ft189 Luther’s Tabletalk.

Ft190 “On the fifth Sunday in Lent [1626-7] Goodman, then Bishop of Gloucester, preached before his Majesty, and pressed so hard upon the point of the Real Presence, that he was supposed to trench too near the borders of popery, which raised a great clamor, both in court and country: the matter of which sermon was agitated pro and con. in the convocation, March 29, without determining anything on either side.

But his Majesty, out of a desire to satisfy both himself and his houses of par liament touching that particular, referred the consideration of it to Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, Andrews, Bishop of Winchester, and Laud, Bishop of St David’s; who, meeting and considering of it, on the twelfth of April, returned this answer to the King: ‘ That some things in that sermon had been spoke less warily, but nothing falsely; that nothing had been innovated by him in the doctrine of the Church of England; but howsoever, that they thought very fit that Goodman should be appointed to preach again before his Majesty, for the better explaining of his meaning, and showing how and in what particulars he had been mistaken by his auditors’: — which he accordingly performed.” — Cyp. Ang. 153.

Ft191 Extraneus Vapulans, 221-2. A. [Comp. Cyp. Angl. 446-7.] Ft192 Barn. “Because.”

Ft193 Barn. “Our.”

Ft194 Barn. “the.”

Ft195 Barn. “discreet.”

Ft196 Balm. “further.”

Ft197 The canons of 1640. See Cyp. Ang. 446-7. The imputation of having died a Romanist is founded on a passage in Bishop Goodman’s will; in which “he professed that as he had lived so he died, most constant in all the doctrine of God’s holy Catholic and Apostolic Church; ‘ whereof,’ he says, ‘ I do acknowledge the Church of Rome to be the mother church; and I do verily believe that no other church hath salvation in it, but only so far as it concurs with the faith of the Church of Rome.’“ (Intron. to Goodman’s “Court of K. James,” edited by the Revelation.

J. S. Brewer, Lond. 1889, pp. 12-13.) But, as Mr Brewer observes, the question is “What was meant by the terms mother church and concurs with the faith of the Church of Rome? A Romanist would rather have professed that the Church of Rome was the only true church, and would scarcely have admitted the possibility of salvation in a church separate and distinct from the Church of Rome. At least, if Goodman was consistent, he (having been so long a member of the Church of England) would scarcely say that he had lived most constant in the faith of the Church of Rome, if he considered the Church of Rome to be the only true and Apostolic Church.” — Comp. Gladstone, Church Principles, 661-2.

Ft198 John Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, 1621; Archbishop of York, 1641. — Godwin, De Praesul. 303.

Ft199 “He made good the King’s right upon the passages of the conveyances of the other party.” — Vernon, 42; who does not say that the Bishop claimed the patronage for himself. It is now in private hands.

Ft200 It is to be remembered that Williams himself was a lawyer as well as a divine — having been keeper of the Great Seal.

Ft201 Virg. Ed. in. 93.

Ft202 Qu. “grass” Ft203 Fuller having spoken of Archbishop Williams’s benefactions, Heylyn (Exam. Hist. 1:272) observes: “Among which benefactions it was none of the least, that in both the Universities he had so many pensioners; more (as it was commonly given out) than all the noblemen and Bishops in the land together: some of which received twenty nobles, some ten pounds, and other twenty marks, per annum; and yet it may be said without envy, that none of all these pensions came out of his own purse, but were laid as rent charges upon such benefices as were in his disposing, either as Lord Keeper or as Bishop of Lincoln, and assigned over to such scholars in each University as applied themselves to him. And because I would not be thought to say this without book, I have both seen, and had in my keeping till of late — (if I have it not still) — an acquittance made unto a minister in discharge of the payment of a pension of twenty nobles per annum to one who was then a student in Christ Church. The names of the parties I forbear; he that received it, and he for whom it was received (and perhaps he that paid it too), being still alive.” — Comp. Certain. Epist. 141. Bp. Hacker, who vindicates Williams from Heylyn’s observations on his share in public works of piety (2:92-8) does not advert to this charge. The alleged practice had something like a precedent in the orders of the early time of the Reformation, that ecclesiastics should be obliged to maintain poor scholars in the universities, according to the value of their preferments. See the History, 1:71, No. 15 of King Edward’s Injunctions.

Ft204 “Nor did he only keep the bishoprick of Lincoln and the deanery of Westminster, but also a residentiary’s place in the church of Lincoln, the prebend of Asgarve [sic], and parsonage of Walgrove [in Northamp-tonshire]; so that he was a whole diocese in himself, as being Parson, Prebend, Dignitary, Dean, and Bishop; and all five in one.” — Heyl. Exam. Hist. 2:67.

Ft205 He was installed, Nov. 9, 1631. — Le Neve, Fasti, 369.

Ft206 This praise seems to be intended for Henry the Seventh’s Chapel, rather than for the whole church.

Ft207 Barn. “He.”

Ft208 Cosmog. 295..4. [ — 259 — where the conclusion is — “drest with curious care, That Thames with royal Tiber may compare.”] Ft209 Ter. Eunuch. 5:9. 1-3. Barn. reads congruerint.

Ft210 Psalm 16:6.

Ft211 Henry., first Viscount, died in 1633.

Ft212 Horat. Carm. 1:6. 9.

Ft213 So Vernon, by whose copy (pp. 46-8) the text has been corrected; Barn. “accompanied.” Ft214 Barn. “distance.”

Ft215 Barn. “in” Ft216 [Chamberlayne,] Angliae Notitia, c. 23:,4. [p. 305, ed. 1677.] Ft217 Sprat’s Royal Society. A.

Ft218 This account is in substance taken from Cyp. Ang. 230-1; from which passage, and the Life by Vernon, 50-1, it appears that “the book being found too tedious for their Lordships to be troubled with,” it was delivered to Heylyn on Jan. 27, 1632-3, and a fortnight was allowed for the performance of his task, which, however, he finished in four days.

The statement that the King’s counsel merely repeated Heylyn’s instructions, is said to have been made by Prynne himself at a later time. — Cyp. Ang. 281.

Ft219 For the trial of Prynne and others, in Hilary Term, 1638-4, see Rushworth, 2. 220-241.

Ft220 This quotation is really from Tacitus, Annal. 1:2.

Ft221 Augustine Lindsell, consecrated Feb. 10, 1682-8. — Richardson in Godwin, 559.

Ft222 The King “ordered Mr Secretary Windebank to take care for the Broad Seal [to the presentation to Houghton]; but within a few hours after, intimated his royal pleasure to him, by the Bishop of London [Laud], that it should be exchanged for some other living nearer hand, and more for the convenience of his Chaplain, his Majesty conceiving that he might have frequent occasion to make use of his advice, and therefore was unwilling that he should have any preferment that was so far distant from his court. Upon this, Dr Heylyn entered into a treaty with Dr Marshall, etc.” — Vernon, 52.

Ft223 Essays, c. 9. [of Envy.] A. [The words and virtue are not in Bacon.] Ft224 Sup. p. 79.

Ft225 See “How shall we conform to the Liturgy?” 162-162.

Ft226 “The ingenious gentleman.” — Folio, p. 10.

Ft227 It will be seen that this is related out of its proper place, the degree of Doctor being that which was now to be taken.

Ft228 Fol. 10; Vern. 53.

Ft229 Qu. “goodly?”

Ft230 Horat. Ep. 1:16. 60-1.

Ft231 Jeremiah 7:4.

Ft232 Ch. Hist. 3:9 195. A. [folio ed. The same passage is quoted by Heylyn, Exam. Hist. 1:210.] Heylyn mentions that “such an one was placed by Geering, one of the citizen-feoffees, in a town of Gloucestershire — a fellow which had been outed of a lecture near Sandwich, by the Archbishop of Canterbury; out of another in Middlesex, by the Bishop of London; out of a third in Yorkshire, by the Archbishop of York; out of a fourth in Lincolnshire, by the Bishop of Lincoln; and finally suspended from his ministry by the High Commission — yet thought the fittest man by Geering (as indeed he was) to begin this lecture.” — Exam. Hist. 1:210-1.

Ft234 Fuller, 6:67. Comp. Heyl. Cyp. Angl. 209-212, where it is stated that his own relation, Alderman Rowland Heylyn (already mentioned, p. 34) was treasurer of the fund.

Ft235 Exam. Hist. 1:209. A.

Ft236 Sueton. Ner. c. 6. Barn. reads potest; Heylyn quotes correctly.

Ft237 Inserted from Vernon, 67. For the suppression of the feoffees, see Cyp. Angl. 212; Fuller, 6:86-7; Rushworth, 2:150-2.

Ft238 Barn. “discernendi.” Ft239 Exam. Hist 2:215-9. A.

Ft240 Barn. “lines.”

Ft241 Barn. “1561.”

Ft242 The clause, however, as the reader is doubtless aware, is wanting in several English editions of the Elizabethan articles; and, although I have not seen the volume which is spoken of in the text, I suspect that it, like the edition which is in the British Museum, may have contained the articles of Elizabeth, but without the clause in question. (Harmonia Confess. Genev. 1654, p. 103.) The conduct of Prideaux and the audience, as here described, shows that the clause was not universally known; while at the same time Heylyn was safe in sending to a shop for a book of the Articles, as the copies then commonly on sale were naturally of late editions, published under the auspices of Laud, to whom it was objected (although ignorantly and falsely) that the clause was an interpolation of his own. (See Eliz. 6:5; Cyp. Ang. 339; Biogr.

Britann. 4:2596.) The writer in the Biographia (who is by no means favorable to Heylyn) shows that, even if the clause were spurious, the 20th Article would have borne out his argument.

Ft243 Heylyn adds, “and not as being tired with the tedious preface of the respondent, before the disputation began,” — such being Sanderson’s statement in “Peter Pursued,” p. 9. The Almoner was Jaques du Perron, afterwards Bishop of Angouleme. — Wood. Oxon. Ath. in. 555.

Ft244 Exam. Hist. it. 218.

Ft245 “The paper” [a paper circulated by Prideaux, and reprinted in Sanderson’s “Peter Pursued”] “tells us of a hiss which is supposed to have been given (and makes the Doctor [-Prideaux] sure that such a hiss was given) ‘when the Respondent excluded King and parliament from being parts of the Church.’ (p. 29.) But, first, the Respondent is sure that he never ‘excluded King and parliament from being parts of the Church’ — that is to say, of the diffusive body of it, but denied them to be members of the Convocation, that is to say, the Church of England represented in a national council, to which the power of decreeing rites and ceremonies, and the authority of determining controversies in faith, as well as to other assemblies of that nature, is ascribed by the Articles: which, as it did deserve no hiss, so the Respondent is assured that no such hiss was given when these words were spoken. If any hiss were given at all, as perhaps there was, it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove,” etc. — Exam.

Hist. it. 218. fta1 “Immediately whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent, which put an end to the heats of that disputation. In which, if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was mere chimoera (as it seems he did), what other plaister soever he might find to salve that sore, I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondent’s answers, who kept himself too close to the Church-representative, consisting of Archbishops, Bishops, and the rest of the Clergy in their several councils, to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him.” — Exam. Hist. 2:218-9. Wood tells us that Heylyn’s propositions, “though taken verbatim out of the 20th Article of the Church of England, were so displeasing to Dr Prideaux, that he fell into very great heats and passions, in which he let fall certain matters very unworthy of the place where uttered, as also distasteful to many of the auditory...The particulars were these: 1. Ecclesia est mere chimoera. 2. Ecclesia nihil docet nec determinat. 3. Controversioe omnes melius ad academiam referri possunt quam ad Ecclesiam. 4. Docti homines in academiis possunt determinare omnes controversias, etiam sepositis episcopis, etc. Upon occasion also of mentioning the absolute decree, he brake into a great and long discourse, that his mouth was shut up by authority, else he would maintain that truth contra omnes qui sunt in vivis; which fetched a great hum from the country ministers then present.” — (Ath. Oxon. 3:555.) “These passages,” says Wood, in his Hist. and Antiq. Oxf. 4:392, “being sent up to the Chancellor [Laud] by the Inceptor’s means, he forthwith communicated them to his Majesty, and, being openly read in his hearing, [he] commanded the Chancellor to send them to Dr Prideaux, to have his answer to them, whether these passages were true or not. The 22nd of August following, t. he Chancellor received the Doctor’s answer, wherein he opens and explains the whole matter so that little or nothing of truth was in the aforesaid information.”

Prideaux’s explanation is given by Sanderson. (Peter Pursued, 7-8.) Of the propositions imputed to him, he says: “These passages, imperfectly catched at by the informer, were not positions of mine — (for I detest them, as they are laid, for impious and ridiculous) — but oppositions according to my place proposed for the further learning of the truth; to which the Respondent was to live satisfaction. To the first, I never said that the Church was mere chimoera, as it is or hath a being, and ought to be believed; but as the Respondent by his answers makes it: in which I conceived him to swerve from the article, where his questions were taken. To the second, my argument was to this purpose: Omnis actio est suppositorum vel singularium: ergo Ecclesia in abstracto nihil docet aut determinat, sed per hos aut illos episcopos, pastores, doctores, etc.” To the third and fourth points he answers, that the Universities may advantageously act in answering questions by way of preparing them for the determination of Synods, etc. “But so nettled was Prideaux that the King, by Heylyn’s means, should take cognizance of that matter, that, when he put in his protestation against the utterance of those things alleged against him, into the hands of the Chancellor of the University, in August following, he did at the same time (the King being then at Woodstock) cause a paper to be spread about the court touching the business of the vespers in the last act, very much tending to Heylyn’s disgrace.” — Wood, Ath. Oxon. 3:555.

Comp. Heyl. Exam. Hist. 2:211-13; where he denies having given information against the Professor, and states that Prideaux himself was at last convinced of this. He says that the paper printed by Sanderson as Prideaux’s justification to the King was not exhibited at Woodstock, but was drawn up by the Professor after his return to Oxford. fta2 Terent. Andr. 4, 2:15. fta3 Christopher Potter, D.D., was Provost of Queen’s College, Oxford, and Chaplain to the King. In 1635, he was made Dean of Worcester. .

Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 179-181. “Charity Mistaken” was in fact the title of the Romish work (written by Watson, alias Knott, a Jesuit), which Potter answered in a treatise entitled “Want of charity justly charged on all such Romanists as dare (without truth or modesty) affirm that Protestancy destroyeth salvation.” — (Lond. 1633.) Knott replied in “Mercy and Truth,” etc.; which drew forth the celebrated work of Chillingworth. fta4 On the vacancy caused by the death of Godwin (author of the work De Pooesulibus Anglioe) Juxon was elected, but, without entering on Hereford, was promoted to the see of London, vacant by the elevation of Laud to the primacy. — Richardson, in Godw. 496, who goes on to state that Goodman “Episcopatum hunc sibi oblatum detrectavit.” fta5 “Officer.” — Cyp. Aug. 263. fta6 Cyp. Aug. 248. A. [= 263.] Heylyn says that the Archbishop “so labored the business with the King, and the King so rattled up the Bishop, that he was glad to make his peace,” etc. fta7 Trist. 3. 2:6. fta8 Aug. 9, 1634. — Laud, in Rushworth, 2:245. fta9 Observ. on Hist. of K. Charles, 121. A. fta10 Hist. of K. Charles, 131. A. fta11 “He proved, by constant and continual practice, that the Kings of England used to levy money from the subjects, without help of parliament, for the providing of ships and other necessaries to maintain the sovereignty which did of right belong unto them. This he brought down unto the times of King Henry the Second [Mar. Claus. 2 c. 15; Seld. Opp. 2:1332-3, ed. Wilkins], and might have brought it nearer to his own times, had he been so pleased, and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of shipmoney, as they commonly called it. But then he must have crossed the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last parliament (wherein he was so great a stickler).” — Cyp. Ang. 322. fta12 Hist. of K. Charles, 131. A. fta13 Terent. Adelphi, 5:3 37-9. fta14 Williams, then Bishop of Lincoln. Vernon, 66-87, relates the proceedings between the Dean and the Prebendaries of Westminster at great length. Bp. Hacker, in his Life of Williams, uses some severe language against Heylyn, speaks of the articles exhibited by the Prebendaries as frivolous, and gives some instances. He represents the Prebendaries as having lent themselves to the purposes of more important persons, who had long wished to injure the Dean. — 2:91-3. fta15 March 31, 1634. — Vernon, 67. (If this date be right, it is a mistake to say that the differences in the church of Westminster began after the death of Noy.) fta16 Vernon, 67. fta17 “Permitting a benefice in the gift of the said church, and lying within his diocese, to be lapsed into himself.” — Vernon, 68. fta18 “Quo teneam vultus mutantem Protea nodo?” — Hor. Ep. 1:1 90. fta19 i.e. under the monument of that King. fta20 “When [Dr Heylyn] had ended his speech, the Lord Commissioners expected that the Bishop would have made a reply. But, after a long pause, he said no other words than these — ‘If your Lordships will hear that young fellow prate, he will presently persuade you that I am no Dean of Westminster.’” — Vernon, 80. fta21 This is a reflection on Vernon, who is also ridiculed in Barnard’s Preface, (p. 14) for swelling his work with the details of “the story of Westminster.” fta22 The rest of this paragraph, and the next, are from Vernon, 80-2. fta23 Heyl. Exam. Hist. 1:275, who gives Feb. 18, as the date. fta24 Ed. “nor.” fta25 The History of the Sabbath “was written, printed, and presented to the King (by whose special command he undertook it) in a less space of time than four months, and had a second edition within three months after.” — Vern. 88. fta26 Terent. Heaut. 3. 2:5. fta27 “The Bishop’s book had not been extant very long, when an answer was returned unto it by Byfield, of Surrey: which answer occasioned a reply, and the reply begat a rejoinder. To Heylyn’s book there was no answer made at all — whether because unanswerable, or not worth the answering, is to me unknown.” — Cyp. Aug. 296. fta28 Sabbatum Redivivum, by Daniel Cawdrey and Herbert Palmer, 2 parts, Lond. 1645-52. — Watt. fta29 “Die Dominico jejunium nefas esse ducimus.” — Tertull. De Coron.

Mil. 100:3 (quoted by Heylyn, Hist. Sabb., in Tracts, 429.) Tertullian mentions this in enumerating things which were observed on the authority of unwritten tradition. fta30 Heyl. Hist. Sabb., in Tracts, 470. fta31 A.D. 1631. — Cyp. Ang. 256. Comp. Fuller, 6:95-8. fta32 William Pierce, consecrated to Peterborough, 1630; translated to Bath and Wells, 1632; recovered his see on the Restoration, and died 1670. — Richardson, in Godwin, 392, 559. fta33 Cyp. Ang. 242. [= 257.]. A. fta34 Barn. “colors.” fta35 Cyp. Ang. [261.].4. [The translation of Prideaux’s Discourse was published by Heylyn himself, for the purpose of at once supporting his cause, and annoying his old enemy. — Vern. 63.] fta36 Synag. Jud. c. 11 [p. 173, Hanov. 1603.] A. fta37 Observ. on Hist. of K. Charles, 90. A. fta38 Barn. “a.” fta39 Qu. “goodly?” fta40 Matthew 23:5. fta41 Annot. in loc. A. [“Convenit enim spectaculi verbum cum histrionibus.”] fta42 “The Dean of Peterborough [John Towers, Dean 1630, Bishop of Peterborough 1638, died 1648. — Le Neve, 241; Richards. in Godw. 560] engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincoln’s Letter to the Vicar of Grantham. He received it upon Good Friday, and by Thursday night following discovered the sophistry, mistakes, and falsehoods of it; and yet did not for all that intermit any of the public exercises of the holy feast of Easter. It was approved by the King; by him given to the Bishop of London, to be licensed and published.” — Vernon, 89-90.

Comp. Cyp. Angl. 171, 832. The Letter to the Vicar of Grantham had been written in 1627; Hackett says that it was now brought into notice, nine years after, by the enemies of Williams, in order to injure his case in the Starchamber, which was “ripe for hearing.” — 2:101. fta43 Cyp. Aug. 311. [= 331.] A. [The book professed in the title-page to be “printed for the diocese of Lincoln,” and was licensed by the author himself, with the signature “Jo. Lincoln, Dean of Westminster.” He professes in the licence to have “read through, and thoroughly perused, a book called The Holy Table, etc., written by some minister of this diocese,” and to “conceive it to be most orthodox in doctrine, and consonant in discipline, to the Church of England: and to set forth the King’s power and rights in matters ecclesiastical truly and judiciously.” fta44 April 1, 1637. “And he obeyed the royal command, in the space of seven weeks presenting it ready printed, the 20th of May following, and called it Antidotum Lincolniense. And although the Bishop’s book was — -(from the dissatisfaction of the times, the subject-matter of the book itself, and the religious esteem of the author, who was held in high veneration) — looked upon to be unanswerable, and sold for no less than 4s., yet upon the coming out of the answer, it was brought to less than one.” — Veruon, 90-1. Comp. Cyp. Angl. 332. fta45 Tit. 3:11. fta46 Exam. Hist. p. 278. 21. [A difference, however, had always been recognized, in this and other respects, between cathedral churches and private chapels on the one hand, and parish churches on the other.

Williams maintained that “without some new canon the holy table is not to stand altarwise in parish churches” (Holy Table,20); and his view was, thus far, unquestionably more historically correct than that of Heylyn. Comp. Hackett, 2:108.] fta47 Qu. “navel?” fta48 Williams “ordered thai at communion it be placed according to convenience; that at other times it stand in the east, but with its end east and west. If the position in the east were found convenient at all times, still he considered it uncanonical to fix the table.” — (H. Table,13,19, 204); How shall we conform to the Liturgy? pp. 159-160. But the text seems rather to allude to an order given by him as Bishop, (for which the editor has lost the reference), that the table should stand in the middle of the chancel, surrounded by a rail. fta49 i.e. upon “the place where the altar stood,” according to the direction given in the royal Injunctions of 1559, as to the ordinary position of the holy table, which by the same injunction was to be removed to a lower part of the chancels(or, according to the rubric, into the body of the church) — at times of administration. . See Cardwell, Doc. Annals, 1, 202-5; How shall we conform, etc. 152-3; Hackett, it. 107-9; Heyl.

Hist. Ref. 289, ed. 3. fta50 Horat. Ep. 1. 19:41. fta51 Hence — as Barnard wrote after 1680 — it was not altogether correct to say that “the fashion of placing the holy table altarwise has been all but universal from the time of the Restoration,” (How shall we conform, etc. 161) — the introduction of the usage which the biographer desired having been more gradual than those words intimate. fta52 These and other profanations are suggested by Pierce, Bishop of Bath and Wells, as reasons for removing the table to the east end of the chancel. — Cyp. Aug. 289. fta53 This accusation grew out of another. Williams was informed against by Sir John Lambe for disclosing the King’s secrets, and relied much for his defense on the witness of Pregion, re,strut of Lincoln. Hence it became his interest to maintain Pregion’s credit; and, when the registrar was accused of attempting to affiliate a child of his own on another person, the Bishop was induced to enter into some dealings which gave a foundation for the charge mentioned in the text. — See Hackett, 2:111-126; Fuller, 6:124-188; Cyp. Ang. 171-2, 348-4. The sentence was passed on Williams July 28, 1687. fta54 Cyp. Aug. 324. A. [= 344-5. Comp. Exam. Hist. 1:275.] fta55 Ed. “first of.” fta56 Ed. “and of.” fta57 “Thrice he assisted in the election at Westminster School. and every time had an opportunity of bringing in a scholar into that royal foundation; for two of which he was never spoke unto; and for his kindness unto all three he never had the value of one pint of wine, nor anything of less moment.” — Vernon, 93. fta58 “This fever had so seized upon his spirits, that, after the abatement of its paroxysms, he had many dull and sleepless nights; and, returning upon him with greater violence a twelvemonth after, he was reduced to so extreme a weakness that all his friends, together with himself, supposed him fallen into a deep consumption.” — Vernon, 94. fta59 Begun Sept. 1638 — Vern. 194. fta60 This passage is intended against Burner, who had given great offense to Heylyn’s friends by the following character of his History: — “ Doctor Heylyn wrote smoothly and handsomely, his method and style are good, and his work was generally more read than anything that had appeared before him: but either he was very ill-informed, or very much led by his passions; and he, being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were concerned in that time, delivers many things in such a manner and so strangely, that one would think he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome, though I doubt not he was a sincere Protestant, but violently carried away by some particular conceits. In one thing he is not to be excused, that he never vouched any authority for what he writ; which is not to be forgiven any who write of transactions beyond their own time, and deliver new things not known before. So that upon what grounds he wrote a good deal of his book, we can only conjecture; and many in their guesses are not apt to be very favorable to him.” — (Pref. to Hist. of the Reformation.) The last sentence of this criticism is palpably unfair. One who had just gone over the same ground ought surely, if he mentioned that suspicions had been cast on the good faith of the earlier historian, to have stated whether the result of his own researches had been to confirm or to dissipate those suspicions; and it is evident, from the body of Burnet’s work, that he had really found very little cause to call Heylyn’s narrative in question — nothing at all which could be a pretext for impeaching his honesty. In excuse of some inaccuracies, and of the want of references, (which is now in a great measure remedied,) it is to be remembered that the Ecclesia Restaurata, although the collection of materials was begun long before, was composed after the failure of the author’s eyesight, and at a time when he was obliged to rely on an amanuensis of scanty education. The charge of favoring Romanism will be noticed hereafter, (sect. 90.) fta61 See Heylyn’s Pref. “To the Reader,” p. 15. fta62 200 pounds for each book, according to Vernon, 95. fta63 Terent. Adelph. Prol. 11. fta64 [“Si quis piorum manibus locus, si, ut sapientibus placet, non cum corpore exstinguuntur magnae animae, placide quiescas.”] — Tacit, in Vit. Agricol. [c. 46.] A. fta65 Ovid. ex Ponto, in. 9:24. fta66 See Cyp. Ang. 236, 323, 348. fta67 [“Scopo quidem laudabili (sic sua sibi blandiebatur opinio), ut tres finitimae nationes, unus regis sub imperio, uno pariter conformi Dei cultu conjungerentur; eventu tamen pessimo.”] — Elenchus Motuum Nuperorum. [Paris, 1649, p. 35. For an account of Bates, who was physician to Charles I., Cromwell, and Charles II., see Wood’s Athen.

Oxon. 3:827. His Elenchus was revised by Heylyn before publication. — Vern. 172.] fta68 In “The Memoirs of the Lives and Actions of James and William, Dukes of Hamilton.” Lond. 1678, folio. On Hamilton, see Cyp. Ang. 370. fta69 Cyp. Ang. 355. [= 378.] A. fta70 Observ. on L’Estrange, 151. A. fta71 Barn. “the.” fta72 “The reader, therefore, is to know, that the King, being engaged in a war with Spain, and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it, was fain to have recourse to such other ways of assistance as were offered to him; and amongst others, he was minded of a purpose which his father had of revoking, etc.” fta73 Barn. “have.” fta74 “To make them sure unto the side, or else by strong hand of power extorted from him.” Thus far the extract is from pp. 151-2; the remainder is from pp. 155-6. fta75 Heyl. “and not lose their power.” fta76 Apr. 1640. — Vern. 96. fta77 May 5, 1640. — Rushw. 3:1154. fta78 Virg. AEn. 2:774. fta79 Observ. on L’Estrange, 176. A. fta80 The “Observations” were published anonymously. fta81 Barn. “give.” fta82 “In the year 1585 (if I remember it right, as I think I do), the convocation, having given one subsidy confirmed by parliament, and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queen’s occasions, did after add a benevolence or aid of two shillings in the pound, to be levied upon all the clergy, and to be levied by such synodical acts and constitutions as they digested for that purpose, without having any recourse to the parliament for it; which synodical acts and constitutions the clergy of this present convocation followed word for word, not doubting but they had as good authority to do it now, as the convocation in Q. Elizabeth’s time had to do it then.” — Heyl.

Observat. p. 197. Comp. Cyp. Angl. 429. fta83 “But more especially betwixt the writ by which they were made a convocation, and that commission by which they were enabled to the making of canons: that, though the commission was expired with the parliament, yet the writ continued still in force; and by that writ they were to remain a convocation, until they were dissolved by another.” — Cyp. Ang. 429. fta84 Cyp. Ang. 429; Observations, 180; Exam. Hist. 1:228, seqq. fta85 This name was adopted “according to the advice of the councillearned, by whom it was resolved, That no monies could be raised in the name of a subsidy but by act of parliament.” — Cyp. Ang. 440. fta86 This paragraph is abridged from Vernon, 100-104. fta87 So in Vern. ana in Cyp. Angl. 436, from which he borrows; but perhaps “condemned” would be a better reading. fta88 Canon 9 of 1040. — Cardwell, Synodalia, 407. fta89 Sup. p. 76, note 4. fta90 Collection of Speeches by Sir E. Deering, printed 1642. A. fta91 “neque enim lex aequior ulla Quam necis artifices arte perire sua.”

Ovid. Art. Am. 1:655-6. fta92 Heyl. Observations, 178.

Fta93 Speeches, 151. A. fta94a Observations, 178. A. [where it is added, “though he thought good to put some other gloss upon it in his declaration.” After all, however, Deering’s petition for the deanery was not so inconsistent with his speeches as is here represented; for, while, in the passage above referred to and elsewhere, he had used very violent language against the existing holders, he had professed a strong desire to preserve the endowments of cathedrals, as “the great reward and powerful encouragement of religion and learning.” — 147. For an account of Deering, see Southey, Book of the Church, ed. 4, pp. 457, 476-7.] fta94 Barn. “of.” fta95 Heyl. Observ. 181. fta96 This and the other books here mentioned were of earlier date than the narrative would lead us to suppose, having been published about 1636. — Cyp. Aug. 328. Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick were tried and sentenced in June 1637. — Rushw. 2:380-5. fta97 Cyp. Aug. 328-9. fta98 Ibid. 309. [=330.] A. fta99 Ibid. 328. fta100 Mason’s Book of Martyrs, p. 202. A. [“ Christ’s Victory over Satan’s Tyranny,” by Thos. Mason, folio. The reference does not agree with the edition of 1615.] fta101 [“Ut cives eo libentius in monasteriis evertendis ipsius libidini assensum praeberent.”] — De Schism. Anglic. 202. A. E = 168.] fta102 Extran. Vapulans, 55. fta103 It was first printed in the folio of Tracts, 1681. fta104 Observations, 224. A. [The right of the Bishops is also argued by Hackett, Life of Williams, 2:149-160.] fta105 Barn. “or.” fta106 A passage from (he Extraneus Vapulans, 283-4, is introduced here. fta107 The editor does not know whence this is quoted; but L’Estrange may probably have referred to the 9th canon of the eleventh council of Toledo, held in 675, which contains these words: “Ne indiscretae praesumptionis motibus agitati, ant quod morte plectendum est sententia propria judicare praesumant, aut truncationes quaslibet membrorum quibus-libet personis aut per se inferant aut inferendas praecipiant.” — Concil. Labb. et Coss. Paris, 1671, t. 6 col. 549. fta108 The quotation from the “Observations,” 224- 5, is here resumed. fta109 3. 3:1. fta110 Pharsal. 2:656-7. fta111 Sup. p. 85. fta112 Extran. Vap. 56. A. [Certam. Epist. 327.] fta113 Nov. 1640. — Hackett, 2:138. fta114 An allusion to the title of Williams’s pamphlet, “The Holy Table, Name and Thing.” fta115 Catull. [15:14] A. fta116 Some emendations are introduced from the copy in Vernon, 114-6. fta117 Sup. p. 102. fta118 Barn. “coming.” fta119 Barn. “also.” fta120 Barn. “rarely.” fta121 Vern. “disjointing of the affection.” fta122 Barn. “alicui.” fta123 “Neminem judicantes, ant a jure communicationis aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes.” These words are from the judgment of a Council held under St Cyprian; the differences of opinion which are mentioned related to the question of rebaptizing persons who had received baptism without the Church. — Cypr. Opp. p. 329, ed. Paris, 1726. fta124 Ed. “liked.” fta125 Cic. pro Sexrio, c. 20. fta126 Heylyn’s own account of the sequel may be given here, from the Extraneus Vapulans, 51, seqq. “No sooner was [Dr Heylyn] brought back to his stall, but the Bishop, calling one Dr Wilson, (another of the Prebendaries,) to bear witness of that which passed between them, required the Doctor to deliver a copy of the sermon by him preached; to which the Doctor cheerfully yielded, and presently gave his Lordship the whole book of Sermons which he had then with him…. The same day, as they came from the evening service, the Bishop sent one of his gentlemen to desire the Sub-dean, Dr Wilson, and Dr Heylyn to come to his lodging: to which it was answered, openly and in a full cloister, by Dr Heylyn, that he would not go; that he would meet his Lordship in either of the houses of parliament, or any of the courts of Westminster Hall, or the public chapter-house of the church, and would there answer anything he could charge him with; but that he would never shuffle up a business in the Bishop’s lodging, or take a private satisfaction for a public baffle.

Scarce had he put off his church vestments, when his most honored friends the Lord Bishop of Peterborough [Dr Towers, Sup. p. 108] and Sir Robert Filmer, (who had heard all that passed before), came to spend an hour with him; and not long after comes the Subdean from the Bishop of Lincoln, with the book of Sermons, assuring him that the Bishop meant him nothing but well, that he had read none of the sermons but that which had been preached that morning, that he professed himself much beholding to him for committing into his hands so great a trust, and finally, that, since the Doctor would not come to receive the book, he had sent it to him. To which the Doctor made reply that the book was taken from him in the sight of hundreds, and that he would not otherwise receive it, than either in the same place, or a place more public; that therefore he should carry back the book to him that sent it, to the end that he might read over all the rest of the sermons, and pick out of them what he could to the Doctor’s disadvantage…and, finally, that he was more ashamed of the poorness of this prostitution than at the insolencies of the morning; which being the best answer that the Subdean could at that time obtain from him, he threw the book into the room, and so went his way….Understanding what reports had been spread abroad — some saying that the Bishop interrupted him for preaching against the Scots (some of whose commissioners were then present,) — others, for preaching in defense of transubstantiation, and others for Arminianism, and I know not what, — he gave an account thereof to the King, and then transcribed a copy of the whole passage, and sent it to Mr John White of the Temple, whom he had observed to be at the sermon, desiring him to communicate it at the next sitting of the committee…. It was declared by the unanimous voice of all present, that there was nothing in that passage which it did not become an honest man to speak, and a good Christian to hear; and not so only, but that the Bishop was transported beyond his bounds, and failed in his accustomed prudence.” — 59-63. [See below, p. 135.] The narrative goes on to state that the Subdean, finding Heylyn in the abbey-orchard, asked him on behalf of the Bishop to go to him; that he went, and, “after some friendly expostulations on the one side, and honest defenses on the other, they came by little and little unto better terms; and at the last to that familiarity and freedom of discourse as seemed to have no token in it of the old displeasures — the Bishop in conclusion accompanying the Doctor out of the gallery, commanding one of his servants to light him home, and not to leave him till he had brought him to the very door.” — 63-5. fta127 Author of Patriarcha. See Heylyn’s Dedication of Certamen Epistolate, Part 3, to his son, Sir Edmund Filmer, 207-9. fta128 Exam. Hist. 1:243. A. fta129 Hackett, 2:37, defends Williams for having had a comedy acted by his household, and alleges the example of Archbishop Bancroft; but he takes no notice of the points for the sake of which the matter was brought forward by Heylyn — (1) that the performance at Buckden was on a Sunday; (2) that hence there is ground for suspecting the sincerity of Williams in the course which he afterwards took. fta130 The sub-committee for reformation of religion which sat in 1641, under the presidency of Williams. — Collier, 8:202. fta131 Altered from “commanded,” on the authority of the list of errata. fta132 “‘Tis worthy of remark, that, although both of them were at so wide a distance in the prosperous condition of the Church, yet there was a closure made when the heavy storm fell upon it. For a motion being offered by Dr Newell, but coming originally from the Bishop of Lincoln, Dr Heylyn, with the privity of the Archbishop, paid the respects of a visit to his Lordship at his lodging in Westminster, where he met rather with a ceremonious than a kind reception. A short recapitulation there was made of some past differences between them, and a proposal for atonement of all faults, viz. the calling in of the Antidotum Lincolniense, and that too by the King’s command. Unto which our Doctor answered, that it was written and published by the King’s command, and therefore it was improbable that he would call it in; however, he would try all possible ways to give his Lordship satisfaction; and then presented to him papers about the Peerage of Bishops, which he then read over, and approved. After this there was no more meeting between them, till about a year following the Doctor gave his Lordship a visit in the Tower, which he received so kindly, that for ever after a fair correspondence passed interchangeable between them.” — Vern. 116-7. fta133 “Herraris... canam. Absit autem a me ut quidquam de libris tuae Beatitudinis attingere audeam; sufficit enim milli probare mea, et aliena non carpere. Caeterum optime novit providentia tua, unumquemque in suo sensu abundare.”] — Hieron. Ep. [5:69. T. 4:2:608, ed. Martianay, Paris, 1706.] A. fta134 “A sermon preached some years before Mr Pryn’s censure in the Court of Star-Chamber.” — Vernon, 118. fta135 “Mr Pryn, resolving effectually to damnify the Doctor, produced a company of butchers to bring in evidence against him, about a sermon formerly preached by him.” — Vernon, 119. fta136 Horat. Sat. 1:3:135. fta137 An anecdote of this time will be found below, in a note on sect. 77. fta138 “Non opus est verbis sed fustibus.” Cic. in Pisonem, c. 30. fta139 Horat. Sat. 2:8:73-4. fta140 “He made choice of one Mr White, the fiercest man in the Committee, to be judge of the affront offered to him [by Bp Williams, when preaching at Westminster Abbey,] desiring him in his letter, ‘ that he would recommend him to the House of Commons, that they might so far take him into their protection, as might consist with the honor and justice of their House: otherwise he would rather choose to put himself upon their censure for a contempt in not appearing, than be again exposed to the fury of an outrageous people, whose malice is most merciless, because most groundless. That, after he was dismissed from the Committee, he was set upon by the rude and uncivil multitude with thrustings, justlings, spurnings, and, worse than that, with such opprobrious and reriling language, that, as he never endured the like before, so he was confident it would add much to the esteem and reputation of that honorable House, if neither he nor any other honest man do endure it more. And lastly, whereas he was interrupted in his sermon by the Bishop of Lincoln, and thereupon might justly think that there was some strange matter like to follow, which might enforce him to such an unusual course, therefore he intreated him to accept of the whole passage as it should have been spoken, verbatim out of the original copy.” — (Vernon, 110-11.) White was a bencher of the Middle Temple, had been one of the feoffees for buying impropriations, and was now member for Southwark. He published in 1643, “The First Century of Scandalous Malignant Priests,” and died in Jan. 1644-5. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 144-6, where it is stated that he was a person of bad moral character. fta141 Vernon, 118-20. fta142 Barn. “ad Larem.” fta143 Catull. 29:7-10. fta144 Sup. p. 71. fta145 Vernon, 220-1. fta146 “Sir Will Waller sent eighty of his soldiers to be quartered at the Doctor’s house, with full commission to strip him naked of all that he had. But his fair and affable carriage towards them did so mollify the austerity of their natures, that they quite dismissed all thoughts of violence and revenge. So were Esau’s bloody resolutions quite converted into kindness and respect by the humble deportment, as well as noble presents, that were made to him by his brother Jacob. But notwithstanding the diversion of this storm, the reverend man was early the next morning brought before Sir William, by his Provost-Marshal, by whom he was told that he had received commands from the Parliament to seize upon him, and send him prisoner unto Portsmouth.

The Doctor had the like privilege with St Paul, being permitted to plead for himself, and by his powerful reasoning did so far prevail upon the General, as to be dismissed in safety.” — Vernon, 122-3. fta147 Tacit. [Ann. 15:36.] A. fta148 This paragraph is from Vernon 123 — 5, who, as has been already mentioned, (p. 27) is blamed by Barnard for relating Heylyn’s performances as a “diurnal-maker.” Heylyn himself alludes to this employment, but without specifying what it was, in the Postscript to the Quinquarticular History, (Tracts, 687): “At his Majesty’s first making choice of Oxon for his winter quarters, anno 1642, the cause of my attendance carried me to wait upon him there as a Chaplain-inordinary.

Where I had not been above a week, when I received his Majesty’s command, by the Clerk of the Closet, for attending Mr Secretary Nicholas on the morrow morning, and applying myself to such directions as I should receive from him in order to his Majesty’s service,” etc. fta149 Vern. “oh.” fta150 Tacit. Agric. [5] Vern. fta151 Vern. “Anglicus.” The paper had been “begun by John Birkenhead, [afterwards knighted,] who pleased the generality of readers with his waggeries and buffooneries far more than Heylyn.” — Wood, Ath.

Oxon. 3:556. fta152 Vern. 125-6. fta153 Pro Archia, 14; Barn. “accenderet.” fta154 “Before he left Alresford, he took care to hide some of his choicest and most costly goods, designing the first opportunity to have them conveyed to Oxon. But either by ill luck, or the treachery and baseness of some of his neighbors, the cart with all the goods were taken by part of Norton’s horse and carried to Portsmouth; himself also violently pursued, and by divine providence delivered from the snare of the fowlers, who thirsted after his blood, and lay in wait for his life. The cart with all in it was carried to Southampton, and delivered unto Norton (Saint-ship then being the groundwork of propriety as it afterwards was of sovereignty); a loss great in itself, but much more so to a divine, and chiefly to be ascribed to a Colonel in the King’s army, who denied to send a convoy of horse for the guarding of his goods, although the Marquess of Newcastle gave order for it. And these oppressions which he suffered from his enemies were increased by as unjust proceedings of those who ought to have been his friends. For part of the royal army defaced his parsonage-house at Alresford, making it unhabitable, and taking up all the tithes; for which he never had the least satisfaction, unless it was the manumission of himself from the troublesome employment under Mr Secretary Nicholas; and at his going off, at the request of that worthy gentleman, he wrote a little book called the Rebel’s Catechism .” — Vern, 127-8. fta155 In Extran. Vapul. 50, he values his books at “a thousand pounds at the least.” fta156 Virg. AEn. 1:546-7: “Si vescitur aura aetherea.” fta157 Horat. Carm. 1:1:18. fta158 Extran. Vapul. [50.] A. fta159 Senec. Octav. [2:379-81.] A. fta160 Terent. Eunuch. 2:3 [14] A. fta161 Terent. Phorm. 2:2:12. fta162 Proverbs 7:27. fta163 Horat. Epist. 1:12:24. “Est amicorum,” Barn. fta164 Inserted from Vernon, 131-8. fta165 Exam. Hist. 1:111 [whence much of this paragraph is derived]. Vern. fta166 De Bell. Jud. 6:16. A. fta167 He was sentenced to be branded on both cheeks with the letters S.L., which Heylyn, Cyp. Ang. 334, explains as signifying Schismatic Libeller; but the real meaning was, no doubt, that given by Rushworth, 2:382, Seditious Libeller. fta168 Cant’s sermon is quoted by Lysim. Nicanor as preached at Glasgow; he himself, however, was not stationed in that city, but in a country parish of Aberdeenshire, and afterwards in the town of Aberdeen. fta169 [“The epistle congratulatory of] Lysimachus Nicanor [of the Society of Jesu, to the Covenanters of Scotland; wherein is paralleled our sweet correspondency in divers material points of doctrine and practice,” Oxf. 1640.] p. 43. A. [“ This work has been often attributed to Dr Henry Leslie, Bishop of Down and Connor, and to Dr Maxwell, Bishop of Ross; but little doubt can be entertained that it was written by John Corbet, Minister of Bonhill, in the Lennox. This clergyman sought refuge in Ireland from the enmity of the Covenanters, and was there murdered by the Romish insurgents.” — Note in Gordon’s Memoirs of Scots Affairs, published by the Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1841, vol. p. 8] fta170 Ovid. Trist. 3:14:9-10. fta171 Tibull. [2:1-2.] A. [Barn. reads “aero.”] fta172 Afterwards included in the “Ecclesia Vindicata,” and reprinted in the folio of Tracts, 1681. It was published, says Heylyn, “under the name of Ph. Treleinie, the letters of my own name being transposed into that, in the way of an anagram. What benefit redounded by it unto some, what satisfaction unto others, I had rather thou shouldst hear elsewhere than expect from me.” — Tracts, 165. fta173 Tracts, 171-4. fta174 In the Preface, after stating that he had been induced to write this work by the importunities of persons “of such different interesses, that I wondered how they could all center upon the same proposal,” he goes on to say — “ And here I cannot but remember a pretty accident that befel me in the month of January, anno 1640, at what time it had been my ill fortune to suffer under some misapprehensions which had been entertained against me, and to be brought before the committee for the courts of justice, on the complaint of Mr Prynne, — then newly returned from his confinement, and in great credit with the vulgar.

Heard by them I confess I was with a great deal of ingenuous patience; but most despitefully reviled and persecuted with excessive both noise and violence by such as thronged about the doors of that committee, to expect the issue; it being as natural to many weak and inconsiderate men as it is to dogs, to bark at those they do not know, and to accompany each other in those kinds of clamors. And, though I had the happiness to come off clear, without any censure, and to recover by degrees, amongst knowing men, that estimation which before had been much endangered, yet such as took up matters upon trust and hearsay, looked on me as a person forfeited, and marked out for ruin. Amongst others, I was then encountered in my passage from Westminster to Whitehall by a tall big gentleman, who, thrusting me rudely from the wall, and looking over his shoulder in a scornful manner, said in an hoarse voice these words — Geography is better than Divinity, — and so passed along. Whether his meaning were, that I was a better geographer than divine, or that geography had been a study of more credit and advantage to me in the eyes of men than divinity was like to prove, I am not able to determine. But sure I am, I have since thought very often of it; and that the thought thereof had its influence on me, in drawing me to look back on those younger studies, in which I was resolved to have dealt no more, and thereto in the Preface to my Microcosm had obliged myself.” In the same Preface he tells the following story: “A servant of my elder brother’s, sent by him with some horses to Oxon, to bring me and a friend of mine unto his house, having lost his way as we passed through the forest of Whichwood, and not able to recover any beaten tract, did very earnestly entreat me to lead the way, till I had brought him past the woods to the open fields. Which when I had refused to do, as I had good reason, alleging that I never had been there before, and therefore that I could not tell which way to lead him — ‘That’s strange,’ said he; ‘I have heard my old master, your father, say, that you had made a book of all the world, and cannot you find your way out of the wood?’ Which being spoken out of an honest simplicity, not out of any pretense to wit, or the least thought of putting a blunt jest upon me, occasioned a great deal of merriment for a long time.” fta175 1645. “But he has left no memorial of what he paid to those insatiable leeches and oppressors.” — Vernon, 141. “Being at the siege at Oxon, he shared with the Royalists in the common benefit of those Articles that were made at the surrender of that city [June 1645. See Wood, Hist. and Antiq. 2:484-5]; and by that means saved his life as well as his estate.” — Vern. 141-2. fta176 See p. fta177 See p. 51. fta178 “Fides Apostolica , or a Discourse asserting the received Authors and Authority of the Apostles’ Creed,” Oxf. 1653; Wood, Ath. Oxon. 4:390. It was at the desire of Ashwell (who was of Wadham College), that Heylyn wrote his “Discourse in answer to the clamor of the Papists,” 1644. — Wood, 3:562. fta179 [L’Estrange having said that “Cosmography was a work very proper for [Heylyn], there being none fitter to describe the world than he who all his life loved the world, none like him:” — a part of the reply is, “I may, perhaps, think fit to tell him, that I am confident as many men (not being domestics) have eaten of the doctor’s bread, and drunk of his cup, during the whole time of his constant housekeeping, as ever did of his who objects this to him.’“] — Extr. Vap. 49-51. A. fta180 Tacit. de Mor. Germ. [c. 21.] A. [Quemcunque mortalium arceretecto, nefas habetur; pro fortuna quisque apparatis epulis excipit. Cum defecere, qui modo hospes fucrat, monstrator hospitii et comes, proximam domum non invitati adeunt. Nec interest; part humanitate accipiuntur.] fta181 Nedham — (for so Wood spells the name) — was, like Heylyn, a native of Bufford, and was born in 1620. He had written a scurrilous newspaper, on the popular side, under the title of Mercurius Britannicus; but in 1647 attached himself to the royal party, and published a journal entitled Mercurius Pragmaticus. He afterwards changed sides again, and advocated the interest of the Independents in the Mereurius Politicus. On the Restoration, he fled to Holland, but in 1661 he obtained a pardon, and returned. “This most seditious, mutable, and railing author” (as Wood styles him) died in 1678. — Ath. Oxon. 3:1189. fta182 Tacit. Hist. 4 [21] A. [But for judex we ought to read index.] fta183 From 1648 to 1653. — Vern. 142-5. fta184 This passage is from Vernon, 146-7. fta185 The words are slightly altered here. fta186 This expression was used by Vernon (p. 120) without any ill intention, to express the sense which Heylyn’s parishioners had of the imminent danger in which he at one time was. It has been already mentioned (p. 27) that Barnard found fault with it in his “Vindication.” fta187 See p. 23. fta188 Ju. Scalig. Ep. de Vetustate et Splendore Gentis Scalig. p. 47. [Lugd.

Bat. 1594.] A. fta189 The work of Hakewill here alluded to is that on the Eucharist, mentioned, not in the text of Barnard, but in a passage inserted from Vernon, sup. p. 137. fta190 Exam. Hist. 2 Append. 223. fta191 Of this work, Vernon states that it was written in the latter end of 1644; that “the Lord Hatton, the Bishop of Saturn, Sir Orlando Bridgman, and Dr Steward, perused the whole treatise; and the King, approving of the contents, commanded the Lord Digby further to consider the book; in whose hands it did for a long time rest: neither was it made public till about ten years after the war was ended” (1658.) — 130-1. It is reprinted in the folio volume of Tracts. fta192 Virg. AEn. 1:475 (where, however, congressus is a participle.) fta193 Lloyd, in his “Memoirs of Noble, etc. Personages,” 1668, p. 523, styles Fuller’s Church-History “the unhappiest [of his works], — written in such a time when he could not do the truth right with safety, nor wrong it with honor.” fta194 Whatever Fuller’s inconsistencies may have been, Barnard was not a person from whom any aspersions of this sort could come with a good grace. See p. 21 note 2. fta195 Hot. Ep. [1] 13 [13] A. fta196 In the Examen Historicum, Lend. 1658-9. Fuller replied in the “Appeal of Injured Innocence” — perhaps the ablest of his works. It is not, however, a triumph, but an admirable covering of a defeat; for as to the points in dispute, Heylyn has greatly the advantage. Lloyd well characterizes the “Appeal,” in the continuation of his notice of Fuller’s History, quoted above: — “ The errors whereof Dr Heylyn corrected smartly, and he either confessed or excused ingeniously, pleasing his reader with those faults he so wittily apologizeth for.” — (524. Comp.

Heyl. Certam. Epist. 315-6, 336.) Heylyn accounts for the speediness of Fullers reply, by stating that one Mason, a corrector of the press, “falsely and unworthily communicated the sheets [of the Examen] to him as they came from the press.” — (ib. 338.) The copy of the “Appeal” which Fuller sent to his censor, was accompanied by the following characteristic letter, which is here printed from the Certamen Epistolare, 312-4. “To my loving friend, Dr Peter Heylyn. “I hope, Sir, that we are not mortally unfriended by this difference which hath happened betwixt us. And now, as duellers, when they are both out of breath, may stand still and parley before they have a second pass; let us in cold blood exchange a word, and mean time let us depose, at least suspend, our animosities. “Death hath crept into both our clay cottages through the windows; your eyes being bad, mine not good. God mend them both, and sanctify unto us those monitors of mortality, and, however it fareth with our corporal sights, send our souls that collyrium and heavenly eye-salve mentioned in the scripture! But indeed, Sir, I conceive our time, pains, and parts may be better expended to God’s glory and Church’s good, than in these needless contentions; why should Peter fall out with Thomas, both being disciples to the same Lord and Master? I assure you, Sir (whatever you conceive to the contrary), I am cordial to the cause of the English Church, and my hoary hairs will go down to the grave in sorrow for her suffering. “You well remember the passage in Homer, how wise Nestor bemoaned the unhappy difference betwixt Agamemnon and Achilles. “O God! how great the grief of Greece the while, And Priam’s self and sons do sweetly smile, Yea, all the Trojan party swell with laughter, That Greeks with Greeks fall out and fight to slaughter.* “Let me, therefore, tender you an expedient intendency to our mutual agreement. You know full well, Sir, how in heraldry, two lioncels rampant endorced are said to be the emblem of two valiant men, keeping appointment and meeting in the field, but either forbidden to fight by their Prince, whereupon back to back. neither conquerors nor conquered, they depart from the field several ways (their stout stomachs not suffering them both to go the same way), lest it be accounted an injury one to precede the other. In like manner I know you disdain to allow me your equal in this controversy betwixt us, and I will not allow you my superior. To prevent further trouble, let it be a drawn battle, and let both of us abound in our own sense, severally persuaded in the truth of what we have written. Thus parting and going back to back here, (to cut off all contest about precedency), I hope we shall meet in heaven face to face hereafter. In order whereunto, God willing, I will give you a meeting when and where you shall be pleased to appoint, that we who have tilted pens, may shake hands together. “St Paul, writing to Philemon concerning Onesimus, saith, ‘ For perhaps he therefore departed for a season that thou mightest receive him for ever.’ To avoid exceptions, you shall be the good Philemon, I the fugitive Onesimus. Who knoweth but that God in his providence permitted, yea, ordered, this difference to happen betwixt us, not only to occasion a reconciliation, but to consolidate a mutual friendship betwixt us during our lives? and that the survivor (in God’s pleasure only to appoint) may make favorable and respectful mention of him who goeth first to the grave, the desire of him who remains, “Sir, “A lover of your parts and an honourer of your person, “THO. FULLER .”

Heylyn’s rejoinder, in the Appendix to the Certamen Epistolare, 1659, was not in the tone which this letter might have been expected to produce. He had evidently conceived an ill opinion of Fuller’s principles, and was not to be disarmed, either by personal courtesies or by protestations of attachment to the Church. It is satisfactory to know from the text that the two afterwards became friends. *[Iliad, [i.] 254[-7]. “I am forced to omit the Greek verses, because my amanuensis is not scholar enough to transcribe them distinctly for me.” — Heyl.] fta197 They were sent forth anonymously, but the authorship does not appear to have been any secret. fta198 In the Epistle Dedicatory. A. fta199 Extran. Vapulans, Epistle to the Reader, A. [Comp. Certam. Epist. 811-12] fta200 Ibid. fta201 Hamon L’Estrange himself was led, by the aspersions which Heylyn cast on his churchmanship, to compose the work by which he is now favourably known — “ The Alliance of Divine Offices.” See the Anglocath.

Library edition, p. 12. fta202 There are in the Certamen Epistolare, pp. 328-9, some details which throw light on Heylyn’s transactions with publishers, and his literary profits. Fuller having stated that the Examen Historicum (which consists of” Animadversions” on the Church-History, and “Advertisements” on Sanderson,) was “offered to, and refused by, some stationers, because that, by reason of the high terms, they could not make a saving bargain to themselves;” — Heylyn replies: “For answer whereunto I must let him know, that the Animadversions, when they stood single by themselves, in the first draught of them, were offered to Mr Roycroft, the printer, for a piece of plate of five or six pounds, and a quartern of copies, which would have cost him nothing but so much paper, conditioned that he should be bound to make them ready by Candlemas Term, 1657. But, he not performing that condition, I sent for them again, enlarged them to a full third part, and seconded them with the Advertisements on Mr Sanderson’s Histories; and, having so done, offered them to Mr Royston and Mr Marriot, who had undertaken the printing of the book called Respondet Petrus, after my old friend had refused it: whose propositions — (for I reserved the offer to be made by them,) — being very free and ingenuous, were by me cheerfully accepted. But Mr Marriot afterwards declining the business, it was afterwards performed by Mr Royston and Mr Seyle, his said old friend, on no better conditions than had been offered at the first. And, now I am forced upon this point, I shall add this also — that for the Observations on the History of H.L[‘Estrange], Esq., and the Defense thereof against the Observator Observed, the Help to History, (which I shall now boldly take upon me, being thus put to it), and the book called Ecclesia Vindicata, I never made any conditions at all; and for the four last never received any consideration, but in copies only: and those, too, in so small a number that I had not above seven or eight of the three first, and but twelve of the last. And for the printing of these papers, [the Certamen,] so far was I from making any capitulation, that it remains wholly in the ingenuity of the stationer to deal with me in it as he pleases; so that I scribble for the most part, as some cats kill mice, rather to find myself some recreation, than to satisfy hunger. And, though I have presented as many of the said books, and my large Cosmographies, within seven years past, as did amount at the least unto twenty pounds, I never received the value of a single farthing, either directly or indirectly, either in money or in any other kind of retribution, of what sort soever.” After this follows the statement as to the presentation of the Hist. of St George, already given, p. 71 n. 1. fta203 Reprinted in the folio of Tracts. fta204 Ed. “Shelton.” fta205 It may be presumed that Heylyn procured the benefice (which is of very small value) for his old schoolmaster, from the relation mentioned, p. 81, as living at Shilton. fta206 After some abortive attempts in favor of the Royal family, in 1655, Cromwell “made, by his own authority and that of his Council, an order ‘that all those who had ever borne arms for the King, or had declared themselves to be of the Royal party, should be decimated, that is, pay a tenth part of all that estate which they had left, to support the charge which the Commonwealth was put to by the unquietness of their temper, and the just cause of jealousy which they had administered.” — Clarendon, 830. fta207 Terent. Eunuch. 2:2:16. fta208 Sup. p. 152. fta209 Extran. Vap. 50. A. fta210 This probably refers to the story of the Theban legion. See Fleury, 50:8. c. 18. fta211 Ubbo Emm. 4 His. Fris..4. fta212 Justin, 4:5. Barnard confounds the general Demosthenes with the orator. fta213 Just. 8 [2.] A. [“‘ Dignum qui Diis proximus haberetur,” etc.] fta214 It is also given by Vernon, 148-154. fta215 So the name is given in both the Biographies. But it is Blucknall, in Cyp. Ang. 171, where it is stated that this person, being an inhabitant of the parish, “bestowed upon it, amongst other legacies, an annual pension to be paid unto the Curate thereof, for reading duly [daily?] prayer in the said Church, according to the form prescribed in the English Liturgy.” fta216 Barn. “their.” fta217 Vern. “representative.” fta218 Barn. “of a late date;” Vern. “of later date.” fta219 “Contempsi Catilinae gladios, non pertimescam tuos.” Cic. Philippic, 2:46. fta220 Barn. “apprehension.” fta221 Barn. “thus.” fta222 Vern. fta223 After giving the account of Heylyn’s family-worship, which has been inserted, p. 156, Vernon says that “in a few years, the rage of the higher powers abating, the Liturgy of the Church began in some places to be publicly read; and Mr Huish had a numerous auditory of loyal persons,” etc. — 147. fta224 On the Form of Bidding Prayer, Tracts, 160. A. fta225 Ussher. fta226 Barnard here and elsewhere confounds two historians of King Charles, with both of whom Heylyn engaged in controversy. The Appendix to Resp. Petrus was in answer, not to L’Estrange, but to Sanderson, who replied in a pamphlet, entitled Post-haste. Heylyn remarked on this in the Appendix to the Examen Historicum; and Sanderson rejoined in Peter Pursued, in which his former pamphlet (originally printed for private circulation) was embodied. fta227 See Certain. Epist. 100, (misprinted 84,) seqq. It appears that Heylyn, being in London in the end of June, 1658, heard that an order had been issued for burning his book. On this, he addressed to Bernard a letter, in which are these words: — “ I have so much charity as to think that this is done without your privity and consent, but I cannot but conceive withal, that, if the business be carried on to such extremities, the generality of men will not be. so persuaded of it.” He begs him to interpose, and prevent the burning, and offers him satisfaction either “by the pen, or by personal conference,” for any thing which may be offensive in the book. Bernard replies — “ For the order mentioned in your letter, I find your charity prevented me in any further assurance of you that I was not the mover of it;” that the treatise was condemned, (as he heard,) under an ordinance of 1644 for burning all books written against the then prevailing view as to the Lord’s Day; and that it was not a matter in which he could interfere. Heylyn then applied to the Lord Mayor, Sir Richard Chiverton, requesting him to procure a respite of the order. The Lord Mayor, before moving in the matter, committed the book to “some grave and learned Divines about the city” for examination. After all this, Heylyn discovered that no order had been issued for the burning; that information had been given against the book, but the Council had committed the matter to the Lord Mayor, “to be proceeded in according to his discretion.” It is to be presumed that the Divines pronounced a favorable judgment, and so the matter ended. Comp. Cert. Epist. 118, 125, 131. fta228 Annal. 4 [35.] A. fta229 It was not L’Estrange, but Sanderson, by whom the words were used.

See Responder Petrus, 145. fta230 pp. 86, seqq. fta231 R[omish] P[riest]. “T. G[odden] tells a notable story of the Lambeth Articles…and all this, as well as many other good things, he hath out of one P. Heylyn. Is the man alive, I pray, that we may give him our due thanks for the service he hath done us upon many occasions? For we have written whole books against the Reformation, out of his History of it.”… P[rotestant] D[ivine]. “Dr Heylyn was a man of very good parts and learning, who did write history pleasantly enough; but in some things he was too much a party to be an historian; and, being deeply concerned in some quarrels himself, all his historical writings about our Church do plainly discover which side he espoused: which to me cloth not seem to agree with the impartiality of an historian; and, if he could but throw dirt on that which he accounted the Puritan party, from the beginning of the Reformation, he mattered not though the whole Reformation suffered by it. But for all this, he was far from being a friend either to the Church or Court of Rome; and, next to Puritanism, I believe he hated Popery most.” — Stillingfieet, Conferences concerning the Idolatry of the Ch. of Rome, Works, Lond. 1710, 4:31- 2.

It is well known that James II. and his first wife ascribed to the work now republished a share in influencing them in favor of the Roman communion. Burner (Own Time, it. 24, ed. Oxf. 1833,) relates that in an interview which he had with James (then Duke of York), the Duke “turned to some passages in Heylyn’s History of the Reformation, which he had lying by him; and the passages were marked, to show upon what motives and principles men were led into the changes that were then made.” That is to say, Heylyn, as a historian, mentioned certain facts, from which James wrongly concluded against the Church of England, and, (by a further mistake in reasoning,) in favor of the Church of Rome. This is indeed the only way in which the History could be said to benefit the cause of Romanism; and it cannot be necessary to point out the difference between saying that Romanists have taken advantage of his data, for purposes which he never contemplated, and charging him (as many writers have done) with favoring Romanism. The book may safely be left to refute this charge. fta232 Cyp. Ang. 339. [= 361] A. fta233 Cyp. Ang. 386. [=411] A. fta234 This motto appears in the special Title-page prefixed to the Second Part in the old Edition. fta235 “Tacit. Ann 1 [93.] A. [who reads patrioe discordantis.] fta236 Horat. Carm. 4:5:2-8. A. fta237 Barn. “lux.” fta238 Tacit. [Ann. 1:1. “Non Cinnae, non Sullae longa dominatio; et Pompei Crassique potentia cito in Caesarem, Lepidi atque Antoaii arma in Augustum cessere.] A. fta239 Virg. AEn. 2:693. Barn. reads loetus. fta240 “Serit arbores quoe alteri soelo prosint — ut alt Statius noster in Synephebis.” — Cic. de Senect. 7. fta241 Vernon (245) says, “to the great Minister of State in those days,” — whence it would seem that Lord Clarendon was the person to whom the letter was addressed. The copy has been collated with that given by Vernon, 246-252. fta242 By the Act 16 Car. 1. c. 27. They were restored by the parliament which met after the writing of this letter. (13 Car. 2 c. 2). — Gibson, Codex, 149: Hume, 7:328. fta243 Barn. “the.” fta244 Barn. “for.” fta245 Barn. “the.” fta246 Barn. “their convocation.” fta247 “The long convocation which sat till 1678.” — Wake, State of the Church, 518. It met May 8, 1661. fta248 “Quanquam enim, secundum honorum vocabula quae jam Ecclesiae usus obtinuit, episcopatus presbyterio major sit, tamen in multis rebus Augustinus Hieronymo minor est.” — Aug, ap. Hieron. Epist. 5:77. (t. 4:2:641, ed. Martianay, Paris, 1706.) The words in the text may have been taken from Cyp. Ang. 287, where Heylyn relates that Williams, then Bishop of Lincoln, being desirous to ingratiate himself with the Puritans, thus addressed Dr Bret, “a very grave and reverend man, but one who was supposed to incline that way.” fta249 Hieron. ad Aug. Ep. 5:69; t. 4:2:608. fta250 “Et cum de supplicio cujusdam capite damnati, ut ex more subscriberet, admoneretur, Quam vellem, inquit, nescire literas!” — Sueton. in Neron. c. 10. fta251 Melch. Adam. in Vit. Melanchth. A. [The editor has not seen this work, but has omitted the que which is after tantos in Barn.] fta252 Id. in Vit. Luth. A. fta253 Wood states that he was “of very mean port and presence.” — Ath.

Oxon. 3:557. fta254 Plin. Hist. Nat. 11 [54] A. fta255 dij w=n kai< Qeonetai Socrat. 4:[25] A. fta256 [“Nostri melior pars animus est.”] — Senec. Nat. Quest. [L. 1 Opp. p. 831, Paris, 1627.] fta257 Arist. Metaph. 1 [1] A. [Barn. UJma~v for hJma~v .] fta258 1:9. A. [But the words “claros...domique” relate, not to the Caeci, but to families mentioned before, who derived their names from animals — the Suilli, Porci, etc.] fta259 Holy State, b. 3 c. 15. [p. 183, Camb. 1642.] A. fta260 Cic. Tusc. Disput. 1. 5 [“Animo autem multis modis variisque delectari licet, etiam si non adhibeatur aspectus.” — c. 38.] fta261 The parallel appears to consist in the circumstance that Bede dictated to the last moments of his life; for it is not said that he lost his sight. fta262 Socrat. 4 [25] A. fta263 Published in 1652. fta264 Tacit. de Morib. Germ. [c. 3.] A. fta265 Justin. XII. [16:11] A. fta266 “I am very glad that you — who are esteemed the Primipilus among the defenders of the late turgid and persecuting sort of prelacy,” etc. — Baxter, in Heyl. Certain. Epist. 11. fta267 Casaub. Exercit. contra Baron. [p. 230, ed. Genev. 1654.] A. fta268 Extran. Vap. 131-2. A. [The charge related to a passage in the Hist. of the Sabbath.] fta269 Barn. “is.” (In the Extr. Vap. Heylyn speaks of himself in the third person.) fta270 Not L’Estrange, but Sanderson. fta271 Exam. Hist. 2:206. A. fta272 Barn. “second.” fta273 Certam. Epist. 32. fta274 The Preface is addressed “To them who, being themselves mistaken, have misguided others, in these new doctrines of the Sabbath.” — Tracts, 321. fta275 Sup. pp. 27, 68. fta276 Sup. pp. 27, 71. fta277 Capitolin. c. 2. A. fta278 Hist. 3:84. fta279 Lamprid. c. 4. A. [ap. Hist. Aug. Scriptores, p. 124, ed. Salinas. Paris, 1620.] fta280 Jul. Scalig. de Vetust Gent. Seal. 63. A. [The first and second clauses, as here given, are in a reversed order.] fta281 “He was a bold and undaunted man among his friends and foes, and therefore by some of them he was accounted too high for the function he professed.” — Wood, Ath. Oxon. 3:557. fta282 Probably the biographer’s wife. fta283 Terent. Eunuch. 4:7:21. fta284 Nathaniel Crewe, to whom this Life was dedicated. fta285 Barlow. fta286 Lamplugh, afterwards Archbishop of York. fta287 Robert Jennings, of St John’s College, who made a fortune as master of the Free-School at Abingdon. — Wood, Fasti Oxon. 2:103. fta288 L’Estrange, Hist. 45. A. [The reference is incorrect.] fta289 Heylyn (Observ. p. 5), in speaking of L’Estrange’s style, says that such affectation is “a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt epigram, where the spruce gallant thus bespeaks his page or laquey — “Diminutive and my defective slave, Reach my corps-coverture immediately: ‘Tis my complacency that vest to have, T’ insconce my person from frigidity.

The boy believed all Welsh his master spoke, Till railed in English — ‘ Rogue, go fetch my cloak!’” fta290 Ed. “piety.” fta291 Joh. 12:6; 13:29. fta292 Zechariah 1:5. fta293 “Tu autem abi ad praefinitum.” — Lat. Vulg. Daniel 12:13. fta294 The passage is abridged from Poole’s Synopsis in lot., and is made up from other commentators besides the two named. fta295 Ecclesiastes 12:12. fta296 Job 17:13. fta297 Psalm 89:48. fta298 Job 30:23. fta299 “Statutum est homiaibus semel mori.” — Hebrews 9:27, Lat. Vulg. fta300 Plin. Hist. Nat. 10:75. A. [Barn. reads somniorum. The Frankfort ed. of 1599 gives somnium, with somniare and somnum as variations.] fta301 Hebrews 1:1. A. [See Sanderson, Sermons, 270, ed. Lond. 1686.] fta302 Rhodigin. Lection. Antiq. 1. 27, c. 9. A. [“Quieti me tradideram; mox, ratiocinans mecum, librum videbar agnoscere, immo etiam locum et phyllurae partem, ubi id foret exscriptum. Excitatus denique, coepi oblata per somnum repetere. Illusionem putavi; sed, quum insci-tiae formido infestaret, amplius, ne quidquid intentatum relinquerem, librum arripui,” etc. — Colossians 1498, ed. Colon. Allobr. 1620.] fta303 Jul. Caes. Scal. Vita, p. 48. [Lugd. Bat. 1594.] A. fta304 Cyr. Ang. 422. A. [= 450.] fta305 Arist. Probl. 30:1:19. fta306 Cardan. de Subtil. 1. 18, p. 1187. A. fta307 Ed. “possibilis.” fta308 Genesis 48:10. fta309 1 Samuel 9:9. fta310 2 Kings 2:23. fta311 Merc. in Genesis [37. 36, p. 621, Genev. 1598.] A. [‘Comp. J. Smith, Select Discourses, 265, ed. Lond. 1821.] fta312 2 Kings 3:15-16. Comp. Smith, 265-7. fta313 Rhodig. 27:7. [p. 1494.] A. [For “scalding pitch” and “adust choler,” Rhodiginus has “atriorem picem” and “bilem atram.”] fta314 “Nonnulli quidem volunt artimam,” etc. — Aug. de Genesis ad lit. 12. 13. (T. 3. 306, ed. Bened. Paris, 1680.) fta315 Tertull. de Anim. c. 53. A. [This quotation has been left as given by Barnard. The words of Tertullian are, “Hinc denique evenit saepe animam in ipso divortio potentius agitari, sollicitiore obtutu, extraordinaria loquacitate, dum ex majori suggestu, jam in libero constituta, per superfluum quod adhuc cunctatur in corpore, enuntiat, quae rider, quae audit, quae incipit nosse.”] fta316 “He went to bed in as good bodily health as he had done before for many years; but after his first sleep he found himself taken with a violent fever, occasioned (as was conceived by his physician) by eating of a little tansey at supper.” — Vern. 282. fta317 Hebrews 6:11; 10:22. fta318 Barn. “1663.” But 1662 is the year given by Vernon, and in the epitaph; and it was in that year that Ascension-day fell on May 8, which the epitaph mentions as the day of Heylyn’s death. fta319 See Sir Thomas Browne on Vulgar Errors, b. 4 c. 12. fta320 Hor. Carm. 74:8-10. fta321 Bishop of Worcester, 1662; of Salisbury, 1663; died 1665. — Wood, Ath. Oxon. 3:716-9. fta322 The additions in brackets are chiefly from Wood’s article on Heylyn, Ath. Oxon. in. 567-567. Wood’s order has also been followed, as more strictly chronological than that of Barnard; the variations being mentioned in the notes. fta323 The Geography went through eight editions before the appearance of the larger work. There are at least five editions of the Cosmography — the last, edited by Bohun, appeared in 1703. — Biog. Brit. 4:2593-4. fta324 The order of 4 and 5 is reversed by Barnard. fta325 Barn. “1631,” which is an error. Wood says that the first and second editions were both of 1636. The “History” is reprinted in the “Tracts,” 1681. fta326 Barn. transposes 8 and 9. fta327 “Tis said also that in the year 1641 Heylyn wrote and published a book entitled Persecutio Undecima, Lend. 1641, 48, qu. 1681, fol. [not in the folio Tracts of that date]; but finding no such thing in his diary, which I have several times perused, I cannot be so bold to affirm that he was the author.” — Wood. fta328 Barn. places this work according to the time at which Heylyn published it in his own name. He had owned it in the Certamen Epistolare, p. 329. (The passage is quoted sup. p. 162 note.) “This useful work has been frequently reprinted; but the best edition is that enlarged by Wright, Lend. 1773.” — Bliss, in Wood, 3:560. fta329 So Vernon and Wood. “Lincolnshire,” Barn. fta330 “This, if I mistake not, is the same with a pamphlet entitled Thieves, Thieves I or a Relation of Sir Jo. Gell’s proceedings in Derbyshire, in gathering up the Rents of the Lords and Gentlemen of that country by pretended authority from the two Houses of Parliament.” — Wood. (Barn. places 18 between 21 and 22). fta331 The order in Barnard is 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37, 39, 40, 35, 32, 33, 36, 38, 14, 34, 26, 42, 43 44. fta332 “Heylyn’s name is not set to it, but ‘tis generally known to be his collection from some of the works of King Charles I.” — Wood. fta333 Barn. “1648.” fta334 Barn. “1658.” fta335 “From his Birth to his Burial “ — Wood. (The words “From his Cradle to his Grave” were part of the title of Sanderson’s Hist. of Charles.) Wood says, “This Life I take to be the same with that — (for they have the same beginning) — that was printed with and set before Reliquioe Sacroe Carolinoe, printed at the Hague, 1648-9.” fta336 “In the same year (1660) was published a book entitled Fratres in malo: or the Matchless Couple represented in the writings of Mr Edw.

Bagshaw and Mr Hen. Hickman, in Vindication of Dr Heylyn and Mr Tho. Pierce, 4to, said in the title to be written by M. O., Bach. of Arts, but all then supposed that Dr Heylyn or Mr Pierce, or both, had a hand in it.” — Wood. fta337 “Heylyn also composed A Discourse of the African Schism: and, in 1637, did, upon Dr Laud’s desire, draw up The Judgment of Writers on those texts of Scripture on which the Jesuits found the Popedom and the authority of the Roman Church. Both which things the said Dr Laud intended as materials towards his large Answer to Fisher, the Jesuit, which came out the year following. He also (I mean Heylyn) did translate from Latin into English, Dr Prideaux his Lecture upon the Sabbath [see p. 106]; and put the Scotch Liturgy into Latin, 1639.” — Wood, Ath. Oxon. in. 567. “In MS. Rawl. Miscall. 353, are several papers relating to Dr Heylyn and his parsonage of Alresford, as well as his disputation with Dr Prideaux; his original appointment as Chaplain in Ordinary to the King; a letter from the Bishop of Winchester on a demand of ten trees, made by Heylyn as parson of Alresford; opinions of Littleton, Heath, and Mallet, on this and other subjects connected with the living, etc. etc.” — Bliss, in Wood, 3:568.

FTB1 “Abler,” edd. 1, 2.

FTB2 “Venit inimicus ejus, et superseminavit zizania in medio tritici.” Matthew 13:25.

FTB3 “Ut qui res ejus legunt, non unius populi, sed generis humani facta discant.” Florus, Prolog.

FTB4 See below, Edw. 2:3.

FTB5 Edw. 1:38; 2:8, seqq.

FTB6 Act 2 & 3 Edw. 6:1; Fox, Acts and Monuments, 2:660, ed. 1631.

FTB7 Edw. in. 24.

FTB8 Edw. 4:11, 16.

FTB9 Edw. in. 9.

FTB10 Edw. 4:12-16, 22.

FTB11 Matthew 26:8; John 12:4.

FTB12 Edw. 4:24. 3 Edw. 7:3-5.

FTB13 Edw. Vii. 3-5.

FTB14 Ed. 6:4. It is to be observed, however, that the alteration of the Prayerbook did not follow, but preceded, the order for appropriating church-plate, etc. to the use of the King.

FTB15 i.e. 1660.

FTB16 However true this view may be, it is to be regretted that Heylyn has treated the history of Henry’s time by far too slightly. This is one of the chief defects of the work; and it is aggravated by the unfortunate arrangement which has distributed the notices of this reign between the introductions to those of Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, instead of presenting them in one continuous narrative.

FTB17 Qu. “contending?”

FTB18 See Edw. 7:3.

FTB19 Edw. 7:7.

FTB20 Jane, 38.

FTB21 Edw. 5:6; Mary, 1:19.

FTB22 Mary, 2:16, 17; in. 12.

FTB23 Mary, in. 19, seqq.

FTB24 Eliz. 2:20, etc.

FTB25 Mary, 4:1.

FTB26 Mary, 2:5.

FTB27 See Mary, 2:10.

FTB28 Third edition, London, 1660. The author was Dr Cornelius Burges, the well-known presbyterian; who is the person alluded to in the latter part of this paragraph. He had bought the palace and the deanery-house of Wells, and, in consequence, set up some pretensions which led to disagreements with the corporation of that city. See Wood’s Athenae Oxon. ed. Bliss, 3. 683-5. The judgment of Julius III on Church-lands was taken by Burges from a work of Hakewill, who professed to copy it from the State Paper office.

FTB29 In his proclamation of March 5th, 1603. Author. [“ We had seen the kingdom, under that form of religion which by law was established in the days of the late Queen, of famous memory, blessed with a peace and prosperity, both extraordinary and of many years’ continuance (a strong evidence that God was therewith well pleased.)”—Wilkins, Concilia, 4:377.] FTB30 “Quibus artibus Imperii fundamenta locavit Pater, iisdem operis totins gloriam consummavit Filius.”—Just. Lib. 10: Author. [The proper reference is L. 9. c. 8: “Quibus artibus orbis imperii fundamenta pater jecit, operis totius gloriam filius consummavit.”] FTB31 Eliz. 1:10.

FTB32 “first,” edd. 1, 2.

FTB33 Eliz. 5:4.

FTB34 Eliz. 8:2. See Gibson, Codex, p. 139.

FTB35 This is more fully related by Heylyn, Aerius Rediv. p. 320. Comp.

D’Ewes’ Parliaments of Eliz. 174; Hume, V. 321, ed. Oxford, 1826.

FTB36 “The most of his materials (I guess) were had from the transcript which Archbishop Laud caused to be made of all that related to the story of the Reformation out of those eight large volumes of collections that are still in the Cottonian library.”—Nicolson’s English Hist.

Library, 118-119, Lond. 1736.

FTB37 “Nec odio, nec amore, dicturus aliquid,” etc.—Tacit. Hist. Lib. 1.

Author. [“Incorruptam fidem professis neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est.”—Hist, 1. 1. Cf. Annal. 1. 1. “Sine ira et studio, quorum causas procul habeo.”] FTB38 Psalm 15:17, Prayerbook version.

FTB39 Edd. “from his father, by.”

Ftb40 Edd. 2, 3, “contracted.”

Ftb41 The name is printed Woundy and Wondy in Camden, from whom this statement is taken.

Ftb42 From Sibyl, heir unto William Mareshall, that most puissant Earl of Pembroke, from William Ferrars, Earl of Derby,” &e. — Camden, Britannia, 634. The editions of Heylyn read Herrars, through the same mistake of which there is another instance in section 4, below.

FTB43 Edd. “Sarernark.”

FTB44 Camden, Brit. 254. The Earls of Hertford had been raised in the peerage at the time when Heylyn wrote. See below, section 6.

FTB45 i.e. The Duke of Suffolk; but Seimour is the subject of the next sentence. He was knighted on the taking of Montdidier. Holinshed, in. 690.

FTB46 Here and in some other places the editions call this writer Hay-wood.

His History of Edward VI. is printed, with notes by Strype, in Kennett’s collection, Vol. ii.; to which the references in the present edition of Heylyn apply.

FTB47 Kennett, 2:279.

FTB48 Solway Moss, Nov. 25, 1542. See below, section 23.

FTB49 Then Lord High Admiral. This expedition was in May, 1544. Hall, 860; Stow, 586; Tytler’s Hist. of Scotland, 5:300-303.

FTB50 i.e. Teviotdale and the Merse. “During this inroad, which only lasted fifteen days (September 1545), the destruction was dreadful. The English burnt seven monasteries and religious houses, sixteen castles and towns, five market-towns, two hundred and forty-three villages, thirteen mills, and three hospitals.”—Tytler, 5:331-2.

FTB51 “Outing” Hayward, ed. Kennett.

FTB52 This account is taken almost verbatim from Hayward (279), who, however, concludes, “to be the second person in state.”

FTB53 “Sir William Fillol, of Fillol Hall, in Essex, and Woodlands, in the county of Dorset.”—Collins, Peerage, 1. 171. Former editions of Heylyn read “Hilol.”

FTB54 Edd. 1, 2, “Baron.”

FTB55 Some of his honors were limited to the issue of his second marriage; but the barony of Seimour and the dukedom of Somerset were conferred with remainder to the issue of his first marriage, if that of the second should fail. When the dukedom was revived, in 1660, “as fully as if the act of attainder of the 5th of Edward VI had never passed,” this remainder was included; and the provision took effect in 1750, when, on the death of Algernon, eighth duke, without male issue, the line of the second marriage became extinct, and the dukedom and barony passed to Sir Edward Seimour, Bart., great grandson of the Sir Edward who is mentioned in the text.—Collins, 1. 191.

FTB56 Stow, 579-580.

FTB57 See below, Edw. 3. 1-7.

FTB58 Camden, Brit. 365.

FTB59 There was no Lord Boteler of Sudeley after Ralph. Dugdalo states, on the authority of Leland, “that King Edward IV bearing no good will to this Ralph, by reason he had been so firm an adherent to King Henry VI, caused him to be attached, and brought up to London; and that when he was on the way, looking back from an hill to this castle, he said, ‘Sudeley-Castle, thou art the traitor, not I!’” that afterwards he sold the castle to King Edward the Fourth; and that, on his death, his other property went to the sons of his two sisters, and the title became extinct.—Baronage, 1. 597. Sudeley was granted by Henry VII to his uncle, Jasper, Duke of Bedford, on whose death without issue it reverted to the crown. Ibid. 2. 242. Atkins’ Gloucestershire, 702.

FTB60 Stow, 623; Collins, 6:720.

FTB61 Edw. 5:5.

FTB62 Created Duke of Somerset while the first edition was in the press. See note at the end of the History.

FTB63 Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 387. Author. [Kennett, 2. 196.] FTB64 p. 9. ed. Lond. 1654.

FTB65 The letter has been frequently printed, and will be found below. Eliz.

Introd. 18.

FTB66 Holinshed, in. 797.

FTB67 Edd. “here.”

FTB68 28 Hen. VIII. c. 10.

FTB69 In this convocation, on June 10, “Mag. Will Petre allegavit, quod quia rex supremum est caput ecclesiae Anglicanae, ideo supremus ei locus in synodo attribuendus esset, quem Thomas Crumwell, vicarius generalis ad causas ecclesiasticas ejus vices gerens, occupare deberet; ideo petiit praedictum locum sibi tanquam procuratori Domini Crum-well assignari. Quod et factum est.”—Wilkins, Conc. 3. 803. Comp. Collier, 2. 119.

FTB70 July 9, 1536.—Herbert, 225.

FTB71 “Articles about religion, set out by the Convocation, and published by the King’s authority.”—Wilkins, 3. 317. On these Articles, see Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer, pp. 15-17.

FTB72 Wilkins, 3. 823.

FTB73 Wilkins, 3. 814. Heylyn is mistaken in naming the Ave among things to be taught by virtue of these injunctions.

FTB74 Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Blount, and widow of Sir Gilbert Tailbois.—Sandford, Geneal. Hist. 496. She afterwards married Edward, Lord Clinton, (created by Queen Elizabeth, Earl of Lincoln).

Collins, 2. 206.

FTB75 Hall, 703; Herbert, 68.

FTB76 An. 28 Hen. VIII. c. 7. .Author.

FTB77 Edd. “franchiefs.”

FTB78 Stow, 575.

FTB79 1636, Edd. 1, 2; 1539, Ed. 3.

FTB80 This, as we shall see, is a mistake.

FTB81 Herb. 196.

FTB82 Camd. Eliz. 365; Godwin, Annals, 91.

FTB83 p. 273.

FTB84 Plin. Lib. 7. cap. 9. Author. [For nascuntur read gignuntur.] FTB85 See Liv. Hist. 2. 48. Former editions read “Caeso, and Fabius.”

FTB86 The quotations and instances are from Hayward, 273-4. But the proof that Edward was not a Geese does not rest on reasoning of this sort.

Fuller denies the story of the excision, on the authority of “a great person of honor, deriving her intelligence mediarely from them that were present at the labor.” (4. 111.) The fact, now ascertained, that the queen lived twelve days after her delivery, is against it; and her death is sufficiently accounted for in the letter given below, section 14. In short, the common story may safely be regarded as a fiction, invented for the purpose of exaggerating Henry’s cruelty. It had not been fully developed in the time of Sanders, who, unscrupulous as he is, goes no further than stating that the king desired the surgeons to spare the child rather than the mother; and that “cum medicis chirurgicisque artibus ad partum laxaretur,” she died. (p. 130.)

FTB87 [Fuller’s] Church Hist. 7. fol. 422. Author. [4. 111-112, ed. Brewer.

Letters of this sort were prepared beforehand, when a queen’s delivery was expected. In those which announced the birth of Elizabeth, the word Prince had been written, and appears with the alteration into Princess.—State Papers, Henry VIII. 1. 407.] FTB88 It will be seen by the signatures, which are here given from the copy in the State Papers, 1. 572, that the letter did not proceed from physicians only. The mistake arose from the strange disfigurement of the names in Fuller; which has been corrected in Mr. Brewer’s edition, 4. 113.

FTB89 October 24, no doubt; which, as appears by a MS. in the Heralds’ Office, was the day of the Queen’s death—ten days later than the date usually given.—Strype, Eccl. Mere. 2. 5.

FTB90 “duas,” edd. Heylyn. The verses are in Holinshed, in. 805, where it is said that they were “thought to be made by Master Armigill Wade;” also in Camden’s Remains, 331, ed. 1629; Godwin, Ann. 91; and in Speed, 829. Holinshed and Camden give the Latin only; Speed and Godwin have other translations.

FTB91 Edd. “13th.”

FTB92 Stow, Chron. p. 575; Godw. Ann. Hen. VIII. p. 117. [p. 91.] Lord Herb. Hist. fol. 430. Author. [Herb. in Kennett, 2:212.] FTB93 See Collins, 1. 40.

FTB94 p. 271.

FTB95 pp. 48-9. Compare section 28, below. Edward in his Journal mentions that preparations were made for his investiture, but were interrupted by his father’s death.—Burnet, 2. 2. 3.

FTB96 The christening took place on Oct. 15.—Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 1.

FTB97 Stow, Chron. fol. 863. Author.

FTB98 It will be remembered that the Queen was really alive for some days after.

FTB98 Stow, 575.

FTB100 Cot. MS. p. 325. Author. [The letter is printed in Strype’s Cranmer, 1. 393, ed. Eccl. Hist. See. Comp. Anderson, Annals of Eng. Bible,1. 577, seqq.] FTB101 Strype, Cranmer, ed. Eccl. Hist. Sec. 1. 127; Cranmer, Works, ed.

Park. Sec. 2. 345.

FTB102 1537-8.—Stow, 575. For the legend of this Rood, see Lambarde’s Perambulation of Kent. An account of its exposure and destruction, by John Hooker, of Maidstone, who styles it “Bel Cantianus,” in Burnet, 3. 2. 55.

FTB103 Holinshed, 3. 805.

FTB104 31 Hen. VIII. c. 13. (1539); Herb. 217-8.

FTB105 Edd. 1, 2, “Mary, wife.”

FTB106 Wriothesley, in a letter to Wyatt (Ellis, Orig. Letters, 2nd Ser. 2. 109), says that they had designs “against the King and the Prince.”

FTB107 p. 791. Comp. Stow, 576; Herbert, 216; Phillips’ Life of Pole, 1. 282.

FTB108 Hall, 726; Cromwell’s Injunctions, in Burner, B. 3. Rec. No. 11. 6.

FTB109 It may be observed that here and elsewhere Heylyn is free from the error, now almost universal, of styling this celebrated person, “Thomas a Becket.” “The name of the Archbishop was Thomas Becket; nor can it be otherwise found to have been written in any authentic history, record, kalendar, or other book. If the vulgar did formerly, as it doth seem, call him Thomas a Becket, their mistake is not to be followed by learned men.”—H. Wharton, note on Strype’s Cranmer, p. 257.

FTB110 Godwin, Ann. p. 92; Stow, p. 576. Comp. Jenkyns’ note on Cranmer, 1. 262.

FTB111 Hist. Schism. Angl. p. 139; where, however, he adds “sacred vestments” to the list of things with which the Waggons were filled.

Comp. Burner, 1. 296.

FTB112 Paul III had issued a bull of deprivation, dated August 30th, 1535, but had suspended the enforcement of it. He now (December 7th, 1538) proceeded to direct the execution, alleging Henry’s late outrages against monasteries, shrines, etc. as a reason why no further indulgence should be shewn.—Wilkins, 3. 792-797; 840-841. Heylyn is not quite accurate as to the places prescribed for publication. The earlier bull names Rome, Tournay, and Dunkirk; the later, Dieppe, Rouen or Boulogne, St. Andrew’s or Coldstream, and Tuam or Ardfert (i.e. a French, a Scotch, and an Irish town). The mention of Bruges seems to have arisen from a misapprehension of the name of the Collegiate Church of Tournay,—“ B. Marlin Burgen. Tornacen.” Sanders speaks of Tournay, Bruges, and Dunkirk, 111.

FTB113 Stow, 277; Herb. 217.

FTB114 Godwill, 96. “What the particulars were I cannot tell; for the record of their attainders is lost. But some of our own writers deserve a severe censure, who write, it was for denying the King’s supremacy; whereas, if they had not undertaken to write the history without any information at all, they must have seen that the whole clergy, but most particularly the abbots, had over and over again acknowledged the King’s supremacy.” —Burnet, 1. 480.

FTB115 January 6.

FTB116 April 14.—Stow, 579.

FTB117 July 28.

FTB118 August 8.—Herb. 225.

FTB119 February 13, 1541.—Herb. 229; Stow, 581.

FTB120 Fuller, 3. 201; 32 Henry VIII. c. 10; 35 Henry VIII. c. 5.

FTB121 See Neale on Feasts and Fasts, p. 179. The decree recites that on this and certain other days “children be strangely decked and apparelled to counterfeit priests, bishops, and women; and so led with songs and dances from house to house, blessing the people and gathering of money; and boys do sing, mass, and preach in the pulpit, rather to the derision than to any true glory of God, or honor of his saints.”— Wilkins, 3. 860.

FTB122 May 6, 1541.—Wilkins, 3. 856.

FTB123 Edd. “first.”

FTB124 Speed ex John Leshly, fol. 1014. Author. [p. 783, ed. 1627; Leslaeus de Moribus, etc. Scotorum, 420.] FTB125 Among the other reasons alleged (by Cardinal Beaton and his friends), was the danger of incurring the Pope’s displeasure by holding too familiar communication with a Sovereign in Henry’s condition.— Spottiswoode, p. 70. The Scottish King afterwards offered to meet Henry at York, in January (1541-2), but demanded as a previous condition redress for incursions which the English borderers about this time made with Scotland.—Tytler, 5. 242 (from documents in the State Paper Office). Comp. Lesl. 432; Speed, 793; Keith, ed. Edinb. 1844, 1. 45.

FTB126 Herbert, 232; Lesl. 437.

FTB127 Stow, 583; Herbert, 233; Tytler, 5. 250. The immediate cause of the “discontent” which produced the rout of Solway Moss, (already mentioned, p. 3) was the appointment of Oliver Sinclair, King James’s favorite, as general.

FTB128 Dec. 13.

FTB129 Dec 7.

FTB130 Lesl. 442; Stow, 584.

FTB131 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland, folio, 1814, vol. 2. pp. 425-6.

FTB132 Gilbert Kennedy.—Herbert, 235. We must not, however, on this account, erect Cassilis into a hero. He became a most unscrupulous instrument Aof the English King, and Mr. Tytler’s research has discovered that he made him an offer to assassinate Cardinal Beaton.— 5. 321,330.

FTB133 Herb. 236.

FTB134 Stow, 588; Godwin, 110. But Hall (863) and Herbert (246) date the King’s entry on the 18th.

FTB135 37 Hen. VIII. c. 4. “This act was made so general that even those great nurseries of learning, the colleges at Oxford and Cam bridge, with those of Winchester and Eton, were included; and upon the breaking up of the Parliament, notice was sent to both the universities, that their colleges were at the King’s disposal. This put them upon petitioning for mercy, which was soon obtained, and letters of thanks were sent for the continuance of them.”—Burn, Eccl. Law,2. 537.

FTB136 Oct. 22, 1549.—Monast. Anglic. 1. 231. Cox was Bishop of Ely from 1559 to 1581.—Godwin de Praesul. 273-4.

FTB137 Hayward, 274.

FTB138 Fuller, 4. 115-116. There are letters to Cranmer in Fox,6. 350.

FTB139 Fuller, 4. 114.

FTB140 “Possum,” edd. Heyl.

FTB141 “obsequentissimus,” Fuller.

FTB142 “Halfeldiae edd.

FTB143 He was son of Banabas Fitzpatrick, who was created Baron of Upper Ossory in 1541.—Collins, 8. 293, seqq. We cannot well suppose this nobleman to be the same with the “Patrick” of Henry’s will; and Heylyn is mistaken in stating that the son was the first Baron, and received the title from Edward.

FTB144 “As Fitzpatrick was beaten for the prince, so the Prince was beaten in Fitzpatrick.”—Fuller, 4. FTB145 See below, Edward 5. 35.

FTB146 Fuller, 4. 90. He died Sept. 11, 1581.—Collins; who gives a high character of him from a letter of Sir H. Sidney, Lord Deputy of Ireland.

FTB147 Fuller, 4. 117.

FTB148 Hayward, 275.

FTB149 Mills’ “Catalogue of Honor,” p. 28.

FTB150 Thuan. Hist. 1. 3. c. 5. (t. 1. p. 104).

FTB151 See the Introductions to the reigns of Mary and Eliz.

FTB152 Act of An. 35 Henry VIII. cap. 1. Author.

FTB153 December 30, as is rightly stated below, section 42.

FTB154 August 1546.—Stow, 589.

FTB155 They were arrested December 12, 1546. Surrey, as a commoner, was tried at the Guildhall, January 13; but the proceeding against the Duke was by a bill of attainder, founded on a confession which had been obtained from him. The royal assent was given to this on January 27, and it was ordered that the execution should take place the following morning.—Lingard, 6. 360-363; Herbert, 265.

FTB156 Sand. de Schis. Angl. p. 214. Author. [p. 179, ed. Ingoldst. Sanders says: “Reginae tres nut quatuor ad exitium perductae, . . . Cardinales item duo, tertiusque absens morti condemnatus.” His expression is wider than Heylyn’s “brought to the block;” so that Wolsey is included among the Cardinals, (with Fisher and Pole), and Katharine of Arragon among the Queens. The fourth Queen would seem to be Jane Seimour, inserted in the list of victims on the ground of the stories about the manner of Edward’s birth.—Comp. Herbert, 267.] FTB157 “If all the pictures and patterns of a merciless Prince were lost in the world, they might all again be painted to the life, out of the story of this King.”—Pref. to Hist. of the World, p. 8. Lend. 1614.

FTB158 p. 177.

FTB159 For fear of the Act passed before in Parliament, that none should speak anything of the King’s death—(the Act being made only for soothsayers, and talkers of prophesy—Fox, 5. 489.

FTB160 Jan. 28, 1546-7.—Fox, 5. 689; Godwin, 119; Fuller, 4. 234-5.

FTB161 Herbert, 267.

FTB162 June 7, 1546.

FTB163 1537.—Herb. 212; Godwin, 87-8.

FTB164 “I see and hear daily that you of the clergy preach one against another, teach one contrary to another, inveigh one against another without charity or discretion; some be too stiff in their old Mumpsimus, others be too busy and curious in their new Sumpsimus.”—The King’s Oration in the Parliament-House, 1545, Hall, 865; Wilkins, 3. 872.

FTB165 Fuller, in. 462, mentions a monk or nun in Hampshire, who received a payment as late as the fifth year of King James.

FTB166 Ed. 3 reads “debased;” but if this were the right word, the reading of Edd. 1,2, “imposed,” could hardly have arisen. “Imbased” or “embased” is used by Holinshed, 3. 1031; Burnet, 2; 2. 557.

FTB167 Stow, 585.

FTB168 Stow, 588.

FTB169 p. 25.

FTB170 Fox, 8:20.

FTB171 Edd. 1, 2, “Pety;” Ed. 3, “Petie.”

FTB172 Strype, Cranmer, fol. p. 282. Comp. Collier, 5:150.

FTB173 Compare Hooker, b. 7:c. 24, sect. 23, vol. 3. pp. 401-2, ed. Keble, Oxf. 1836.

FTB174 Fuller, 3. 443, and Collier, 5. 83, add Worcester.

FTB175 Act 31 Henry VIII. c. 6. The Bishops of Chester who are mentioned in earlier times were in reality Bishops of Lichfield.—Wharton, Specimen of Errors in Burnet, p. 50. A papal bull for six new bishoprics had been obtained in 1532.—Burnet, 1. 1. 246.

FTB176 Fuller, 4. 444.

FTB177 Hall, 772. See below, Mary, Introduction section 9.

FTB178 The pretense was that Wolsey had incurred the penalty by exercising his power as legate, and the clergy by submitting to it. And even this pretense appears to have been false. “When the statutes of praemunire were passed (says Dr Lingard, 6. 177), a power was given to the Sovereign to modify or suspend their operation at his discretion; and from that time it had been customary for the King to grant letters of license or protection to particular individuals, who meant to act or had already acted against the letter of these statutes.” And Wolsey declared that such a license had been granted in his case: “My Lords Judges, quoth he, the King’s highness knoweth whether I have offended his Majesty or no, in using of my prerogative legantine, for which I am indicted. I have the King’s license in my coffers under his hand and broad seal, for the exercising and using thereof in the most largest wise; the which now are in the hands of my enemies. Therefore, because I will not stand in question with the King in his own cause, I will here presently confess before you the indictment, and put me wholly into the mercy and grace of the King, trusting that he hath a conscience and a discretion to consider the truth, and my humble submission and obedience; wherein I might right well stand to the trial thereof by justice.”—Cavendish, in Wordsworth, Eccl. Biog. 1. 576.

FTB179 Wilkins, 3. 742. Cf. Collier, 4. 179; Strype, Cranmer, ed. Eccl. Hist.

Soc. vol. 1. p. 13. Wordsworth, Eccl. Biog. 2. 233, refers to Wake’s State of the Church, pp. 474-480, for the best account of this transaction.

FTB180 26 Henry VIII. c. 1. A.D. 1534.

FTB181 Wilkins, 3. 749-754.

FTB182 Read 19. For the Reformatio Legum drawn up in the following reign, see Edw. 3. 31; Gibson, Codex, 990*-1*; Strype, Cranm. Pt. 1. c. 30.

FTB183 Wilkins, 3. 830. This was not, however, the first attempt of the kind, a book of Articles having been published in 1536. See above, p. 10. On Cranmer’s share in the authorship of the “Institution,” see Jenkyns, Pref. 17.

FTB184 Barlow’s mission was in 1535, at which time the “Institution” had not been published. “The book sent was probably either Gardiner’s treatise, ‘De Vera Obedientia,’ or another, ‘De Vera Differentia Regiae potestatis et Ecclesiasticae;’ both of which had been printed the year before.” (Lingard, 6. 328.) The latter work was called “The King’s Book,” (Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 26) and was ascribed to Bp. Fox, of Hereford. (Wordsw. Eccl Biog. 2. 42.) Strype says that Barlow was charged with “a very notable letter or declaration against the Pope,” which he prints in his Appendix.—Eccl. Mem. 1. 225. “James, acting by the advice of his Privy-Council, who were mostly ecclesiastics, and are described by Barlow as ‘the Pope’s pestilent creatures, and very limbs of the devil,’ refused to accept the treatise which had been sent him by his uncle.”— Tytler, Hist. Scotl. 5. 208.

FTB185 Wilkins, 3. 868. The “Institution” was published in 1537, but without the formal authority of the King. Hence it was called “The Bishops’ Book;” while the “Necessary Doctrine and Erudition” was called “The King’s Book.” Henry’s notes on it, with Cranmer’s remarks on them, are now printed in Cranmer’s Remains. Dr. Jenkyns has shown (Pref. to Cranmer, 18-20) that there was a discussion about a new formulary in the convocation of 1540, but that nothing was actually concluded on until 1543, when the “Erudition” appeared. [For the history of the two books, see Strype, Cranm. B. I. cc. 13 and 24.

FTB186 MS. de Ecclesiastes in Bishop [Bib.] Cot. p. 5. Author. [The letter, which is referred by the editors to the year 1538, is printed from the Cotton MSS. Cleop. E. 5. f. 101, in Cranmer’s Remains, 1. 227, ed.

Jenkyns; 2. 359, ed. Park. Soc.] FTB187 Wilkins, 3. 814; Stow, 573. See above, p. 10.

FTB188 Wilkins, 3. 856. The words are “of the largest and greatest volume.”—Comp. Heylyn’s Tracts, pp. 7-10.

FTB189 At Vilvorde, near Mechlin, 1536.—Fox, 5. 127.

FTB190 A.D. 1530.—Wilkins, 3. 740; Anderson’s Annals of the English Bible,1. 258.

FTB191 Anderson, 1. 507.

FTB192 Collier, 4. 373. There seems, however, to be a mistake here; for various circumstances forbid the belief that the free use of the Bible was allowed so early as 1536: among them is the warmth of Cranmer’s gratitude to Cromwell for countenancing the Bible of 1537. (Sup. p. 18.) The order for the English Bible in churches, which is usually printed in Cromwell’s Injunctions of 1536, does not appear in the official copy in Cranmer’s register, nor in that given by Wilkins; it was, no doubt, inadvertently inserted from a draft which was afterwards altered. The earliest actual authority for placing the English Bible in churches was Cromwell’s injunction of Sept. 1538.—Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer, p. 27, and note, vol. 1. p. 200; Anderson, 1. 578.

FTB193 Tyndale had translated the whole of the New Testament, and had proceeded as far as the end of Chronicles in the Old Testament. The rest was done, with the assistance of Coverdale’s version, by Rogers, who superintended the whole edition.—Anderson, 1. 569.

FTB194 Edd. “1545,” which is a manifest error. Henry’s mandate is dated in June. (Burner, 1. 331, and Ree. 264, folio ed.) There is a letter from Cranmer to the King, dated October 7, probably in the same year, from Bekesbourne (which still possesses the remains of its archiepiscopal residence), on the subject of some “processions” (i.e. Litanies) which the primate had been desired to adapt from the Latin forms.—Cranmer, ed. Jenkyns, 1. 314; ed. Park. Soc. 2. 412. Comp. Strype, Cranm. ed.

Eccl Hist. Sec. 1. 282.

FTB195 p. 38.

FTB196 John Clark, consecrated 1523. He is said to have been poisoned when on an embassy to the Grand Duke of Cleves, for the purpose of explaining Henry’s behavior towards the Princess Anne; and he died on his return to England, February 1540-1.—Godwin de Praesul. 386.

FTB197 = 771.

FTB198 See Selden, 3. 178.

FTB199 Selden’s Works, 3. 171, ed. 1726. Also in Speed, p. 771; Wilkins, 3. 693-695.

FTB200 The title was confirmed by Clement VII A.D. 1524. The letter of this Pope to Henry is in the most flattering strain; e.g.” omnem humanam laudem tua ineredibili virtute inferiorem esse statuamus necesse est;” and the book is declared to have been written “Sancto dictante Spiritu.” On the subject of this title there is a curious essay by Luders, in the Archaeologia, vol. 19. pp. 1-9.—Comp. Words worth, Eccl.

Biog. 2. 476; 3. 209.

FTB201 “Tibi perpetuum et proprium.”—Wilkins, 3. 703.

FTB202 Campeggio, being sent by the Pope into Scotland, A.D. 1535, addressed James V by the title of “Defender of the Faith;” and it appears by a letter in the State Paper Office that Henry remonstrated against this.—Tytler, History Scotland 5. 209.

FTB203 “It was retained even by Philip and Mary, though the statute [of Henry VIII.] itself had been repealed” (Lingard, 6. 105); and “although Pope Julius III in his bull to King Philip and Queen Mary, probably with a view to the revocation of the title by Paul III in his bull against Henry, an. Regni 27, had not thought fit to use it, but addressed them ‘Carissimis in Christo filiis nostris Philippo Regi et Maxim Reginae illustribus.’”—Stephens, Eccl. Statutes, 287.

FTB204 Herbert, 230; Holinsh. 3. 823; Lingard, 6:326.

FTB205 Stow, 583. Comp. Selden, 3. 151, seqq.

FTB206 Dugdale’s Baronage, 1. 194.

FTB207 Sanders, 163; Speed, 793.

FTB208 Ibid.

FTB209 Mary,2. 11.

FTB210 p. 29.

FTB211 3. 214-229, ed. Brewer. Comp. Rymer, Foedera, 15. 110.

FTB212 “sacred,” Edd.

FTB213 Fuller inserts “rule.”

FTB214 “promoted us unto,” Fuller, Rymer.

FTB215 Mr. Brewer reads “to lament”!—an error which is not in the old edition of Fuller.

FTB216 “renouncing and abhorring,” F.

FTB217 “and” edd. Heyl.

FTB218 “truth,” edd. Heyl.

FTB219 Inserted from F.R..

FTB220 “dead carcase;” F. R.

FTB221 “noted,” R.

FTB222 “will and ordain,” F.; “do will and ordain,” R.; both omitting “is to.”

FTB223 “halls,” F. ed. Brewer—which varies considerably from the folio; “stattes;’ R.

FTB224 R.

FTB225 “by,” F. ed. Br.

FTB226 “masses,” F. R.

FTB227 “of,” edd. Heyl.

FTB228 “fortune,” edd. Heyl.

FTB229 F.R.

FTB230 “conveying,” edd. Heyl.

FTB231 “or,” F. R.

FTB232 “part of such of them,” F. ed. Br.; “part of such,” R.

FTB233 “to” edd. Heyl.

FTB234 F. R.

FTB235 “or the most part of them, or the most part of such of them as,” R.; “or the most of them, or etc.” F. ed. Br.

FTB236 F. ed. Br. R.

FTB237 “do not keep,” R.

FTB238 “of these realms,” F.; “in this realm,” edd. Heyl.

FTB239 F. ed. Br.

FTB240 F. ed. Br.

FTB241 “performances,” edd. Heyl.

FTB242 Edd. “knight,” “gentleman.”

FTB243 F. ed. Br. R.; “wholly,” F. folio and edd. Heyl.

FTB244 F. ed. Br.

FTB245 “health,” edd. Heyl.

FTB246 F.R.

FTB247 F.R.; “master of our horse,” edd. 1, 2; “great master of our horses,” ed. 3.

FTB248 “or,” R. and B.

FTB249 “for the time,” F. fol. and R.; “for the same time,” F. ed. Br.

FTB250 “bestowed in marriage,” F. ed. Br.

FTB251 F. R.

FTB252 “said,” edd. Heyl.

FTB253 F.R.

FTB254 sect. 27.

FTB255 This has, however, been denied; and there are two questions in the matter: (1) Was the will signed by Henry, or was the signature affixed by means of the stamp used during his last illness? (2) If stamped, was the stamp affixed by the King’s order? . . . Maitland of Lethington asserted, in a letter to Cecil, that when the King’s death was approaching, “some, as well known to you as to me, caused William Clarke” to sign the will with a stamp. This story, brought forward in the most open manner, and said to be grounded on an attestation of Lord Paget in parliament, received no contradiction at the time. And it is confirmed, in so far as regards the fact of the stamping (while it is contradicted in other respects), by a list of instruments stamped in January, drawn up by Clarke himself, and addressed to Henry. He mentions several witnesses, and adds “which testament your majesty delivered then in our sights, with your own hand, to the said Earl of Hertford, as your own deed.”—(State Papers, Henry VIII. 1. 898.) On the other hand, Mr. Hallam and others who have seen the will, inform us that the signature is unlike those which are known to have been made by means of the stamp, and that it is evidently not the impression of any stamp, as there are marks of a pen, and the strokes are tremulously drawn. (See Burnet, 52. 405; Hallam, 1. 284-5; Brewers note in Fuller, 3. 213.) Perhaps the seemingly opposite statements as to the signature may not be irreconcilable. We know that the manner in which deeds were signed during Henry’s last illness was by making a blank impression of the stamp, which was afterwards filled up with ink; may not something of this kind have been done in the case of the will?

May we not suppose that the stamp was applied, perhaps as a guide for the King’s pen, and that his trembling strokes were made in an effort to follow it?

FTB256 The alterations in religion, which immediately followed, made part of the King’s will insignificant. The court did not believe any applications of the living could be serviceable for the dead; and thus the masses, obits, and charities, designed to relieve him in the other world, were dropped, notwithstanding his solemn charge to the contrary. Sanders will have this a judicial misfortune upon King Henry, for defeating the wills of so many founders of chantries and religious houses.”—Collier, 5. 183.

FTB257 Fuller, 3. 231.

FTB258 Edw. Journal, in Burner, 2. 2. 4; Hayward, 275. A full account of Henry’s funeral, from documents in the Heralds’ Office, is printed by Strype, Eccl. Mere. vol. 2. Append. A.

FTB259 March 31.—Robertson, Hist. of Charles V. 2. 293, ed. Oxford, 1825; Thuan. Hist. 1. in. e. 6. (t. i.p. 105).

FTB260 Edw. 1. 17.

FTB261 Although Henry’s death took place at 2 A.M. on January 28, it was not publicly made known until the 31st.—Tytler, Edw. and Mary,1. 14.

FTB262 Hayward, 275.

FTB263 Stow, 593.

FTB264 Hayward, 275.

FTB265 “Ne quis fieret curator, ad quem post pupillorum obitum spectaret haereditas.”—Diog. Laert. in Vita Solonis, p. 38. Author. mhd j ejpitropeu>ein, eijv oJa ej>rcetai, tw~n ojrfanw~n teleuthsa>nton.—Lib. 1. p. 14, ed. Lond. 1664.] FTB266 Stow, 593.

FTB267 The honors of this family were lost by the attainder of Henry de Beaufort, beheaded in 1463. If, as some say, they were restored to his brother, Edmund, they were again lost by his attainder, 1471. Heylyn has overlooked the fact that Edmund, third son of Henry VII, was Duke of Somerset from 1496 to 1499, when he died infans.—Nicolas, Synopsis of the Peerage, 593.

FTB268 Dugdale’s Baronage, 2. 380. The Marquess died without issue, 1571.

FTB269 Heylyn sometimes writes this title L’isle.

FTB270 Dugdale, 2. 218.

FTB271 Dugdale, 2. 383.

FTB272 Extinct, 1677.—Nicolas, Synopsis, 590.

FTB273 Enjoyed by his descendants until 1759.—Nicolas, 679.

FTB274 Edd. “Sussex.” The title became extinct in 1779.—Nicolas, 694.

FTB275 His representative was created Duke of Buckingham in 1703; the titles became extinct in 1735.—Nicolas, 450.

FTB276 It is remarkable that, of the eight peerages here mentioned as created on the accession of Edward, that of Somerset is the only one which now remains; and it, as has been already mentioned, (p. 5), has (1) been forfeited in 1551-2; (2) been restored in 1660; and (3) passed from the younger to the elder branch of the family in 1750.

FTB277 “It was ordered in the late King’s will, that all grants, gifts, or FTB278 promises made by him and not perfected, should be executed and performed. To satisfy this clause, Secretary Paget, Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert, were required to declare their knowledge of the King’s intention upon this head;” and the creations and appointments were said to be made in compliance with Henry’s alleged directions.—Collier, 5. 181. Comp. Stow, 594; Hayward, 275.

FTB279 pp. 54-59. The programme of the coronation, signed by the Council, is printed by Burnet, 1. 2. 135. An account of it, from MSS. in the C.

C. C. C. Library, is in Strype’s Cranmer, 142-5.

FTB280 Mills, 57.

FTB281 Stow, 594; Hayward, 276.

FTB282 Sup. p. 19.

FTB283 This is a mistake (perhaps not unintentional), for De Nugutiis, the form by which the Bishop’s name, De Ghinucci, is latinised in Godwin, De Proesulibus. He had been much employed in diplomatic affairs by Henry, who, in a letter printed by Collier, 9. 101, of date A.D. 1532, requests that a Cardinal’s hat might be conferred on him, and refers to a former application of the same purport. He was deprived of his bishopric by an act of 25 Henry (1534), on the ground of being an alien and non-resident: Cardinal Campeggio being by the same act deprived of Salisbury. Heylyn’s statement as to Pates is taken from Godwin De Proesul. 470; but it would rather seem that the King at once filled up the see with Latimer, and that Pates was nominated by the Pope on the death of Ghinucci, which took place soon after. Pates was attainted in 1542.—See Burnet, 2. 650; Jewel, ed. Jelf, 6. 219.

FTB284 Fisher. See Mary, Introd. section 15.

FTB285 Fortescue was probably a Devonshire gentleman, connected with the party of the Poles. A Sir Adrian Fortescue was attainted with the Countess of Salisbury, 1539, and beheaded in that year.—Stow, 576-7.

A Fortescue was also implicated in a conspiracy in the Pole interest under Elizabeth.—Elizabeth 4. 14. Throgmorton may possibly have been the same who, in the next reign, rose against the Spanish match.

One of the name also figured in Dudley’s conspiracy (Mary, in. 34).

Thus the Throgmortons appear to have been in the interest of the Courtenay family, who were at this time obnoxious to the government of Edward, as afterwards their name was used in opposition to that of Mary.

FTB286 Fox reports that Sir Antony Browne, as a friend of Gardiner, remarked on the omission of the Bishop’s name, professing to suppose it accidental.—“‘Hold your peace,’ quoth the king,’ I remembered him well enough, and of good purpose have left him out; for surely if he were in my testament, and one of you, he would cumber you all, and you should never rule him, he is of so troublesome a nature.’” Fox,2. 647, ed. 1631.

FTB287 Hayward, 276. The seal was committed to Paulet for one stated term after another—this being the only instance of the kind.—Campbell’s Lives of the Chancellors, 2. 4.

FTB288 Fox,5. 704; Fuller, 4. 8.

FTB289 Fuller, 4. 9.

FTB290 Sup. p. 11.

FTB291 Burnet, 2. 2. 149.

FTB292 Holinshed, 3. 867; Cranmer, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 505. On the authorship of the Homilies, see Jenkyns, Cranmer, Pref. 46. and 1. 121,138. The Homilies on Salvation, Faith, and Good Works, are confidently ascribed to Cranmer. Those on the Fear of Death and on the Reading of Scripture have also been supposed to be his. That on the Misery of Mankind, sometimes attributed to Cranmer, appears in Bonner’s volume of Homilies, A.D. 1555, with the name of “Jo. Harpesfield” attached to it. (Note on Cranmer, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 129.) Dr Wordsworth (Eccl. Biog. 3. 188) supposes, from the internal evidence, that Latimer was the author of the Sermon against Strife and Contention.

That on Adultery is by Becon, among whose works it is printed.

FTB293 The pretext for his deprivation is misstated by Heylyn. Wriothesley, intending to devote himself to politics, had signed a commission by which his judicial functions were delegated to certain persons. This was pronounced illegal by the judges, and became a ground for the council’s proceedings against him.—Burnet, 2. 31, and 2. 139; Campbell, 1. 607.

FTB294 Stow, 594.

FTB295 Fox,5. 706. They have been frequently reprinted—as in Sparrow’s Collection, Wilkins’ Concilia, and Cardwell’s Documentary Annals.

FTB296 Fuller, 4. 10-18.

FTB297 “largest.”

FTB298 i.e. that the clergy shall not admit to preach within their cures any but such as shall appear unto them to be sufficiently licensed by the King, the Protector, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, within his province, or the Bishop of the Diocese.

FTB299 “Lighting of candles, kissing, kneeling, decking of the same images, or any such superstition.”

FTB300 Edd. “singeth a psalm.” The error is copied from Fuller, whose latest editor, Mr. Brewer, has retained it.

FTB301 The chapter at evensong was to be from the Old Testament.

FTB302 The order for reading chapters in English applied to Sundays and holy-days. Every Sunday belonged to one or other of the classes of days for which nine lessons are appointed (Gavanti Thes. Sacrorum Rituum, 2. 24-26, ed. Aug. Vind. 1763); and the omission of a part of the service was intended to make way for the newly-introduced reading of Scripture in English. Heylyn (like Fuller who preceded him, and Collier who follows him) is unfortunate in the interpretation of the word memories. “Commemorationes,” says Merati, “sunt duplicis generis, nempe speciales et communes. Speciales consistunt in his antiphonis, versibus, et orationibus, quae ratione alterius festi aut officii occurrentis, vel concurrentis, orationi festi aut diei currentis sunt superaddendae. Communes (quae alto nomine Suffragia Sanctorum, a majori illorum parte desumpta denominatione dicuntur,) sunt illae quae, una cum suis antiphonis et versibus, exstant in Psalterio post vesperas Sabbati; fiuntque in fine vesperarum et laudum post orationem officii currentis, et post antedictas commemorationes speciales, si quae fieri debent, etc.” (Gay. Thes. 2. 73.) The language of the injunction would seem to apply to the special commemorations (when there were such), as well as to the suffragia sanctorum.

FTB303 The Order against leaving the Church applies to the time of the mass, the sermon, and the scriptural reading, as well as to that of the litany.

The bell which was allowed was one “in convenient time to be rung or knolled before the sermon.” See Harrison’s “Historical Inquiry into the Rubric,” p. 46; and L’Estrange’s Alliance, p. 238, ed. Anglocath. Lib.

Oxf. 1846.

FTB304 See below, sect. 13.

FTB305 This clause belongs to No. 28.

FTB306 For information on the history of Preachers, see Harrison on the Rubric, ch. 1; Hawels, “Sketches of the Reformation,” ch. 5.

FTB307 Edd. “condemn.”

FTB308 The object of this order appears to be that the Priest may not be drawn away “upon the holy-days” by such more private duties from attending to “the common administration of the whole parish.”

FTB309 “And all those which have knowledge of the Latin tongue, shall pray upon none other Latin primer, but upon that which is likewise set forth by the said authority.”—Wilkins, 4. 8. On the history of Primers, see the Introduction to Maskell’s Monumenta Ritualia, vol. 2.

FTB310 “The grammar usually known by the name of ‘Lilfs,’ but the different parts of which appear to have been derived from such emi nent contributors as Wolsey, Colet, Lily, and Erasmus.”—Note in Cardw.

Doc. Ann. 1. 20. Cf. Fuller, Appeal, p. 455.

FTB311 Acts and Mon. fol. 1182. Author. [= Vol. 5. p. 713.] FTB312 This form was part of the general Injunctions.—Fuller, 4. 17. On the history of Bidding Prayer, see Heylyn’s Ecclesia Vindicata (Tracts, fol.

Lond. 1681); Pamphlets by Hilliard (1715), and Whetley (1718, reprinted 1845); Cox’s “Forms of Bidding Prayer;” “How shall we conform to the Liturgy?” by the editor of this work, second edition, pp. 173-185; Harrison’s “Inquiry into the Rubric,” pp. 190-228.

FTB313 Edd. Heyl. “his.”

FTB314 Antiqu. Jud. Lib. 10:cap. 4 [r. 5]. Author.

FTB315 By Fuller, in his History, 4. 19. Fuller had since the date of that work been convinced by the argument of Heylyn’s Examen, pp. 115-117. (Appeal of Injured Innocence, 485.)

FTB316 See E. V. Neale on Feasts and Fasts, Lond. 1845. p. 186.

FTB317 It will be remembered that Heylyn had been engaged in controversy against the Puritan views of the Sabbath. He recurs to this subject in his Life of Laud, p. 16. Collier, after quoting the argument in the text, observes, “But whether these permissions of the State do not indulge too far; whether they are to be reconciled with the customs and constitutions of the Church, or not—is another question, of which no more at present.”—5. 202.

FTB318 See note 4, p. 71.

FTB319 Stow, 594.

FTB320 Stow, 594. Comp. Strype, Cranmer, B. 2. c. 7, and Append. No. 39.

FTB321 Stow, ib.

FTB322 ib. Haweis, Sketches of the Reformation, 250. Glasier had been Cranmer’s commissary at Calais. In the next reign, be appears on a commission from Cardinal Pole for the trial of persons charged with heresy.—Collier, 6. 181.

FTB323 Wilkins, 4. 20; Cardw. 1. 30 (where see the editor’s note.)

FTB324 This maxim is printed as a quotation in the old editions.

FTB325 “Henry, it is said, on his death-bed, had earnestly recommended the prosecution of the war with that country, under the mistaken idea that the Scots would be compelled at the point of the sword to fulfill the treaty of marriage.”—Tytler, Hist. Scotl. 6. 11.

FTB326 Hayward, 277-8.

FTB327 March 31.

FTB328 Stow, 594. The title of “Lord elect of Rochester” is prematurely given, as the conge d’e1ire was not issued until August 1.—Life of Ridley, in his Works, ed. Park. Soc. p. 5.

FTB329 Stow, 595; Fox. 6. 78. Gardiner’s Letter to Sir J. Godsalve, on the Injunctions, is printed by Burner, 2 2. 163. Part of his letter to the Protector on the same subject, ib. 165. A very long correspondence, in Fox. 6. 24, seqq.

FTB330 Fox,5. 742.

FTB331 For an account of Polydore Vergil, see Fuller, 3. 101; Strype, Eccl.

Mere. 2. 282.

FTB332 Edd. Heyl. “register.”

FTB333 Fox,5. 744; Wilkins, 4. 10.

FTB334 Sept. 11.—Stow, 594.

FTB335 ib.

FTB336 Stow, 595.

FTB337 Or Bellasis—Archdeacon in 1543, died 1553. Le Neve, Fasti, p. 42.

FTB338 Le Neve does not mention Bourne as having held either of these archdeaconries. He was archdeacon of Bedford. See Kennett’s note on Wood’s Athenae, ed. Bliss, 2. 805, 4to.

FTB339 Britains,” Hayward.

FTB340 Hayward, 278-9.

FTB341 i.e. the Pevensey.—Tytler, Hist. Scotl. 6. 12. Edward in his Journal (Burnet, 2. 2. 5) calls it the Paunsie.

FTB343 279.

FTB343 August 27.—Tytler, Hist. Scotl. 6. 19; Hayward, 279. I have not thought it necessary to mention the discrepancies which are found here and elsewhere between various statements as to the amount of forces.

FTB344 Lord Grey of Wilton. 4 September 2.—Tytler, 6. 20.

FTB345 Edd. Heyl. “Peuthes.” “A valley stretching towards the sea, six miles in length, about twenty score [paces] in breadth above, and five score in the bottom, wherein runs a little river. The banks are so steep on either side, that the passage is not direct, but by paths leading slopewise; which being many, the place is thereupon called the Peathes [i.e. paths.]”—Hayward, 281. Comp. Tytler, 6. 20. Heylyn is evidently mistaken in supposing the measurements “above” and “in the bottom” to relate to the opposite ends of the defile.

FTB346 Arran had been engaged in contests which prevented earlier preparations against the English invasion; and a great number of the Scottish nobles and gentry were known to be expressly bound to the English interest.— Tytler, 6. 16-21.

FTB347 Lesley, 462; Hayward, 281. The “Lady of the Lake” has rendered the fiery cross familiar to modern readers. Mr. Tytler observes that the occasion in the text is the earliest on which it is mentioned as having been employed in the lowlands. (6. 20.) It would seem, from his speaking of it as “advanced in the field,” that Heylyn supposed the cross to have been used as a standard; a view which he may have derived from Speed, who, after giving the usual account of it, adds: “Yet there be that say it was a painted red cross, set up for certain days in the field of that barony whereunto the aid should come.” (p. 830.)

FTB348 September 9. There had already been a partial engagement, in which the Scots lost 1300 men—almost the whole of their cavalry.— Hayward, 282; Tytler, 6. 22-3.

FTB349 Hayward, 282-3.

FTB350 This letter is from Godwin’s Annals, 125. Hayward (283) gives it in an abridged form.

FTB351 Edd. Heyl. “head.”

FTB352 Edd. Heyl. insert “to.”

FTB353 Edd. Heyl. “contentions.”

FTB354 Hayward, 283.

FTB355 “A lively, aged gentleman, no less settled in experience than in years.”—Hayward, 280.

FTB356 Hayward, 284.

FTB357 Ibid.

FTB358 Hayward calls this young nobleman “the Master of Grime.” His father was Earl of Montrose—the earldom having been conferred in 1505.

FTB359 It was on the morning of the same day that this movement (related in the preceding paragraph) was made.

FTB360 Of the inferior sort, about 10,000, and, as some say, 14,000.”

Hayward, 286. King Edward says “ten thousand,” besides “of lairds, a thousand.”— Journal, in Burnet, 2. 2. 6.

FTB361 Hayward, 286.

FTB362 “These made a band of three or four thousand, as it was said; but they were not altogether so many.”—Hayward, 286.

FTB363 Hayward, 287. The Protector’s retreat appears to have been caused by intelligence of plots against him in England.—Burnet. 2 2. 112; Robertson, Hist. Scotl. 1. 101; Tytler, 6. 34.

FTB364 Godwin, Annals, 127.

FTB365 Annals, 595.

FTB366 In Kennett it is printed “September,” p. 286.

FTB367 Hall, 563; Stow, 494; Speed, 768; Tytler, Hist. Scotl. 5. 62.

FTB368 Hayward, 288. The cheapness of the victory is certainly somewhat exaggerated. Hume says, that “there fell not two hundred of the English.”—4. 268. Tytler represents about that number of cavalry as unhorsed and killed in the charge on the pikemen.—6. 30. The English infantry were not concerned in the affair, until the rout of the enemy had begun.

FTB369 Stow, 595.

FTB370 Edw. VI. c. 12.

FTB371 5 Richard II. c. 5; 2 Henry IV. c. 15; 2 Henry V. c. 7.

FTB372 25 Henry VIII. c. 14. “An Act for the Punishment of Heresy.”

FTB373 Hall, 828; Fox,5. 262. See above, p. 21.

FTB374 Edd. “9.”

FTB375 “But here this learned historian is something mistaken. For, notwithstanding the statutes against Lollardy and unsound opinions were hulled, the rigors of the common law were still in force. Now, by the common law, as the learned Fitzherbert affirms, the punishment of heresy was burning. And of executions of this kind, we shall have several instances in this reign.”—Collier, 5. 225.

FTB376 “Ubi et sentire quae velis, et quae velis loqui, liceat.”—Tacit. Hist.

Lib. 1. Author. [The words are “rara temporum felicitate, ubi sentire quae velis, et quae sentias dicere, liceat.”—1. 1.] FTB377 This is mentioned by Ridley in his examination at Oxford.—Fox, 7. 523.

FTB378 Inserted from the Act.

FTB379 “to,” edd. 1. 2.

FTB380 Works, 1. 211, ed. Parker Soc.; 1. 352, ed. Jell.

FTB381 “Imbecillity’ edd. Heyl.

FTB382 “The Ichthyophagi are doubtless meant.—Arrian. Lib. Hist. Ind. cap. 29. Strabon. Geogr. Lib. 15.” Note by the Revelation J. Ayre, editor of Jewel for the Parker Society.

FTB383 Jewel,1. 222, ed. Park. Soc.; 1. 372, ed. Jell.

FTB384 1. 220, 253, ed. Park. Soc.; 1. 368, 425, ed. Jell.

FTB385 “Appellatur calix communionum; quia omnes communicant ex illo.”— Haymo in 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. Author. [This seems to be an inaccurate quotation of a passage in the commentary on the 10th chapter. “Appellatur et ipse calix communicatio, quasi participatio; quia omnes communicant ex Rio, partemque sumunt ex sanguine Domini quem continet in se.”—Haymo in D. Pauli Epistolas, Argentin. 1519, fol. 62.] FTB386 See Jewel, ed. Park. Soc. 1. 261—where the other passages quoted in this section are also given. The editions of Heylyn read “Antonius” and “966.”

FTB387 “In quibusdam Ecelesiis provide observatur ut populo Sanguis non detur.”—Sect. 3. qu. 80. Art. 11. Jr. 12.] Author. [From the language of a provincial Synod, held at Lambeth, A.D. 1281, Collier shews that the practice of communicating in one kind was at that time beginning to gain ground, but only as yet in parish churches.—2. 578.] FTB388 c. 4. Sup. p. 25. The old editions wrongly read “27th.”

FTB389 1 Edward VI. c. 14.

FTB390 Herbert, 218.

FTB391 “Archbishop Cranmer, in his dissent, acted upon the hopes he had, that if such institutions could be saved out of lay hands till the king was of age, he might be persuaded to convert them to the bettering of the condition of the poor parochial clergy, who were now disappointed of all hopes of being bettered by other means, when they saw the impropriations conveyed apace into lay hands.”—2 Burn,45 . . . [Comp. Collier, 5. 233.] “Mr. Boyle, in his Treatise upon Charities, (262,) observes: ‘To characterize this Act as one which gave all property, appropriated to any of the superstitious uses reached by it, to the king for his own benefit, is manifestly to misrepresent its policy and operation. . . . It appears to have been the intention of parliament to provide for certain objects, as being the most urgent, through the medium of a commission, and to leave the rest to the discretion and disposal of the king. . . . The king, therefore, though he took all the property not exhausted by [purposes mentioned in the Act], took it, not for his own benefit, but as a trustee, notwithstanding he could not be made responsible for its due application to any earthly tribunal.’”— Stephens, Eccl. Statutes, 1. 294.

FTB392 Fuller, 3. 469.

FTB393 Fuller, 3. 468.

FTB394 A.D. 1545.

FTB395 Edd. “Cromer,” here and below.

FTB396 Fox,2. 572, ed. 1631.

FTB397 “By these letters patent it is clear, that the episcopal function was acknowledged to be of Divine appointment, and that the person was no other way named by the king than as lay patrons present to livings; only the bishop was legally authorized, in such a part of the king’s dominions, to execute that function which was to be derived to him by imposition of hands. Therefore here was no pretense for denying that such persons were true bishops, and for saying, as some have done, that they were not from Christ, but from the king.” — Burnet, 2. 448.

Compare, however, the remarks of Collier, 5. 180.

FTB398 Although Sanders (p. 191) is correct in stating that such commissions were issued, he has greatly misrepresented the matter; for these instruments were not invented in this reign, but under Henry VIII, from whom they were taken by all the bishops—Bonner included; and they were discontinued soon after the beginning of Edward’s reign.— Burnet, 2. 11. Compare Wharton’s Spec. of Errors, p. 52; Palmer on the Church, 1st ed. 1. 470.

FTB399 Burner argues against this supposition.ram 309.

FTB400 Mason, de Ministerio Anglicano, L. Iv. c. 8, pp. 466-7.

FTB401 lb. c. 12.

FTB402 lb. c. 11.

FTB403 Ib. p. 495. Gregory VII declared lay investitures to be idolatry and simony.—Platina de Vitis Pontificum 175. Comp. Inett, Origines Anglicanae, 2. 98-9.

FTB404 Matthew Paris. in Henry III, an. 1245. Author. [The consecration is related at p. 661, ed. Lond. 1640; where it is said—“Et sic regis et regni ipsius, regis peccatis exigentibus, dignitas vacillabat.”] FTB405 Ut magis ei tenerentur obligati, et, contempto Rege, fierent in damnum regni promptiores, p. 192. Author. [This reference does not agree with the edition just quoted].

FTB406 After a considerable search, and after having called in the assistance of a friend far more conversant with such inquiries than myself, I am unable to verify this statement. Thomassin, in giving a view of the history of appointments to bishoprics in England, says: “Si quid memorandum occurrisset sub Edvardo I., non sane id in praeteritis reliquisset Valsinghamus.”—Vet. et nova Eccl. Disciplina; De Beneft 2. 2. 34. 12. (t. 5. p. 215. ed. Magont. 1787.) Perhaps Heylyn may have had in his mind the act of 9 Edward II. c. 14—which, however, was not an agreement with the Pope, but a statute redressing certain grievances which had been represented by the clergy. It is desired in the Articuli Cleri “that the electors may freely make their election, without fear of any power temporal ;” and the answer is, “They shall be made free, according to the form of statutes and ordinances.”—(See Gibson, Codex, 200.) This Coke in his Institutes seems to regard as nothing more than a declaration that the statute of Westminster, 3 Edward 1. c. v., by which elections in general had been made free, was to be interpreted as applying to ecclesiastical elections, as well as others; but Brainhall interprets it as prescribing “that elections be made free, so as the King’s conge d’elire be first obtained, and afterward the election be made good by the royal assent and confirmation.” (1. 146, ed. Anglocath. Lib.) The editor remarks that the “form” mentioned in the Act is “determined to the conditions mentioned in the text [of Brainhall] by the charter of King John in 1214.” That charter, indeed, (ap. Collier, 9. 33) makes the conge d’elire insignificant—“quam non denegabimus nec differemus; et si forte, (quod absit), denegaremus vel differremus, procedant nihilominus electores ad electionem canonicam faciendam;” but it establishes the royal approbation of the election as indispensable—only promising that it shall not be refused, “nisi aliquid rationabile proposuerimus, et legitime probaverimus, propter quod non debeamus consentire.” The practice of England, and of “most Christian countries,” had anciently been such as is described in the text.—Lingard, 3. 15.

FTB407 “Quas Ecclesias dicti progenitores nostri dudum, singulis vacationibus earundem, personis idoneis, jure suo regio, libere conferebant.”—Apud Mason De Minist. Anglic. lib. 4. cap. 13. p. 497. [ed. Lond. 1638.] Author.

FTB408 Mason, 1. 4. c. 4. pp. 490-2.

FTB409 Fougasse’s “History of the magnificent State of Venice, Englished by W. Shute, Gent.” Lond. 1612.

FTB410 I Mar. Sess. 2. cap. 2. The present exemption of the Church from the operation of the Act of I Edward VI, however, does not depend on the Act of Mary, which was repealed by 1 Jac. c. 25. sect. 48. It was urged, in the fourth year of James I, that by that repeal the Act of Edward was revived; but the Judges decided that the statute Elizabeth c. 1., by reviving the statute 25 Henry VIII. c. 20, reestablished the ancient method of election and confirmation, and so repealed the Act of I Edward VI.—Gibson, Codex, 132, 967; Burner, n. 449; Collier, 5. 230.

FTB411 The see of Lincoln was not vacant until some time after the death of Henry, as Bp. Longland lived until May 7, 1547. N. in Godwin, de Praesul. 300. It would appear, however, that his death had been expected, and that the promotions of Holbeach and Ridley were intended to follow on its taking place.—Ridley, ed. Park. Soc. Pref. p. v.

FTB412 The same date is given by Bp. Godwin, de Praesul. 537; but his editor states, on the authority of Cranmer’s Register, that the consecration took place on September 4. The conge d’elire in favor of Holbeck (or Holbeach) was issued on the 1st of August; he was elected on the 9th, and confirmed on the 20th.—Godw. p. 700.

FTB413 Fox,7. 523.

FTB414 Fox,8. 57. The reference in the old editions is blank.

FTB415 Godwin, de Praesulibus, 642.

FTB416 Barlow probably had much to say on this subject, from his old acquaintance with Scotland. See above, p. 40.

FTB417 “Vigore literature patentium Edwardi Sexti, February 3, 1548, de advisamento Ducis Somersetensis, (Rym. Tom. 15. p. 169.) In cujus gratiam opulenta quaedam maneria ab hac sede divulsa sunt eodem anno; necnon palatium episcopale in civitate Wellensi.”—Godwin, de Praesul. 388.

FTB418 The first meaning of this word is “The seigniory or possessions of a duke.”—Johnson.

FTB419 The letter (Wilkins, 4. 23) is dated Jan. 27—which was the last day of Edward’s first year.

FTB420 See Mary,1. 20.

FTB421 Fox,5. 716; Wilkins, 4. 30.

FTB422 “Censes,” Edd. Heyl.

FTB423 “Go on on,” Edd. Heyl.

FTB424 “Parts,” Edd. Heyl.

FTB425 “Image,” Edd. Heyl.

FTB426 Fox (v. 717) and Heylyn read “11th.” Burnet in his History (2. 123) says “the eleventh,” but in his copy of the document, “21st,” (2. 2. 189.)

FTB427 There must be some mistake here, since the real date of the order above given was Feb. 21, and Cranmer’s letter, communicating it, is dated February 24.—Wilkins, 4. 23. Comp. Fox,5. 718, and the Editor’s note.

FTB428 Fox,6. 26-7.

FTB429 Hayward, 292.

FTB430 July 7, 1548. Stow, 596.

FTB431 p. 80.

FTB432 Gardiner’s letter is printed by Fox,2. 717, ed. 1631. The proclamation, of date January 16, is in Wilkins, 4. 20. There was also a proclamation issued February 6, “against those that do innovate, alter, or leave down any rite or ceremony in the Church, of their private authority.”—Ib. 21.

FTB433 Stow.

FTB434 The clause “Being . . . reformation,” appears to belong rather to the second, than to the first sentence of this paragraph; and the punctuation is now altered accordingly.

FTB435 Fox,7. 46.

FTB436 Herbert, 220. Latimer stated in 1546, that he “left his bishopric, being borne in hand by the Lord Cromwell, that it was his Majesty’s pleasure he should resign it; which his Majesty after denied, and pitied his condition.”—Lingard, 6. 294, from State Pap. 1. 849. Sanders, after stating, (as falsely as is usual with him), that Latimer was turned out of his bishopric by Henry VIII because he was suspected of heresy, and had eaten flesh on Good Friday, proceeds to describe him as follows, (p. 193): “Homo spiritu et sermone plane Lucianico; qui jocis, salibus, ac linguae petulantia, (qua omnes illius temporis sectarios facile superabat), vulgus imperitum multum dementaverat, ac ita fascinaverat, ut passim eum primum Anglorum Apostolum vocaverint.”

FTB437 He is said to have been in the Tower until the accession of Edward.— Works, p. 12. ed. Park. Soc.

FTB438 i.e. of preaching; for he did not resume his episcopal charge.

FTB439 Stow, 595.

FTB440 Ibid.

FTB441 Sup. p. 99.

FTB442 Edd. “Ridley.”

FTB443 Fuller, 4. 27. “To this list Burner adds the Archbishop of York and the Bishops of London, Durham, Worcester, Norwich, St. Asaph, Salisbury, Coventry and Lichfield, Carlisle, Bristol, and St. David’s; and this larger number is approved by Collier (2. 243, = 5. 246) on the authority of some papers belonging to Bp. Stillingfleet. It is not improbable that the larger number was appointed in the first instance, in the year 1547, when the Order of the Communion was to be drawn up, and was afterwards reduced to the commission mentioned by Strype [Fuller, and Heylyn] when the object was to compose a Book of Common Prayer.”—Cardwell, Liturgies of Edward VI, Pref. p. 11.

Comp. Tierney’s note on Dodd, 2. 291.

FTB444 Edd. “address.”

FTB445 It is reprinted in Sparrow’s Collection, L’Estrange’s Alliance, Wilkins’ Concilia, Cardwell’s Liturgies, Clay on the Common Prayer, and the Parker Society’s edition of K. Edward’s Liturgies. The last of these has been followed in the corrections.

FTB446 Edd. 1, 2. “henceforth.”

FTB447 “ is the,” inserted in Heylyn.

FTB448 Edd. Heyl. “endeavored.” Cardw. Liturg. p. 426, “intended.”

FTB449 Ed. Heyl. “mistake.”

FTB450 Edd. Heyl. “would.”

FTB451 Wilkins, 4:11.

FTB452 Fox,5. 719.

FTB453 “So that now no Bishop, except the Archbishop of Canterbury, might license any to preach in his own diocese, nay, nor might preach himself without license; so have I seen licenses to preach granted to the Bishop of Exeter, ann. 1551, and to the Bishops of Lincoln and Chichester, ann. 1552.”—Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 90. Strype does not, however, print the proclamation of April 24. For other orders as to preachers, see Strype, Eccl. Mere. 2. app. O; Burnet, 2. 2. 189; Cardwell, Doc.

Ann. Vol. 1. Nos. 7. 11. 13; also below, sect. 18.

FTB454 Stow, 595. The commission is printed by Burnet, 2. 2. 216.

FTB455 Sup. p. 102.

FTB456 Stow’s Survey of London, 523.

FTB457 Ib. 524. The reader is aware that St. Stephen’s chapel, with other buildings, was destroyed by fire in 1834.

FTB458 32 Henry VIII. c. 12. A.D. 1541.

FTB459 Probably son of Sir Henry Keeble, Lord Mayor in 1511, who was very munificent in contributing towards church-building. See Stow’s Survey, 89, 577; Fuller’s Worthies, 1. 31. ed. 1811.

FTB460 Stow, Survey, 330.

FTB461 See Stow’s Survey, 917, seqq. for the privileges of the place.

FTB462 Edd. “soil.”

FTB463 For documents relating to the spoliation of Westminster, and the dissolution of the Bishopric, see Monast. Anglic. 1. 321, seqq.

FTB464 Vol. 1. pp. 122-3, ed. Park. Soc. The Act I Edward VI. c. 14. directed that the chantry-priests should be pensioned out of the revenues of the foundations to which they had been attached (sect. 2.); but the pension was to cease on the promotion of the priest to a benefice of greater value, (sect. 16.)

FTB465 Ib. 1. 203. “The patron, when presenting to a benefice, reserved to himself and heirs a certain portion of the income of the living. The granting of pensions out of rectories was also a practice of long standing.—Pegge, Life of Grosseteste, p. 77.” Note on Latimer, by Prof. Corrie.

FTB466 “What do you, patrons? Sell your benefices, or give them to your servants for their service, for keeping of hounds or hawks, for making of your gardens.”—1. 290.

FTB467 2. 24,37. It is, however, only the last words that are found in either of these passages, and Latimer’s attack is in both directed against the clergy, because while “they have the living of fishers of men,” they prefer secular occupations.

FTB468 The poverty, even of the highest order among the clergy, appears from a letter of Cranmer to Cecil, July 21, 1552. “As for the saying of St. Paul, ‘Qui volunt dotescere, incidunt in tentationem,’ I fear it not half so much as I do stark beggary. For I took not half so much care for my living, when I was a scholar of Cambridge, as I do at this present . . . and if I knew any Bishops that were covetous, I would surely admonish him; but I know none, but all beggars, except it be one [Holgate, Abp. of York]; and yet I dare well say he is not very rich.”— Cranm. Works, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 437.

FTB469 Andrew de Montalembert, Sieur d’Esse. The whole force is said by Tytler to have amounted to 6000 men, and landed at Leith, June 16.— Hist. Scotl. 6. 44. Comp. Lesley, 468. There are other discrepancies between the Scotch and the English writers in estimating the forces on each side.

FTB470 Stow, 595.

FTB471 Hayward, 291.

FTB472 Stow, 596; Lesl. 481; Godw. 129.

FTB473 Sup. p. 91.

FTB474 Godwin, Ann. 128. Comp. Sleidan, b. 20. p. 454.

FTB475 Heylyn is mistaken in connecting the removal of the young Queen with the return of the foreign auxiliaries to France. It was effected while the siege of Haddington was in progress; and she arrived at Brest on the 13th of August.—Tytler, 6. 45; Godwin, 128-9; Lesley, 470.

FTB476 On the contrary, they had received from France a reinforcement of 1000 foot and 300 horse.— ytler, 6. 469. Holinshed, 3. 985, states that Thermes arrived before D’Esse’s departure.

FTB477 Hayward, 291. Comp. Lesley, 476; Godw. 129.

FTB478 Godwin, 129.

FTB479 Sup. p. 83.

FTB480 Fox,6. 30.

FTB481 Ib. 36.

FTB482 The Protector’s letter of admonition, dated June 28, is printed by Fox,6. 86; Wilkins, 4. 28.

FTB483 “In his sermon (of which I have seen large notes) he expressed himself very fully concerning the Pope’s supremacy as justly abolished, and the suppression of monasteries and chantries; he approved of the King’s proceedings; he thought images might have been well used, but yet they might be well taken away. He approved of the sacrament in both kinds, and the taking away that great number of masses satisfactory, and liked well the new order for the communion. But he asserted largely the presence of Christ’s flesh and blood in the sacrament . . . Of the King’s authority under age, and of the power of the council in that case, he said not a word: and upon that he was imprisoned. The occasion of this was, the popish clergy began generally to have it spread among them, that, though they had acknowledged the King’s supremacy, yet they had never owned the council’s supremacy; that the council could only see to the execution of the laws and orders that had been made, but could not make new ones; and that therefore the supremacy could not be exercised, till the King, in whose person it was vested, came to be of age to consider of matters himself.”— Burnet, 2. 70. Edward in his journal dates the commital of Gardiner to the Tower on St. Peter’s day.—Ib, 2.7. A report of the sermon is given by Fox,6. 87-93.

FTB484 I have endeavored in vain to procure information on the subject of the register here quoted.

FTB485 Sup. p. 123.

FTB486 Fuller, 4. 32-34; Wilkins, 4. 30. Burnet, 2. 167, is disposed to question the genuineness of this document, but apparently without ground.—See Cardwell, Dom Ann. 1:58.

FTB487 “Si quis mei usus fore videbitur, ne decem quidem maria, si opus sit, ob eam rem trajicere pigeat.”—(Calv. Epp. p. 61.) We know from Heylyn’s Hist. of the Presbyterians, (p. 13,) that this passage was the ground of his statement as to Calvin’s offer. He appears to have been ignorant that the letter in which it occurs was written so late as 1552, and in answer to one from Cranmer. (Ed. Jenkyns, 1. 347.) Dr Jenkyns observes, (Pref. 104.) that the story of Cranmer’s refusal is hardly to be reconciled with his letter to Calvin. If the learned editor of Cranmer had been aware of the authority on which Heylyn founded the earlier part of his statement, he would probably not have hesitated to reject the latter part, as a mistaken inference of our author. “Nevertheless,” as Dr. Cardwell observes, (Pref. to Liturgies of Edward, p. 32.) “Calvin’s peculiar opinions were not approved by the leading Reformers in England.”

FTB488 1. 141, ed. Park. Soc.

FTB489 There is a curious passage in a letter of Froschover, (Orig. Letters, p. 725, Park. Soc. 1847). “In this respect the English are, in my opinion, justly worthy of censure, that they are endeavoring to draw away from Germany its men of learning, that they may be able to live at ease themselves; for, if we diligently look into the facts, we shall find that they have men of higher talent for the most part than the Germans”— (“illis ferme praeclariora quam Germanis esse ingenia videbimus.”— Epp. Tigur. 470.)

FTB490 Oct. 2, according to the copies in Bucer, Scripta Anglic. Basil. 1577, p. 191; Cranmer, ed. Jenkyns, 10. 336.

FTB491 Martyr arrived in November 1547—a year earlier than Heylyn Supposes. A Lasco was also in England in October 1548, before the meeting (November 24) of the convocation by which the Liturgy was considered. There is not, however, any ground for supposing that they or other foreigners had any influence on the composition of the Book. — Cardwell, Pref. to Liturgies of Edward VI. p. 12. Comp. Orig.

Letters, 187.

FTB492 See below, Edward 4. 17.

FTB493 These are in general the words of the act.

FTB494 “Sed Richardus Cicestriensis, (ut ipse mihi dixit,) non subscripsit.”— Lib. Petw. Author. [See above, p. 132. note. 1.] FTB495 Act 2 Edward VI. [c. 1.] Author.

FTB496 The argument on this subject is repeated from the “Ecclesia Viadicata,” (Heylyn’s Tracts); the substance of it being originally taken from Jewel against Harding, Art. 3.

FTB497 Bellarm. de Verbo Dei, 1. 2. c. 5. (Opp. 1. 120, ed. Colon. Agr. 1620).

FTB498 Jewel, ed. Park. Soc. 1. 264.

FTB499 Ib 289.

FTB500 Ib. 317, 325.

FTB501 Ib. 289-290.

FTB502 Ib. 289.

FTB503 Ib. 270, where the language in question is called “lingua Sclavonica,” “the Sclavon tongue.”

FTB504 Ib. 290.

FTB505 Ibid.

FTB506 Ib. 268-270.

FTB507 Ib. 291.

FTB508 Ib. with ritum for nationum.

FTB509 See the book called Cyprianus Anglicus, [Heylyn’s Life of Laud, published posthumously] lib. 4. an. 1637. [p. 307, ed. 1671]. Author.

FTB510 On the evils resulting from the equivocal position of clergymen’s wives, see Hawels, Sketches of the Reformation, c. iv.

FTB511 “Courtesy of England. A tenure by which, if a man marry an heritrix, that is, a woman seized of land, and getteth a child of her, that comes alive into the world; though both the child and his wife die forthwith, yet, if he were in possession, shall he keep the land during his life, and is called tenant per legem Angliae, or by the courtesy of England .”— Johnson, (from Cowell).

FTB512 Sarpi, Hist. of Council of Trent, p. 680.

FTB513 Ed. 3, “proceeding.”

FTB514 Jewel, ed. Jell, 4. 577, 610.

FTB515 Ib. 108-109, 584-8. Jewel argues against Harding, that Eupsychius was a Bishop, although in the place where his martyrdom is mentioned he is only styled by Sozomen (v. 11) Eujyu>cion Kaisare>a Kappadokw~n tw~n eujpatridw~n.

FTB516 Jewel,4. 587. Edd. Heyl. read “Phileus.”

FTB517 I have not observed in Jewel any quotation from St. Jerome which is exactly to this effect; but there are several which imply the fact.

FTB518 Jewel,4. 614.

FTB519 For an exposure of this absurd story, (which is not mentioned by Jewel), see Maitland’s Letters on Fox, No. 10.

FTB520 Jewel, 4:617.

FTB521 Ib. 616.

FTB522 Ib. 574.

FTB523 Ib.

FTB524 Ib.

FTB525 lb. Edd. Heyl. read “Antonius.”

FTB526 Ib. 582.

FTB527 Pius II. (AEneas Sylvius). Jewel,4. 616.

FTB528 Ib. 617. FTB529 [Martinus Peiresius]. “Multis piis visum est, ut leges de coelibatu tollerentur propter scandalum [r . scandala].” Author. [Dr Jelf observes that “this is the substance of Peiresius’ observation.”—Note in Jewel,4. 617.] FTB530 The Defense of the Challenge is named by mistake for the Defense of the Apology.—Jewel, ed. Jelf, 4. 543-619.

FTB531 I have not observed this in Jewel; but he quotes another observation of Pius II, that “as marriage was taken away from priests upon great considerations, even so now upon other greater considerations it were to be restored to them again.”—4. 611. The same is given by Platina, (De Vitis Pontificum, 331, ed. Colossians Agr. 1568,) who does not mention the saying in the text.

FTB532 Sup. p. 126.

FTB533 Edd. Heyl. “the.”

FTB534 Edd. here insert a second “shall.”

FTB535 See Neale on Feasts and Fasts, pp. 344, 350-352.

FTB536 Sup. p. 80.

FTB537 De Praesul. 585. (Heylyn sometimes writes the Bishop’s name Farrars.) FTB538 Fox,3. 203, ed. 1631.

FTB539 Bp. of Bath and Wells since 1541.—Godw. 387.

FTB540 See p. 104.

FTB541 Confusion has arisen from neglect of a distinction between the two cases. Farrar was, as is stated in the margin of Cranmer’s Register, (Strype, Cranm. 2. 106, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.) the first Bishop consecrated without capitular election (Sept. 9, 1548.—Ibid. and Richardson’s n. on Godwin, 585); but Barlow had before been translated without election (February 3, 1547-8.—Richardson in Godw. 388.)

FTB542 The information in Fox, in. 203, merely states that he was “consecrated in September, 1547,” without specifying the day of the month.

FTB543 Lib. 1. c. 8. This illustration is borrowed from Godwin’s Annals, p. 132.

FTB544 He had been a suitor to her when widow of Lord Latimer, before her marriage with Henry.—Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 132.

FTB545 Hayward, 301-2. Strype in his notes on Hayward, and Burner (2. 2. 550), say that the story of a quarrel between the wives of the Protector and his brother has no better authority than Sanders, (p. 218). Fox states that they quarreled, “upon what occasion, I know not.”—(6. 283). Speed, that their dispute was “for place and precedency, as report hath divulged.”—(p. 837). Comp. Fuller, ed. Brewer, 4. 76, note; Hallam, Const. Hist. 1. 38, as to the probability of such an origin of the differences between the brothers.

FTB546 “She rubbed into the Duke’s dull capacity, that the Lord Sudely, dissenting from him in opinion of religion, sought nothing more than to take away his life.”—(Hayward, 301). Perhaps Hayward may not have meant to represent the allegation of a difference in religion as true; it certainly was not so.

FTB547 Stow, 596.

FTB548 The daughter died soon after,—Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 130.

FTB549 Godwin, Ann. 132.

FTB550 Sup. p. 11.

FTB551 Stow, Survey, 489.

FTB552 Brought into the House of Lords, February [15, or] 25; passed, February 27; brought into the lower house, February 28; read a third time, March 4; received the royal assent, March 5.—Strype, n. on Hayw. 302; Burnet, n. 204-5.

FTB553 Hayward, 303. The articles against Seimour, with his answers, are printed by Burnet, 2. 2. 223-232.

FTB554 It is dated March 17, and was signed by the Protector, with others of the Council.—(Burnet, 2. 2. 233). See Tytler’s “Edward and Mary,” for Seimour’s guilt, and also for a vindication of the Protector’s fraternal character. He “for natural pity’s sake desired leave to withdraw” from the House of Lords, while the bill of attainder was under consideration.

FTB555 Stow, 596.

FTB556 Gibbon, c. 35. vol. 4. p. 318, ed. Oxf. 1827. Hayward uses the expression of Somerset, but without referring to the case of Valentinian.

FTB557 Hayward, 301. He adds “but somewhat empty of matter.”

FTB558 Stow, Survey, 490.

FTB559 Qu. “unwillingly?”

FTB560 “It is constantly affirmed that he intended to pull down the church of St Margaret in Westminster, and that the standing thereof was preserved only by his fall.”—Hayward, 303.

FTB561 This chapel was originally “builded by Gilbert Becket, portgrave and principal magistrate of this city in the reign of King Stephen, who was there buried. It was rebuilt in the time of Henry V”—Stow, Survey, 354. Gilbert Becket was father of the Archbishop.

FTB562 Stow, Chron. 596; Survey, 354. There is an engraving of the “Dance of Death;’ in Dugdale’s Hist. of St. Paul’s, ed. Ellis.

FTB563 The act I Edward VI. c. 2, appears to be intended. Sup. p. 106.

FTB564 “Finsbury fields.”—Hayw. 303. After this had been done, however, the charnel-house and its chapel were not pulled down, but converted into dwelling-houses and shops.—Stow, Chron. 596.

FTB565 Stow, 596; Hayw. 303.

FTB566 Not in the Preface, but in the Conclusion.—Hooper’s Early Writings, ed. Park. Soc. 421.

FTB567 The name in Stow is Cok, viz. William Cooke, LL.D. as it is in Wilkins, 4. 39.

FTB568 Stow, 596; Wilkins, 4. 39-40; Strype, Cranmer, 2. 92, ed. Eccl. Hist.

Soc. April 27 is given as the date.

FTB569 April 28.

FTB570 For an explanation of this term, see Eliz. 1. 5.

FTB571 See below, Mary,3. ult. For Campneys, see Tanner, Bibliotheca, 164-5.

FTB572 June 9.

FTB573 Fox,5. 722. Comp. Hooper’s letter to Bullinger, December 27, 1549.

Epp. Tigur. 46; Orig. Letters, 72.

FTB574 Edd. Heyl. “name.”

FTB575 Edd. Heyl. “on.”

FTB576 Fox,5. 723; Wilkins, 4. 34.

FTB577 His letter, dated June 26, is in Fox,5. 723, and Wilkins, 4. 35.

FTB578 There had been disturbances on the subject of enclosures as long before as 1521, (Herbert, 40); it is, therefore, a falsehood in Sanders, (220), to represent these “injuries to the people” as having originated after the Reformation.

FTB579 Hayward, 289.

FTB580 Ib. 292.

FTB581 The history of the Devonshire and Norfolk commotions is given in parallel columns by Fuller, 4. 40-50.

FTB582 The inhabitants of Devonshire and Cornwall appear to have been very ready to take alarm. Sir Piers Edgcumbe writes, April 20, 1539, that they were in great excitement about the system of parish-registers, then newly instituted by Cromwell.—State Papers, Henry VIII. 1. 612.

FTB583 Johnson supposes the word, in this sense, to be a corruption of drawl.

FTB584 Hayward, 292-3.

FTB585 Fox,5. 732-4.

FTB586 Hayward, 294.

FTB587 Sic Vowel-Hooker in Holinshed, 3. 958, Speed, and Fuller. “Eviland,” edd. Heylyn; “Eutland,” Hayward, ed. Kennett.

FTB588 Holinsh. 3. 959.

FTB589 Attleborough.—Hayw. 296.

FTB590 Wymondham. Ket was a man of property, and had himself enclosed some land. The insurgents demolished his fences, on which he joined them and became their leader.—Holinsh, 3. 964.

FTB591 Godwin, Ann. 134-5.

FTB592 “Ever since,” says Hayward, 297; and other writers state that the name was given by the rebels.

FTB593 Hayward, 297-8.

FTB594 Tytler (Edward and Mary,1. 193) gives a letter from Warwick, begging that Northampton may be continued in the command, out of regard for his reputation and feelings, and offering to serve either with him or under him.

FTB595 “There died of them 2000, as King Edward took the number; but our histories report more than 3500.”—Hayward, 299.

FTB596 Hayward, 299-300.

FTB597 Stow, 597; Hayw. 300; Fox, 739-40.

FTB598 He had before received a second letter of admonition, dated July 23, and thereupon had issued further orders to the Dean and Chapter of St.

Paul’s.—Fox, 5. 726-7; Wilkins, 4. 35-6.

FTB599 Fox,5. 729.

FTB600 Fox,5. 746.

FTB601 W. Latimer is sometimes called Hugh in the late edition of Fox; an error which does not occur in that of 1631. Hooper was the same who was afterwards Bishop of Gloucester. He had arrived in England, May, 1549.—(Orig. Letters, 64). The information against Bonner is printed in Fox,5. 747.

FTB602 September 8.—Fox, 5. 748; Wilkins, 4. 36. Heylyn has named the Bishop of Peter borough by mistake for Sir W. Petre. A second and more explicit commission was issued to the same persons, September 17. The proceedings lasted seven days, and are reported at great length by FTB603 Fox,5. 750, seqq.

FTB604 October 1—Godw. de Praesul. 191.

FTB605 3 and 4 Edward VI. c. 10.

FTB606 December 25, 1549.—Fox, 6. 3; Wilkins, 4. 37.

FTB607 A letter of Cranmer to his Archdeacon, of date February 24, 1549- 50, embodying the proclamation, is printed by Wilkins, 4. 37.

FTB608 Sup. p. 134. Invitations of later date (February 10, 1549-50, and March 27, 1552) are printed in Cranmer’s Works, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 425. Comp. Laurence, Bampt. Lectures, 33, 198, 201,229.

FTB609 Cranmer, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 423. Oct. 2, 1548.

FTB610 He arrived in November 1547. See above, p. 135, note 2.

FTB611 Sanders (202-3) describes both Bucer and Martyr—especially the latter—as depending on Cranmer for directions as to the doctrines which they should maintain. On similar assertions of Persons, see Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 122. Comp. Strype, Cranm. ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc. 2. 324.

FTB612 Fox,6. 298-305.

FTB613 Qu. “either”?

FTB614 Sanders, 224; Burnet, 2. 2. 553; Strype, Cranm. b. 2. c. 14.

FTB615 A native of Artois, (Strype, Cranm. 2. 144, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.) and “formerly chaplain to Queen Mary, the Emperor’s sister.”—(Hooper, in Orig. Letters, 67). He became a prebendary of Canterbury, and was reinstated in his preferment under Elizabeth.—(Zurich Letters, ed. 2, p. 102. Comp. Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 205).

FTB616 Bucer, Scripta Anglic. 191.

FTB617 “Mediis consiliis vel authorem esse, vel approbatorem.”—Calv.

Epist. ad Bucer. Author. [“Hoc tibi nominatim commendo, ut to invidia liberes, qua to falso gravari apud multos non ignoras; ham mediis consiliis vel auctorem vel approbatorem semper inscribunt.”—Calv.

Epp. p. 49.] FTB618 Mr. Clay, in his preface to the Elizabethan Liturgies, etc. (Parker Soc. 1847. p. 25.) shews that this statement is erroneous. Bucer had no means of becoming acquainted with the English book, except through an oral interpretation; and, although “Aless’s work is printed in Bucer’s Scripta Anglicana [370, seqq.] immediately before the Censura,” yet “this, as the marginal notes will shew, was merely to enable the reader to understand the nature of his remarks.” For an account of Mess, see Wordsworth, Eccl. Biog. 2. 247.

FTB619 Fox,6. 335. It is printed in the Scripta Anglicana.

FTB620 See below, 4. 28, as to the date.

FTB621 Sup. p. 134.

FTB622 Epp. pp. 39. 43. Oct. 22, 1548.

FTB623 “Quod ad formulam precum et rituum ecclesiasticorum, valde probe ut certa illa exstet, a qua pastoribus discedere in functione sua non liceat,” etc.—p. 41, col. 2.

FTB624 “Neque enim me later proferri posse antiquum ritum mentionis defunctorum faciendae, ut eo modo communio fidelium omnium in unum corpus conjunctorum declaretur; sed obstat invictum illud argumentum, nempe coenam Domini rem adeo sacrosanctam esse, ut ullis hominum additamentis earn conspurcare sit nefas.”—p. 42, col. 2.

FTB625 He speaks of these as “non perinde damnanda fortasse, sed tamen ejusmodi ut excusari non possint.”—Ib. “Extrema unctio ab eorum inconsiderato zelo emanavit, qui Apostolos aemulari voluerunt, quum eodem cum ipsis dono non pollerent.”—Ib.

FTB626 “If the sick person desire to be anointed.”—Liturgies of Edward VI ed. Park. Soc. 139-143.

FTB627 “Scio qua consideratione plerique ulterius progressi non sint: quia nempe veriti sunt ut major rerum mutatio ferri non posset, praesertim ubi vicinorum ratio habenda visa est, quibuscum pax fovenda esset connivendo ad plurima. Habeat sane hoc locum in rebus istius vitae, in quibus licet de jure suo tantum remittere, quantum pacis studium et amor requiret. Atqui alia prorsus est ratio regiminis ecclesiae, quod spirituale est, in quo nihil non ad Dei verbum exigi fas est. Non est, inquam, penes ullum mortalem quidquam hic allis dare, aut in illorum gratiam deflectere, quum non alia res Deo magis invisa sit, quam ubi humana nostra prudentia calculum hic suum apponere audet, ut vel moderemur vel rescindamus vel retroferamur, praeter ipsius unius coeleste arbitrium.”—p. 42, col. 2. The words in italics are quoted in the margin by Heylyn.

FTB628 “Vereor ne paucae exstent in regno vivae conciones; major pars autem in modum recitationis decurrat,” etc.—p. 41, col. 2.

FTB629 Buceri Gratulatio ad Eccl. Anglic. “Nacti sumus his diebus eas conciones, quibus populum vestrum ad lectionem D. Scripturarum pie et efficaciter adhortamini, fidemque, qua christiani sumus, justificationem, qua salus nobis omnis constat, et cretera religionis nostrae prima capita, eidem sanctissime explicatis.”—Scripta Anglic. 171.

FTB630 “Nisi mature compositum esset dissidium de cceremoniis.”—p. 98. Author. [These words are from a letter to Bullinger, April 10, 1551, in which Calvin mentions the representations which he had made to the Protector in favor of Hooper. See below, 4. 14; Calv. Epp. p. 60.] FTB631 Stow, 597.

FTB632 Stow, 597; Hayward, 300.

FTB633 Broughty Craig.—Lesley, 481. The captain of this place was Sir John Luttrell.—Stow, 601.

FTB634 Hayward, 291.

FTB635 Polyd. Vergil, Hist. Angl. p. 141, ed. Basil. 1555. Cared. Remains, 241. ed. 1657, FTB636 Sup. p. 69.

FTB637 Heylyn has here given an abstract of the speech which appears in Hayward, 304-5.

FTB638 “Which hath always been a title for one of the King’s sons, inheritable to the crown.”—Hayward. (See above, p. 62.)

FTB639 See Stow, 598.

FTB640 Among Heylyn’s works is enumerated “The Black Cross; shewing that the Londoners were the cause of this present Rebellion,” [against Charles I]—Wood’s Athen. Oxon. 3. 562.

FTB641 This passage of the history is very fully and curiously illustrated by Mr. Tytler, “England under Edward VI and Mary,” vol. 1.

FTB642 Sup. p. 163.

FTB643 Sup. p. 119.

FTB644 Sup. p. 136.

FTB645 Concil. ed. Labbe et Cossart, 2. 1196, seqq. ed. 1671.

FTB646 It bears date, March, 1549-50 FTB647 A.D. 1562.—Cardwell, Synodalia, 1. 71.

FTB648 See below, Elizabeth 8. 2-3. The form named in that act, however, is not that of the third year of King Edward, but that which was authorized by parliament in his fifth and sixth years. The two differ by the omission of some ceremonies in the latter.

FTB649 The provision of the act was for “sixteen persons of the clergy, whereof four to be Bishops, and sixteen persons of the temporalty, whereof four to be learned in the common laws of this realm;” and Collier supposes the small number of Bishops to have been a reason of the protest made by Cranmer and nine other prelates against the passing of the act. —(5. 373). The commission constituted by Edward in 1551, (Journal, February 10, 1551-2), consisted of eight Bishops, eight divines, eight civilians, and a like number of common lawyers.— Comp. Strype, Cranm. 2. 361-2. ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.

FTB650 1534. The act was renewed in 1536 and 1544.—Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer, 109. (See above, p. 39).

FTB651 For Cranmer’s share in it, see Harmer, (Wharton) Specimen of Errors in Burnet, 113; Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer, 110.

FTB652 The commission is printed in Wilkins, 4. 69; Cardwell, Doc. Ann. 1. 95 (where see the editor’s note).

FTB653 Fuller, 4. 105-8. The Reformation was was printed in 1571. See Gibson, Codex, 991*; Burnet, 2. 405; 3. 398.

FTB654 Inserted from the Act.

FTB655 Stow, 601-2, (where the Articles and the Confession are printed); Hayward, 309.

FTB656 Stow, 603; Hayw. 309.

FTB657 Stow, 603.

FTB658 Ibid. Sup. p. 152. Stow, Survey of London, 533, 715, seqq.

Gloucester Ridley, in his life of Ridley, (p. 300) complains of Heylyn’s statement as to the alienation of these manors. They belonged to the see of London, and were given up in consideration of the King’s annexing to London certain estates belonging to the dissolved bishoprick of Westminster.— (Godwin, de Pries. 192; Dugdale, Monast. 1. 322.) Both G. Ridley and Strype (Eccl. Mere. 2. 218) consider that the see gained by the exchange, which was made by the Dean and Chapter during the vacancy—Bp. Ridley, on his appointment, confirming their act.

FTB661 Stow, Survey, p. 489.

FTB662 Browne Willis, Surv. of Cathedrals, 2. 380. See below, 5. 3. It ought not to be forgotten that Paget was in his later days “a strict zealot of the Romish Church.”—Camden, Elizabeth in Kennett, 2. 394.

FTB663 The editor regrets that he is unable to explain this. Perhaps we might read “who held the set,” i.e. who had the game in his own hands.

FTB664 Hayw. 309. Edward in his Journal, and Burner, (2. 293, 2. 15) say the tenth.

FTB665 Edward Journal in Burn. 2. 2. 20.

FTB666 For papers connected with this negotiation, see Burnet, vol. 2.

Records, Nos. 38-40. B. I. part 2. 242-260.

FTB667 Edd. “Guidolti.” He was settled in England as a merchant.—Tytler, Edw. and Mary,1. 256. “The English writers attribute the first employment of Guidotti to the French ministry, the French to the English. ‘Les Anglois, lassez de la guerre, etc., m’ayant fait recherchez d’envoyer mes deputiz.’—Henry apud Ribeir, 2. 287. It is probable that it was so,” from the rewards which the English King bestowed on him.—Lingard, 7. 58. Although all historians mention Guidotti as the negotiator, Mr. Tytler has discovered in the Privy Council Books a reward of 2000 crowns to Gondi, master of the French King’s finances, “because he was the first motioner and procurer of this peace.”— (Edward and Mary,1. 287).

FTB668 Hayward, 310-11.

FTB669 So in Hayward; and the calculation in 7. 1, below, proves it to be right. Edd. Heyl. read “six.”

FTB670 Lauder and Dunglass.

FTB671 Edw. Journal, 14; Stow, 604; Hayw. 312; Lesley, 483.

FTB672 June 7, 1546.—Lingard, 6, 345.

FTB673 Hayw. 313.

FTB674 April 30, 1549.—Srype, Cranmer, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc. 2. 492; Wilkins, 4. 42-3; Burnet, 2. 2. 238.

FTB675 Sup. p. 152.

FTB676 Sanders, 222.

FTB677 “The archbishop was violent, both by persuasions and entreaties; nor many years passed, but this archbishop also felt the smart of the fire; and it may be that by his importunity for blood he did offend; for a good thing is not good, if it be immoderately desired or done.”— Hayward, 272-3. The story of the scene between Edward and Cranmer—which rests originally on the authority of Fox,5. 699—is disproved by Mr. Bruce, (Pref. to R. Hutchinson’s Works, ed. Park.

Soc. 4-5) who shews that the warrant was not signed by Edward, but by the council, who acted without referring the matter to the King.— Comp. Strype, Cranmer, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc. 2. 97.

FTB678 Edward in his Journal (Burnet, 2. 2. 18) mentions the Bishop of Ely with the Bishop of London.

FTB679 August 30, 1551.—Godw. de Praes. 538.

FTB680 Stow, 604.

FTB681 “Chirurgicus, natione Teuthonicus, videlicet de partibus Flandriae.”—Wilkins, 4. 45; Stow, 605.

FTB682 A Lasco had already paid a visit of six months to England, on the invitation of Cranmer, dated July 4, 1548.—(See above, p. 135; Orig.

Letters, p. 16.) His second arrival was on May 13, 1550.—(Orig.

Letters, 187, 560.)

FTB683 The motive is stated in Edward’s Journal to have been “for avoiding of all sects of Anabaptists and such like.”—(Burnet, 2. 2. 24.)

FTB684 Lord St. John (Paulet, afterwards Marquess of Winchester) had obtained possession of the choir of this church.—(Fuller, 4. 75.) For an account of the desecration which followed, see Stow, Survey, 184.

FTB685 “Suos libere et quiete frui, gaudere, uti, et exercere ritus, et ceremonias suas proprias, et disciplinam ecclesiasticam propriam et peculiarem, non obstante quod non conveniant cum ritibus et ceremoniis in regno nostro usitatis.”—Wilkins, 4. 65. Comp. Collier, 9. 276.

FTB686 Or Leighes, in Essex.

FTB687 Qu. “the” ?

FTB688 Many very curious letters from Hooper to Bullinger are published in the Parker Society’s “Original Letters relative to the English Reformation.”

FTB689 Hooper states (Orig. Letters, 87) that the bishoprics of Glouces ter and Rochester were offered by the King at Easter to himself and Poinet respectively—each having preached a course of sermons at court during Lent.

FTB690 December 1549.

FTB691 Dated July 23, 1550.—Fox, 6. 641; Fuller, 4. 63.

FTB692 That this was the oath which Hooper scrupled to take, is merely a conjecture of Fuller, (Ch. Hist. 4. 64), who himself was afterwards convinced of its incorrectness by Bishop Hackett.—(Worthies, 2. 280, ed. 1811.) Hooper’s objection was, in reality, to the oath of supremacy, on account of the concluding words, “So help me God, all Saints, and the holy Gospels.” His reasoning convinced the King, who with his own hand struck out the words which involved swearing by any creatures; whereupon Hooper agreed to take the oath.—See Strype, Cranmer, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc. 2. 207, n. q.; Burnet, 3. 389; 3. 2. 269, 532; Orig. Letters, 566.

FTB693 Sic edd. Heyl.

FTB694 Edd. Heyl. “rights.” FTB695 Edd. “this.”

FTB696 Fox,6.640; Fuller, 4.64-5; Wilkins, 4.65.

FTB697 Fuller, 4.67.

FTB698 He was not encouraged by either, although both wished that the habits might not be enforced. See Burnet, 2. 316-9; Collier, 5.388. As to the part which Bucer took, we find Burcher writing to Bullinger— “Hooper has John a Lasco and a few others on his side; but against him many adversaries, among whom is Bucer; who, if he had as much influence now as formerly he had among us, it would have been all over with Hooper’s preferment, for he would never have been made bishop.”— (Orig. Letters, 675.) Hooper himself tells Bullinger, “Master a Lasco alone, of all the foreigners who have any influence, stood on my side.”— (Ibid. 95.) Cf. Epp. Tigur. 437, 61.

FTB699 “Hominem hortatus sum ut Hoppero manum porrigeret.” Author. [Calv. ad Bullinger. Apr. 10, 1551. Epp. p. 60.] FTB700 See Palmer, Origines Liturgicae, vol. 2. Appendix.

FTB701 On this subject Dr Wordsworth has a long note, (Eccl. Biog. 2.365- 8), in which he shews, by a letter written from the Fleet, Feb. 15, 1551- 2, [rather 1550-1,] that Hooper was brought to acknowledge the indifferency of the habits—“Id volebam intelligeretis, me nunc agnoscere libertatem filiorum Dei in rebus externis omnibus; quas nec per se impias, nec usum earum quemlibet per se impium, assero aut sentio,” etc. This letter, though published by Durell in 1669, was unknown to the later historians in general. We might be perplexed by its inconsistency with several passages in the “Original Letters,” (pp. 87, 91, 187, 567), which represent Hooper as triumphant; but a curious light is thrown on the affair by two letters of Utenhovius to Bullinger, (April 9, Aug. 14, 1551): “Overcome by the obstinacy of the bishops, the good man submitted himself and his cause to the judgment of the privy council; the result of which was, that he was inaugurated in the usual manner, yet not without the greatest regret both of myself and of all good men, nor without affording a most grievous stumbling-block to many of our brethren; a circumstance that I am unwilling to conceal from you, though, from my affection for Hooper, I am very unwilling to make the communication; and indeed I should not now do it, were I not aware of your sincere regard for Hooper, and that you look upon him as another self. I would gladly add more upon this subject, were it safe to entrust everything to writing; but I would rather inform you by word of mouth than by a private letter. Meanwhile take care not to say a word about me to Master Hooper; neither will it be worth while to give him any advice (multum commonere) about this business, since what is already done can admit of no remedy.”—(Orig. Letters, 586.) “I was long in doubt whether I ought to write these things. But, when I considered that the rifflings both of the prophets and the apostles are not without reason recorded in Scripture, I forthwith shook off all hesitation,” etc.—(ib. 588. Cf. Epp. Tigur. 381-2.) Hence it would seem that those who were in the secret took extreme pains to prevent the true state of the case from becoming public.

FTB702 See below, Mary,3. 4; Fuller, 4. 73. Hooper was soon reconciled with Cranmer.—(Cranm. ed. Park. Soc. 2. 431.)

FTB703 Fol. 142 of the French translation, 1550. On another book of a Lasco, to the same purpose, see Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 374.

FTB704 It is reprinted by Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. App. LL. Bucer’s letter to Hooper is translated in the same volume, App. NN; the original is in Scripta Anglic. p. 705.

FTB705 Calderwood, Alt. Damasc. p. 655, ed. Lugd. Bat. 1708. Fox has the same witticism in his account of Hooper’s consecration:—“Upon his head he had a geometrical, that is, a four-squared, cap, albeit that his head was round.”—(6. 641.) Whoever may have been the author of this “simple reason” against the cap, there can be little doubt that it is incorrect to ascribe it to Bucer; but Heylyn has done Calderwood wrong in making this an occasion to cast an aspersion on his honesty; for the presbyterian writer took his story from Bp. Pilkington’s “Letter to the Earl of Leicester in behalf of the refusers of the habits;’ (Pilkington, ed. Park. Soc. 622), and had given a reference to that authority.

FTB706 “Magis expedire judico, ut ea vestis, et alia, id genus, plura, cum fieri commode possit auferantur,” etc. Author. [“Cum ista sint ajdia>fora, per se ipsa pium aut impium faciunt neminem; attamen, uti tu quoque censes, magis expedire judico ut ea vestis et alia plura id genus, cum fieri commode poterit auferantur, quo ecclesiasticae res multo simplicissime gerantur. Etenim dum signa tam obfirmato animo defenduntur et retinentur, quae non sunt verbo Dei suffulta, ibi persaepe videas homines rerum ipsarum minime cupidos.”—Pet. Mart. Epp. Theolog. printed with his Loci Comm. ed.

Lond. 1583, p. 1085.] FTB707 “Ego cum essem Oxonii, vestibus illis albis in choro nunquam uti volui; quamvis essem canonicus.” Author. [See above, p. 135. This letter (printed with the Loci Communes, p. 1127) is said by Burnet to have been addressed to Grindal; but Dr. Hastings Robinson states that it is without address in the MS., and is afterwards acknowledged by Sampson.—Zurich Letters, ed. 2, p. 65.] FTB708 i.e. a laical coat, instead of a gown or a priest’s coat.

FTB709 Fox, 8:108.

FTB710 “uniformity,” Fox.

FTB711 Fox,6. 611.

FTB712 Ibid. 6. 411.

FTB713 Fuller gives a somewhat different account of this title: “Such priests as have the addition of Sir before their Christian name were men not graduated in the University, being in orders, but not in degrees; whilst others, entitled Masters, had commenced in the arts.”—3. 472.

FTB714 Survey, 131. It does not appear, however, that Sir Stephen proposed a general alteration in the names of churches, but only in that of St.

Andrew Undershaft—so called from a shaft or maypole which had formerly been erected near it, and which, when fixed in the ground, was higher than the steeple. He represented that the maypole “was made an idol, by naming the church of St. Andrew with the addition of under that shaft;” and his oratory excited a mob to destroy it—for, although disused for many years, it still existed. The name of the church, however, remains to this day.

FTB715 Perhaps Sir Stephen wished to act on a suggestion of Latimer in a sermon preached at court in 1549. “I would not have [the place of preaching] so superstitiously esteemed, but that a good preacher may declare the word of God sitting on a horse, or preaching in a tree. And yet if this were done, the unpreaching prelates would laugh it to scorn.”—1. 206, ed. Park. Soc.

FTB716 Stow says, “Upon a tomb of the dead, towards the north,”—perhaps meaning only to describe the situation of the tomb.

FTB717 This refers to the act for appointment of Bishops, etc. I Edward VI. c. 2, which ordered that all ecclesiastical processes should be in the King’s name, being tested by the Bishop, and countersigned by his commissary. Sup. p. 105. Gibson, Codex, 967-8.

FTB718 Two bills for amendment of Church discipline had been successively introduced into parliament, and lost, in 1549. Burnet, II. 291; Collier, 5. 315, 372.

FTB719 In Lent, 1550.—Works, 1. 257-8.

FTB720 “In none other place.”

FTB721 Edd. Heyl. “to.”

FTB722 Sup. p. 126.

FTB723 Epp. p. 62. Compare his letter to K. Edward, Epp. Tigur. 460; Original Letters, 710; Henry, Leben Calvins, 2. 377. Hamburg, 1838.

FTB724 “Doleo plusquam diet potest [possit], tanta ubique in Anglia verbi Dei penuria laborari.”—Epist. Julii 1, 1550. Author. [Loci Comm. 1085.] FTB725 Edward in his Journal (Burnet, II. 2. 63), Hayward, p. 327, and others, state that in the fourth year two were to be in Norfolk and Essex, and two in Kent and Sussex, and make no mention of an arrangement for the fifth year.

FTB726 Edw. Journal, in Burner, II. 2. 15. An increase of the number of sermons at court had been recommended by Hooper, in his last sermon on Jonah, preached in Lent, 1550. “If it may please you to command more sundry times to have sermons before your Majesty, it will not be a little help to you, if they be well made, well borne away, and well practiced. And seeing there is in the year eight thousand seven hundred and sixty hours, it shall not be much for your Highness, no, nor for all your household, to bestow of them fifty-two in the year to hear the sermon of God.”—(Early Writings, 558, ed. Park. Soc.)

FTB727 Fourth Sermon on Jonas, Early Writings, p. 488.

FTB728 Edd. l, 2, “head.”

FTB729 See below, Edw. 7. 3. On reference to the first paragraph of the instructions, it will be seen that Heylyn has given a somewhat unfair representation of what is said as to the plate and ornaments which were to be left in churches.

FTB730 “cure.”

FTB731 Fox,6. 5; Wilkins, 4. 65.

FTB732 Heylyn has omitted the words “or the primitive church.”

FTB733 Fox,6. 5, 6.

FTB734 “Whereas in divers places some use the Lord’s board after the form of a table, and some as an altar, whereby dissension is perceived to arise among the unlearned: therefore, wishing a godly unity to be observed in all our diocese; and for that the form of a table may more move and turn the simple from the old superstitious opinions of the popish mass, and to the right use of the Lord’s Supper;—we exhort the curates, churchwardens, and questmen here present to erect and set up the Lord’s board after the form of an honest table, decently covered, in such place of the quire or chancel as shall be thought most meet by their discretion and agreement, so that the ministers with the communicants may have their place separated from the rest of the people; and to take down and abolish all other by-altars or tables.”— Cardw. Doc. Ann. 1:82-3. Ridley’s visitation preceded the issuing of the royal letters. See below, p. 207, n. 1.

FTB735 Fox,5. 7.

FTB736 There were, however, “letters sent to every Bishop, to pluck down altars,” as Edward notes in his Journal, November 19, 1550.

FTB737 Fol. 106. Author. [Holinshed mentions the change as to the altar of St Paul’s on St Barnabas’ day, 1550, and that the example was “shortly after followed throughout London.”—(3. 1024.) He has nothing on the subject under the following year.] FTB738 Fol. 604. Author.

FTB739 There is really no difficulty in the matter, except such as arises from Heylyn’s unwillingness to suppose that Ridley’s views on the subject of altars were different from those which he himself had advocated in his pamphlets against Archbishop Williams. Ridley’s visitation was in June 1550; on St Barnabas’ day (June 11) in that year the alteration was made in St. Paul’s; on June 23, as King Edward mentions in his Journal, “Sir John Yates [or Gates], sheriff of Essex, went down with letters to see the Bishop of London’s injunctions performed.”— (Burnet, II. 326; II. 2. 324.) In issuing his injunction, Ridley had no reason to suppose that he was “running before authority:” for, as Dr Cardwell observes, “he framed it, doubtless, on the authority given to bishops in the Preface to the Book of Common Prayer, to ‘take order for the quieting and appeasing of all doubts’ connected with the use of that book.” —(Doc. Ann. 1. 83.) Nor is there any force in Heylyn’s argument as to St. Barnabas’ day. For in 1549, the first year of the Reformed Liturgy, Whit-Tuesday fell on June 11, and superseded the festival of the Apostle (as it would have done by the Roman rules); consequently the first celebration of St Barnabas’ day was in 1550, and to that year belong all the proceedings as to altars which our author would spread over three years.

FTB740 Stow, 604; Godw. Ann. 141.

FTB741 His patent was dated April 1.—Richardson in Godwin de Praesul. 192.

FTB742 June 29.—N. in Godwin, 538, from Cranmer’s Register.

FTB743 See above, p. 145.

FTB744 The real date appears to be the 28th of February, which is given by Peter Martyr, Orig. Letters, 490, 495, and by King Edward in his Journal, Burnet, II 2. 33; as also by Godwin, Ann. 127, and Strype, Cranm. 2. 151, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.

FTB745 Sup. p. 131. The affair of Gardiner is related at very great length in Fox, Vol. 6:A large part of the documents is restored from the first edition, having been omitted in the intermediate ones.— Comp. Stow, 600; Strype, Cranm. 2. 228-244, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.

FTB746 “The books of my proceedings.”—Edw. Journ. in Burner, II. 2. 22.

Comp. Strype, Cranm. 2. 229, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.

FTB747 Edw. Journ. ibid.; Strype, Cranm. ibid.

FTB748 Fox,6. 80; Edw. Journal, p. 25; Burner, III. 370; Strype, Cranm. 2. 231-2.

FTB749 Fox, 6:82.

FTB750 Edward, Journ. p. 25, mentions Cecil instead of the Master of the Horse. It appears that both were employed on the occasion.—Strype, Cranm. 2. 232.

FTB751 Edw. Journ. 26; Fox,6. 85; Strype, Cranm. 2. 235.

FTB752 “After no less than two-and-twenty sessions, held at divers places, that is, from the 15th of December to the 14th of February; though Stow falsely nameth but seven.”—Strype, Cranm. 2. 242.

FTB753 Stow, 605; Fox,6. 261; Strype, Cranm. 2. 232; Edward in his Journal dates this on the 13th.

FTB754 Beaudesert. See above, p. 180. Comp. Browne Willis, Surv. Of Cathedrals, 2. 380.

FTB755 “Satis patet hanc Ecclesiam, si vel decimam partem hodie possideret eorum praediorum quae hominum piorum munificentia illi sunt olim concessa, inter opulentissimas Christiani orbis fortasse numerandam; eum jam vix habeat undo se sartam tectamque possit tueri. Et episcopatus tot largitionibus ditatus, totius tamen Angliae Walliaeque est longe tenuissimus, adeo ut sacerdotia non pauca diceccsis habeat, quae fructus longe uberiores incumbentibus reddant, quam suo Episcopo haec sedes.”—Godwin, de Praesul. 593.

FTB756 1519.—Godw. 415.

FTB757 Johnson gives as one sense of the word Pin, “a note, a strain; in low language.”

FTB758 “Unam duntaxat reliquit, omni supellectile vacuam et nudatam.”— Godwin, 416. Voysey reduced the value of the bishoprick from £1565 to £500.—Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 277; Comp. Vowel-Hooker, in Holinsh. 4. 422. Wharton (Harmer, Spec. of Errors, etc. 100) apologizes for the Bishop in the matter of the alienations, on the ground that the peremptory proceedings of the government allowed him no choice.

FTB759 This account of Voysey is from Godwin de Praesulibus, 416-7. He had long resided at Sutton Cold field, in Warwickshire, his native place, leaving the management of his diocese to Coverdale, afterwards his successor.—(See Latimer, 1. 272.) It does not appear that he gave any active encouragement to the rebellion. Godwin’s words are, “Episcopo, tanquam data opera tam procul absenti, ejusque vel socordiae vel malitiae, haec seditio imputatur.”—Comp. Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 270.

Voysey was now 99 years of age.

FTB760 Stow, 605. Edw. Journal says Oct. 6. Heath’s troubles originated in his refusal to subscribe the Ordinal, after having been named as a member of the commission for drawing it up.—Burnet, III. 374; Strype, Cranm. 2. 246-7. Day was deprived for refusing to pull down altars, and for preaching ha his diocese against the King’s proceedings.—Strype, Cranm. 2. 249, seqq. On these deprivations, see Wharton, Spec. of Errors, 114-118.

FTB761 See below, 7. 7; Stow, 607. Tonstal was accused of fomenting a northern rebellion. There was an attempt to proceed against him by a bill of attainder. Cranmer spoke against it in the House of Lords, and protested against it, although with no one but Lord Stourton to support him; but it was lost in the lower house; on which a commission was issued for examination of the Bishop’s case. Edward notes in his Journal, December 20, 1551: “The Bishop of Duresme was, for concealment of treason written to him and not disclosed at all till the party did open him, committed to the Tower.”—Comp. Burnet, 2. 402; 2. 392-4; Strype, Cranm. 2. 203-5; Eccl. Mem. 2. 366; Wharton (Harmer), 109, 119.

FTB762 Sup. p. 8.

FTB763 For Poynet’s alienations, see Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 272.

FTB764 Coverdale did not assist Tyndale, but was engaged on an independent translation at the same time with him; and this was used in the completion of the version begun by Tyndale. Sup. p. 42; Comp.

Coverd. ed. Park. Soc. 2. Pref. 9.

FTB765 Godw. de Praesul. 417.

FTB766 By letters patent, dated May 23, 1552.—Godwin, 513.

FTB767 The editions have a second “of” in this place.

FTB768 By patent, May 20, 1552.—Godw. 470.

FTB769 There were five persons alive at this time who had held the see of Worcester, or had pretensions to it: (1) Pates, of whom an account has been given, p. 65, and who became the actual possessor in the reign of Mary; (2) Latimer; (3) Bell, who succeeded on Latimer’s resignation, and himself resigned in 1543; (4) Heath; (5) Hooper.—See Godwin, 468-470.

FTB770 The bishoprics were at first united, and it was intended that the Bishop should have his title from both; but in 1552 “Gloucester was suppressed, and converted into an exempted archdeaconry; and Hooper was made Bishop of Worcester.”—Burnet, 2. 418. Comp. Hermer (Wharton), 118; Browne Willis, 2. 631.

FTB771 Edw. Journal, in Burnet, 2. 2. 31. On the proceedings with the Princess, see Fox,2. 700-710, ed. 1631; Harmer (Wharton), 103-8; Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. b. 2. c. 1; Ellis, Orig. Letters, First Series, 2. 176-182.

FTB772 Edw. Journ. July 22, (Burner, 2. 2. 27.)

FTB773 Hayward, 315.

FTB774 The Emperor’s interpositions in behalf of Mary are the subjects of frequent entries in Edward’s Journal.

FTB775 Edw. Journal, 34-5; Hayw. 316.

FTB776 The words of King Edward’s Journal (Burnet, 2. 2. 34) are, “The Bishops of Canterbury, London, and Rochester did consider, to give license to sin was sin; to suffer and wink at it for a time might be borne, so all haste possible might be used.” Heylyn’s statement appears to be taken from Hayward; but the meaning is probably better given by Strype in Kennett, 2. 315, “To suffer and wink at it [i.e. not at sin, but at the Lady Mary’s mass in her household] might be borne, so all haste possible might be used to take away such an occasion of sin.” This interpretation is countenanced by the letter of the council to Mary, December 25, 1550 (quoted below, Mary, Introd. sect. 23). “Thus much was granted, that it might be suffered and winked at if you had the private mass used in your own closet for a season, until you might be better informed, whereof there was some hope, having only with you a few of your own chamber, so that for all the rest of your household the service of the realm should be used.”—Comp. Edw.

Journal, 41, 49.

FTB777 Speed, 839.

FTB778 Strype shews, in his note on Hayward (Kennett, 2. 317-8), that that writer, who is here followed, has greatly misrepresented the tone of the instructions given to Wotton. The statement as to an offer of equal liberty in religion is founded on a mistake—“As the King permitted the Emperor’s Ambassador to use that manner of religion which he used in his own country, so also it was desired that the King’s Ambassador in the Low Countries might use the same religion that he had used here in our country; which the Emperor had denied to the King’s former Ambassador.”—Comp. Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 263; Edw. Journal, Apr. 10, 1551; (Burnet, II. 2. 36) which, however—probably from its conciseness—appears more peremptory in tone.

FTB779 Sup. p. 181.

FTB780 The order of the Garter was simply called by this name, as in Holinsh. 3. 862.

FTB781 Edw. Journal, in Burnet, II. 2. 39.

FTB782 Gaspard de Coligny.

FTB783 Edw. Journ. 41; Hayward, 318 (whom Heylyn follows in his account of this negotiation.) A report of it in a letter from the Ambassadors to the council, is printed by Tytler, Edw. and Mary,1. 385-402.

FTB784 Edward in his Journal, p. 39, says that the English commissioners were instructed to ask for “at least 800,000 crowns.”—Comp. Tytler, Edw. and Mary,1. 400, note.

FTB785 Edw. Journ. 45.

FTB786 Hayward, 319-20.

FTB787 Acts and Mon. Author. [Fox,7. 536.] FTB788 Edd. 1, 2, “lead.”

FTB789 Fox,6. 510.

FTB790 Edd. “Hubbard” FTB791 Printed 1556. Page 81. Author. [Hogherd, or Huggard, was a tradesman—(Tanner, Bibliotheca, 406, styles him Caligarius)—in Pudding Lane. For specimens of his book, see Maitland on the Reformation, British Magazine, 31. 131.] FTB792 See Eliz. 6. 12.

FTB793 Sup. p. 166. The original French is printed for the first time by Henry, Leben Calvins, 2. Append. 26-41.

FTB794 Ut eos incitaremus ad pergendum, etc. p. 98. [ed. Genev. 1575.] Author. [“ Bene habet, quod non eundem modo animum Deus vobis contulit, ut Regem Angliae et ejus consiliarios incitaremus ad pergendum; sed fecit ut consilia nostra tam apte inter se congruerent.”—This is the letter already quoted, p. 192, n. 1. Its date is April 10,1551.] FTB795 In statu regni multa adhuc desiderantur, p. 384. [ed. Gen.] Author. [This is from a letter to Farel, June 15, 1551, in which Calvin reports the reception which the bearer of letters from him had met with in England. “Cantuariensis nihil me utilius facturum admonuit, quam si ad Regem saepius scriberem. Hoc mihi longe gratius quam si ingenti pecuniae summa ditatus forem. In statu Regni multa adhuc desiderantur.”

FTB796 Quae non obscuret modo, etc. [sed propemodum obruat purum et genuinum Dei cultum.] Author. [p. 101. ed. Gen.] FTB797 Wilkins gives no particulars of its deliberations, 4. 60.

FTB798 Sup. p. 172; Pref. “To the Reader,” p. 14. Comp. Eliz. 8. 3.

FTB799 Sup. p. 164, n. 1.

FTB800 Fox,8. 58; Comp. Jenkyns, Pref. to Cranmer, cviii; Laurence, Bampt.

Lectures, Serra. II. and the notes on it.

FTB801 See Edw. 6. 23.

FTB802 This was not the name of their corporation, but of their house, as is said by the original authority, Stow, Survey, 249.

FTB803 Edward, Journal, February 23, 1551-2.

FTB804 Qu. “been? ” FTB805 Edw. 7. 11. See Biddle’s Memoir of Cabot, London, 1831, pp. 184- 7.

FTB806 Hayward, 326.

FTB807 The arrival of a Swedish Ambassador is noticed in Edward’s Journal, April 7, 1550. For the exertions of Gustavus Vasa to extend the commerce of his country, see Geijer, Gesch. Schwedens, 2. 120. seqq.

Hamb. 1834.

FTB808 April 24, 1550.—Edw. Journ. 2 Burnet, II. 2. 17; Hayward, 313.

FTB809 Edw. Journ. p. 25.

FTB810 Sup. p. 34.

FTB811 Edw. Journ. p. 44.

FTB812 Ibid. 48.

FTB813 Stow, 605; Sanders, 234.

FTB814 Hayward, 313-4.

FTB815 Stow, 605.

FTB816 August 8, 1552.—Stow, 608; Hayward, 322.

FTB817 Fuller, 4. 91.

FTB818 Hayward, 319; Comp. Edw. Journal, 44; Stow, 605.

FTB819 Edd. 1, 2, “attached.”

FTB820 Der Englische Schweiss is the title of a very learned and interest-ing treatise on this malady, by Dr. J. C. F. Hecker, of Berlin, which, with the same author’s essays on “The Black Death,” and “The Dancing Mania,” has been translated by Dr. B. G. Babington. (“The Epidemics of the Middle Ages,” published by the Sydenham Society, Lend. 1844.)

The sweating sickness first made its appearance in 1485, about the time of the battle of Bosworth (p. 181); a second and less formidable visitation took place in 1506 (198); a third, which extended to Calais, in 1517 (209); a fourth, in 1528, about which time violent epidemics were raging also in France and Italy; and in 1529, Germany and the north of Europe experienced it. The sickness of 1551, therefore, was the fifth which had appeared in England. It was never felt in either Scotland or Ireland. The circumstance of its attacking the English only (which was remarked while it raged at Calais in 1517, as well as on the last occasion), is ascribed in part to their habits of life. The celebrated physician Kaye (Caius), whose tract on the Sweat is reprinted in Dr.

Babington’s Appendix, states that English persons of temperate habits were not attacked; and that some foreigners “of the English diet” fell victims (366). But, besides this, Dr. Hecker supposes that there must have been “an unknown something in the English atmosphere, which so penetrated their bodies, overcharged as they were with crude juices, that their constitutions had the so-called opportunity [predisposition?]—i.e. were changed in such a manner as to fit them for the reception of the sweating sickness. Under such a condition, the common and more peculiar causes of this disease were not absolutely necessary, in order to induce its attack in a constitution thus long prepared for it; but the general causes of disease were sufficient of themselves to give it its last stimulus, although this should be in an entirely different climate, as in the present instance was the case with the English who were living in Spain, and with the Vene tian Ambassador Naugerio, who, in the year 1528, fell ill of the petechial fever, when far from Italy, [where it was then raging], and living in France” (294-5). A disease which Dr. Hecker believes to have been identical with the English sweat, broke out in 1802 in the small Franconian town of Roettingen, where many persons were ignorantly “stewed to death” by the local practitioners, before the arrival of a physician who applied a treatment analogous to that formerly used in England. (324-8.) With this exception, Dr. H. supposes that the epidemic has not recurred since the time to which the text relates.

FTB821 Sup. p. 180.

FTB822 Edd. 1, 2, “Francis.”

FTB823 See below. Mary,1. 5.

FTB824 Godwin, Ann. 104.

FTB825 “It is reported [of this nobleman] that, being sometime asked how he did to stand in those perilous times, wherein such great changes and alterations had been, both in Church and State, he answered, ‘By being a willow, and not an oak.’“—Dugdale, Baronage, 2. 376. Camden, Remains, 285, ed. 1657. It is, however, argued, that this is a misrepresentation of the old statesman’s maxim, which was in the form of verse;—that we ought to take together the two lines, “I am a willow, not an oak; I chide, but never hurt with stroke — ” and to interpret them, “I corrected mildly, with a willow twig, and not with an oaken cudgel.” “His answer, therefore,” (says Lodge, Portraits, etc. Vol. 2. No. 18) “refers, not to the practice of submission, but to the exercise of authority.” He retained the favor of the Crown under Henry, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth; and died in his ninety-seventh year, A.D. 1572.

FTB826 Sup. p. 185.

FTB827 Dugdale, Baronage, 2. 258.

FTB828 Sup. pp. 53-4.

FTB829 Sup. p. 184.

FTB830 Edd. 1,2, “untravailed.” FTB831 Edd. 1,2. “but that.”

FTB832 Edw. Journ. 57.

FTB833 Ibid. 55.

FTB834 Edd. “possibly.”

FTB835 Stow, 605.

FTB836 Edw. 7. 7; Eliz. Introd. 17.

FTB837 Hayward, 320.

FTB838 Edw. Journal in Burnet, II. 2.; Stow, 605.

FTB839 Aug. 15.

FTB840 Hayward goes further in the way of insinuation, styling this appointment “the accomplishment of mischief;” and adding, “after his entertainment into a place of such near service, the King enjoyed his health not long.”—320. Heylyn intimates the same below, 7. 10.

FTB841 October 16.—Edw Journ.

FTB842 Edw. Journ.; Hayward, 320-1.

FTB843 Margaret, sister of Henry VIII., and wife of James IV. of Scotland, after whose death she married the Earl of Angus. Lady Margaret Douglas was born October 1515.—(Letter from Lord Dacre and Dr.

Magnus to Hen. VIII. in Ellis, Second Series, 1. 265.) For contracting marriage with her, Lord Thomas Howard, brother of the Duke of Norfolk, was attainted and committed to the Tower, where he died, 1536.—(Stow, 573.) In 1544, Henry bestowed her in marriage on Matthew Earl of Lenox, by whom she became the mother of Henry, Lord Darnley, husband of Mary Queen of Scots. See Eliz. 4. 14; 7. 2.

FTB844 Edw. Journal, in Burner, II. 2. 55-8; Lesley, 487-8; Stow, 606.

FTB845 Stow, 606.

FTB846 Hayw. 322.

FTB847 Edd. 1, 2, “assist.”

FTB848 Sup. p. 175.

FTB849 Hayw. 322; Edw. Journal, December 1.

FTB850 Edw. Journ. 62.

FTB851 Burnet, II. 384, remarks that the authors of this suggestion “shewed their ignorance; for by the statute, that felony of which he was found guilty was not to be purged by clergy.”—Comp. Collier, 5. 448, quoting Coke. Heylyn was preceded in the mistake by Speed, 837, and Fuller, b. 7. sect. 43, (p. 409, ed. 1655.)

FTB852 So in the old editions. Either “of” is redundant, or some word is omitted.

FTB853 This suggestion is not in Speed or in Fuller, but is probably derived from the Preface to Spelman’s tract De non temerandis Ecclesiis (3rd ed. Oxf. 1646)—“As if heavens would not, that he that had spoiled his Church should be saved by his Clergy.”

FTB854 The case of the Duke of Somerset is elaborately investigated by Mr.

Tytler (Edw. and Mary,2. 1-73), who considers that he was innocent of any intent to assassinate Northumberland, and that nothing has been proved against him beyond a design of apprehending his rival, and “wresting from him the power which he found incompatible with his own safety.”

FTB855 Hayward, 323.

FTB856 January 22, as is stated below, § 35.

FTB857 Stow, 607.

FTB858 Godwin, Ann. 146.

FTB859 Fuller, 3. 440. These bells hung in “a great and high clothier or bellhouse;” close to St Paul’s School.—Stow, Survey, 357.

FTB860 Holinsh, 3. 1032 (from Grafton); Hayward, 324.

FTB861 Stow, 607.

FTB862 Fuller, 4. 84-5, ed. Brewer. Fitzpatrick has been mentioned, p. 27.

FTB863 Godwin, Ann. 145; Hayw. 324; Stow (who witnessed the execution), 607; another eye-witness, in Fox,5. 293.

FTB864 Holinsh. 3. 910.

FTB865 p. 3. Comp. 150.

FTB866 De Thou, 8. 15 (tom. 1. 806), says, “matrona magni animi.” So Godw. Annales, 101, Lond. 1616. The word in the translation of Godwin is “sprightful.”

FTB867 Godwin, Ann. 146.

FTB868 Hayw. 319.* FTB869 Sup. p. 6.

FTB870 5 & 6 Edw. VI. c. 9.

FTB871 See below, Eliz. 1. 7.

FTB872 This story is from Fuller (4. 80), who states that he had it from the Earl of Warwick, grandson of Lord Rich. Hayward (323) suggests a feeling of the uncertainty of public life, and a wish to keep what he had already got, as the probable motives of Rich’s retirement. The King notes in his Journal that the seal was at first committed to Goodrick by way of a temporary arrangement “during the time of the Lord Chancellor’s sickness,” as it had been given to Wriothesley during the illness of Audley, in 1544.—(Burnet, III. 310.) Rich survived his retirement sixteen years,—Campbell, 2. 27.

FTB873 Edd. 1, 2, “Goodwin;” ed. 3, “Goodrith.” FTB874 Edw. Journ. 63-4.

FTB875 Stow, 607. The date of Goodrick’s appointment as Chancellor was January 19.—(Edw. Journal; Richardson on Godwin de Praesul. 272; Campbell, 2. 29.) Perhaps the ceremony of swearing in (of which, as Lord Campbell informs us, there is no mention in the record of the appointment) may have taken place on the 22nd; or possibly that day may be mentioned through a confusion with the corresponding day of the preceding month, on which the Great Seal was committed to the Bishop as Keeper.

FTB876 “A most erroneous panegyric. Paget betrayed him in his first fall; and there is strong reason to believe that he had some hand in involving hint in his final troubles, which ended in his death.”—Tytler, Edw. and Mary,2. 108.

FTB877 Hayward, 319.* FTB878 Stow, 608. Edward, in his Journal (April 22), states that “the Lord Paget was degraded from the order for divers his offenses, and chiefly because he was no gentleman of blood, neither of father’s side nor mother’s side.”—Comp. Hayward, 326; Heylyn, Hist. of St. George, ed. 2. 335-6, where it is stated that a person qualified for becoming a member of the Order “must be a gentleman of name and arms for three descents, both by the father and the mother.” Although Paget’s deficiency in this respect might have have been a good ground for refusing to admit him into the Order, it is evident that the advancing of such an objection, when he was already a member, was a mere pretext.

The garter was restored to him September 27, 1553, three days before the coronation of Queen Mary.— Strype, in Kennett, 2. 336.

FTB879 Consecrated Bishop of St. David’s, 1560, and translated to York the following year.—Godwin de Praesul. 710.

FTB880 1559.—Eliz. 2. 6.

FTB881 The rubric of that day was,” The new-married persons (the same day of their marriage) must receive the holy communion.”—Cardw.

Liturgies, 359. On its history, see “How shall we conform to the Liturgy?” 2nd ed. p. 294.

FTB882 i.e. in breach of the act lately passed. Sup. p. 105.

FTB883 Fox,7. 3, seqq. See below. Mary,2. ult.

FTB884 The instrument is not in Rymer. Thirlby’s surrender is dated March 29, 1550.—Foedera, 15. 219.

FTB885 April 1, 1550.—Godwin de Praes. 570.

FTB886 Sup. p. 179. n. 2.

FTB887 Sup. p. 229. Comp. Wake’s State of the Church, p. 599, quoted in Cardwell, Synodalia, 2-3. These Articles will be found at the end of the second volume.

FTB888 “Regia authoritate in lucem editi.” Author.

FTB889 On this Catechism, see Lamb’s Hist. of the Articles, 7-9, and Strype’s Cranmer, 2. 365, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc., where it is shewn that Poynet was most likely the author. It is printed in the Parker Society’s Liturgies, etc. of Edw. VI.

FTB890 See below, Mary,1. 20. Fox,6. 396. The disputation is reprinted in Philpot’s writings, published by the Parker Society, pp. 179, seqq. The fact appears to be that Philpot’s words referred rather to the Articles than to the Catechism. Weston is represented as having said “There is a book of late set forth called the Catechism” (which he shewed forth) “bearing the name of this honorable Synod, and yet put forth without your consents, as I have learned.” Now the title of this book was “Catechismus brevis . . . regia authoritate commendatus. Huic Catechismo adjunci sunt Articuli de quibus in ultima synodo Londinensi . . . inter episcopos et alios eruditos viros convenerat, regia similiter authoritate promulgati;” in which words, as the editor of Philpot observes, the synodical authority is claimed for the Articles only, and not for the Catechism. It would seem, therefore, that the whole book was meant by Weston under the name of Catechism, for no distinction is drawn between its two parts; but that Philpot’s explanation applied to that portion alone which pretended to the authority of Convocation.

Ftb893 On the history of these Articles, see Dr. Cardwell’s note, Synodalia, 1-7; where a view similar to Heylyn’s—that “the authority of the Upper House, which at that time was held to involve the authority of the whole Synod, was given to them, if not directly, at least by delegation”—is maintained in opposition to Dr. Lamb.—Comp. Fuller, 4. 109-110; Burnet, III. 120, folio ed.

Ftb894 5 & 6 Edw. VI. c. 1.

FTB895 Edd. 1, 2, “single.”

FTB896 Fuller, 4. 24; Comp. Strype, Cranm. 2. 408, ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.; Cranmer, ed. Park. Soc. 2. 439.

FTB897 This is acknowledged to be a mistake, in a note at the end of the History. Bishop Mant informs us, that Sir J. Crofts, Viceroy of Ireland in 1551, was desired by the Council to take measures for the translation of the Prayer Book into Irish. (Hist. of the Irish Church,1. 202.) It was translated in 1571, under the care of Walsh, Bishop of Ossory. He also began a translation of the New Testament, which was completed by other hands, after his murder in 1585, and was published in 1603 (ibid. 294). There was in the Irish Act of Uniformity, 2 Eliz. c. 2. a strange provision (probably never acted on), that a Latin version of the Prayer Book should be used “where the common minister or priest hath not the use or knowledge of the English tongue.”—Ibid. 260. See Eliz. 2. 14.

FTB898 28 Hen. VIII. c. 5. (1537.)

FTB899 28 Hen. VIII. c. 16.

FTB900 28 Hen. VIII. c. 14.

FTB901 No Act to this effect is to be found in the collection of Irish statutes.

Bp Mant gives some curious details as to the appointments during that part of Henry’s reign which followed after the breach with Rome.— Hist. of Church of Ireland, 1. 168, seqq.

FTB902 Qu. “so far more?”

FTB903 Sup. p. 184.

FTB904 There is an order from King Edward to Sir Antony St. Leger, Lord Deputy, for the use of the English Liturgy throughout Ireland, in Bp Mant’s History, 1. 194-5. The date is February 6, 1551-2.

FTB905 This argument is from the “Ecclesia Vindicata,” Heylyn’s Tracts, 31- 4.

FTB906 Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas neccssarium fuerit Concilium plenarium Occidentis et Orientis. Lib. 4. c. 12. Author. [“Aut vero congregatione synodi opus erat, ut aperta pernicies damnaretur? quasi nulla haeresis aliquando nisi synodi congregatione damnata sit; cum potius rarissimae inveniantur propter quas talis necessitas extiterit; multoque sint atque incomparabiliter plures quae ubi extiterunt illic improbari damnarique meruerunt, atque inde per caeteras tetras devitandae innotescere potuerunt. Verum istorum superbia, . . . hanc gloriam captare intelligitur, ut propter illos Orientis et Occidentis synodus congregetur.” Tom. 7. p. 480. Paris, 1614.

Heylyn’s quotation is derived through the medium of Bellarmine, De Concil. et Ecclesia, L. i.c. x.; Opp. Tom. 2. col. 15, ed. Colon. Agr. 1619.] FTB907 The second council of Nicaea, A.D. 787, which sanctioned the worship of Images.—Fleury, L. 44. cc. 29, seqq.

FTB908 “Nam si ad extinguendas septem haereses celebrata sunt septem concilia generalia, plusquam centum haereses extinctae sunt a sola apostolica sede, cooperantibus conciliis particularibus.”—Bellarm, do Conciliis et Eccl. loc. citat.

FTB909 Jewel, ed. Jelf, 6. 465.

FTB910 These appear to be intended as rules on which both the Romanist and the Anglican divines would agree; the difference being as to the application of them. See Brainhall, 2. 330, 565; Bellarm. do Concil. et Eccl., 1. i.c. 17. (tom. 2 col. 34.)

FTB911 The article is wanting in Edd. 1, 2.

FTB912 See Eliz. 4. 6.

FTB913 Edd. “as such.”

FTB914 “Nolo tamen dicere quin in multis partibus possit Ecclesia per suas partes reformari, immo, hoc necesse est; sed ad hoc agendum sufficerent concilia provincialia, et ad quaedam satis essent concilia dioecesana et synodalia.”—De Concil. generali unius obedientiae. Opp. 1. 222, Paris. 1606.

FTB915 5 & 6 Edw. VI. c. 21.

FTB916 Edd. “that some.”

FTB917 1 Mar. Sess. 2. c. 2.

FTB918 The statute of 5 & 6 Edw. VI. was revived by 1 Jac. I.c. 25, which repealed the Act of 1 Mary. A bill for reviving it had been brought into parliament in the first year of Elizabeth, but did not pass; the observation of holy days throughout that reign rested on the Book of Common Prayer, and on the royal Injunctions of 1564, in which reference was expressly made to the Act of Edward.—Gibson, Codex, 278.

FTB919 5 &6 Edw. VI. c. 4.

FTB920 The word in the act is “clerk.”

FTB921 Inserted from the Act.

FTB922 c. 9.

FTB923 c. 13.

FTB924 c. 12. Sup. p. 140.

FTB925 c. 20.

FTB926 13 Eliz. c. 8.

FTB927 Stow, Chron. 608.

FTB928 Stow, 608. The removal was in obedience to the new rubric, which ordered that” The table . . . shall stand in the body of the church or in the chancel, where Morning and Evening Prayer be appointed to be said.”—Cardwell, Liturgies, 267. For the history of the position of the holy Table, see “How shall we conform to the Liturgy?” ed. 2. pp. 152, seqq.

FTB929 See below, 7. 3.

FTB930 Fuller, 4. 72-4, who puts it under the date of 1550. Sternhold died in 1549.

FTB931 Burney, Hist. Music,3. 50, shews that it is a mistake to attribute the origin of metrical psalmody to Marot—Huss, the Bohemian brethren, and others, having preceded him. The important aid which the reformers derived from the use of metrical psalms appears from a letter of Jewel to P. Martyr, March 5, 1560. “Populus ubique ad meliorem partem valde proclivis. Magnum ad eam rem momentum attulit ecclesiastica et popularis musica. Postquam enim semel Londini coeptum est in una tantum ecclesiola cani publice, statim non tantum ecclesiae aliae finitimae, sed etiam longe disjunctae civitates, coeperunt idem institutum certatim expetere. Nunc ad Crucem Pauli videas interdum sex hominum millia, finita concione, senes, pueros, mulierculas, una canere et laudare Deum. Id sacrificos et diabolum aegre habet. Vident enim sacras conciones hoc pacto profundius descendere in hominum animas,” etc. (Zurich Letters, 1. Lat. 40-41.)

Compare Weber, Geschichte d. akatholischen Kirchen u. Secten 5.

Grossbritannien. Leipz. 1845. 1. 556-9.

FTB932 For the history of Metrical Versions see Warton, Hist. of English Poetry,3. 142-157. ed. 1840.

FTB933 Comp. Aerius Rediv. 248. “How shall we conform,” etc. 279-283.

Bp. Beveridge argues that the version must have been sanctioned by the royal authority.—(Works, 8, 624. ed. Anglo-cath. Lib.)

FTB934 The substance of these observations is repeated from Heylyn’s remarks on Fuller, “Examen Historicum,” p. 120, where he adds—“By the practices and endeavors of the Puritan party, they came to be esteemed the most divine part of God’s public service; the readingpsalms, together with the first and second Lessons, being heard in many places with a covered head, but all men sitting bareheaded when the psalm is sung.” Hence it would seem that the custom was to sit during the psalms, whether read or sung. Heylyn in describing the practice of the Church in the reign of Elizabeth (Eliz. 2. 7.) does not name the psalms among the portions of the service at which it was usual to stand; and Bishop Fleetwood, in a letter dated 1717, (Works, 722) says that standing at the psalms had not been usual in parish-churches, although it was customary to stand at the Doxology, the Creeds, the Gospel, and the Canticles. This appears to apply to the prose psalms, as well as to the metrical versions. Nay, Williams, Bishop of Lincoln (afterwards Archbishop of York), in his Injunctions of 1641, condemns as an innovation the calling of congregations “to stand up at the Te Deum, Benedictus, Magnificat, the Gloria Patri, or at other times than at the Creed and Gospel.”—(Brit. Magazine, October 1848, p. 377).

Hence it would seem that the practice of standing at the Canticles, etc., if (as Heylyn says, Eliz. 2. 7.) it prevailed in the reign of Elizabeth, had fallen into disuse.

FTB935 Edd. 1, 2. “Ewines.”

FTB936 Stow, Chron. 592; Surv. 341.

FTB937 1546-7.

FTB938 Holinshed, 3. 1060; Hayward, 323*-324*.

FTB939 Stow, Surv. 418.

FTB940 Stow, Chron. 608; Stow. 342-4; Speed, 840.

FTB941 Holinshed, 3. 1062.

FTB942 Stow, Surv. 344.

FTB943 Stow, Chron. 609; Holinsh. 3. 1062.

FTB944 The spoliation may have been completed at this time; but Holbeach, immediately after his appointment to the see, had alienated six-andtwenty manors to the king and his heirs.—Godwin, de Praes. 300.

FTB945 The substance of this paragraph is from Fuller, 3. 446. Since Heylyn wrote, Leland has found an editor in Hearne.

FTB946 Cardan had been summoned to attend the archbishop of St. Andrew’s in a dangerous illness, and visited the Court of England in his return.

See Tytler, Hist. of Scotl. 6. 379.

FTB947 The original passage from Cardan “De Genituris,” is given by Fox,2. 653, ed. 1631; also by Burnet, Vol. II. 2. 129.

FTB948 “Diu frustra quaesitam.”

FTB949 “Quomodo—cum diversis motibus astra moveantur—non statim dissipatur aut movetur illorum motu?” Thus far the version in Fox,2. 654, ed. 1631, has been followed. The rest is from the translation of Godwin’s Annals, 150-1.

FTB950 Martial. VI. 29. 7.

FTB951 Stow, 604.

FTB952 Only £647. 2s. ld, according to Stow, Surv. 442.

FTB953 Sup. p. 184.

FTB954 Sup. p. 231-2.

FTB955 Hayward, 318 *. The interest paid was 14 per cent.

FTB956 “From the report of the senator, Barbaro, to the senate of Venice, it appears that the King’s income greatly exceeded his ordinary expenditure in time of peace, the former being about £350,000, and the latter about £225,000. But the war in Scotland for three years, had plunged him deeply in debt; and we find him constantly sending messengers to Antwerp to borrow money for short periods, at high rates of interest.”— Lingard, 7. 57. The insurrections cost the King £27,330. 7s. 7d.; the war-charges of the year 1549 alone, including the expense of fortifications, amounted to pounds 1,356,687. 18s. 53- 4d.—Strype, Eccl. Mere. 2. 178; Lingard, 7. 49.

FTB957 See, for the projects of reform, Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 344.

FTB958 Edward, Journal, September 27, 1552; Hayw. 321*. This was, however, later than the commission for seizing church-ornaments.

FTB959 Qu. “it”?

FTB960 Sup. p. 252; Edw. Journ. 81.

FTB961 Hayw. 319*. Comp. Edw. Journ. 68, 81-2-3.

FTB962 Edw. Journ. 81; Hayw. 319* FTB963 Edward mentions this commission for selling “some part of the chantry-lands and of the houses, for payment of my debts, which were pounds 251,000. sterling at the least.”—Journal, May 10, 1552. Comp.

Hayw. 318*.

FTB964 Burnet (II. 445) complains of this observation as “spiteful and unjust.”

FTB965 Edd. Heyl. “or.”

FTB966 Ed. Heyl. “their delivery.”

FTB967 Fuller, 4. 98-102; Wilkins, 4. 78. The commission given in these works, is that issued to the Marquess of Northampton and others, for the county of Northampton.

FTB968 It will be remembered that the church had ceased to be cathedral.

FTB969 Qu. “copes”?

FTB970 Edd. 1,2, “cope.”

FTB971 Stow, 609 (for the latter part of the paragraph).

FTB972 Edd. 1, 2, “always.”

FTB973 A letter of the Council, April 30, 1548, reproving and forbidding the alienation of church-ornaments, etc. by churchwardens and others (procured, as is supposed, by Cranmer) is given by Strype, Cranmer, 2. 91. ed. Eccl. Hist. Soc.

FTB974 Fuller, 4. 102-3.

FTB975 Ibid. 98.

FTB976 7 Edw. VI. c. 2; Fuller, 3. 466.

FTB977 A device for new-modelling the Order, translated into Latin by King Edward himself, is printed by Burnet, II 2. 109-115. It does not, however, contain anything about removing the seat of the Order from Windsor, although it provides that, after the death of the holders in possession, the revenues of prebendaries, etc., of Windsor, shall be conferred on preachers; and the days appointed for the festival are the first Saturday and Sunday of December.—Edw. Journal, April 24, 1552: “The Order of the Garter wholly altered, as appeareth by the new Statutes.”

FTB978 Sup. p. 214. He was deprived October 11, 1552.—Edw. Journal.

FTB979 Edd. 1, 2, “Lorain.”

FTB980 See below, Mar. 2. 11. Henry, Earl of Northumberland, was slain at Towton-field in 1461. His honors were forfeited, and in 1464 the title of Earl of Northumberland was conferred on John Nevill, brother of Richard, Earl of Warwick. The son of Earl Percy was restored in blood and honors in 1470, when Nevill resigned the title of Northumberland, and was created Marquess of Montacute.—Dugdale, Baronage, 1. 282; Nicolas, Synopsis of the Peerage, 483.

FTB981 See Eliz. lntrod. 4-6, 17.

FTB982 Dugdale, Baronage, 1. 283. Comp. Cared. Britannia, 821.

FTB983 7 Edw. VI. Private Act No. 1. See Fuller, 4. 104; Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 395. Burnet (II. 442) complains of the misrepresentation of this Act “by those who never read more than the title of it.” The preamble states that on account of the extent and other circumstances of the bishopric, the King intended to divide it into two, by dissolving the existing see, and erecting bishoprics at Durham and Newcastle, with a new deanery and chapter at the latter place. Some spoliation was, doubtless, intended, and “in May (1553) the temporalty of the bishopric was turned into a county palatine, and given to the Duke of Northumberland;” but the operation of the Act, as a whole, would have been widely different from what Heylyn intimates; and the remarks of Collier (v. 504), who treats the proposal for new bishoprics as a pretense “to smoothe the way for the dissolution bill, and cover the Duke of Northumberland’s designs,” have no apparent foundation.

Wharton (Spec. of Errors, 120) states that Ridley was translated to Durham, under the new arrangement, and that in the instrument of Bonner’s restitution the see of London is said to be vacant through that translation; but it is certain that on the last day of King Edward’s life Ridley signed his name “Nicolaus, miseratione divina London. episcopus,” and exercised authority in the diocese of London; consequently, it would seem that the actual translation had not taken place.—(Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 426.) But when it is argued from this in a late interesting sketch of the Reformation, that “it cannot be believed he had given any consent to this removal;” and that “it is more probable that the public instrument was drawn up by his enemies, to make him more odious, as usurping the rights of Tonstal than those of Bonner,” (Massingberd’s English Reformation, 371),—the historian evidently allows his feelings to draw inferences which are quite unwarranted by fact. There is no ground for supposing that Ridley shared in Mr.

Massingberd’s scruples as to the rights of Tonstal; or for doubting that he consented to the arrangement by which he was to be transferred to the northern bishopric. Thyn in Holinshed, 4. 771, states that Grindal was fixed on as Ridley’s successor in the see of London—a statement which is not irreconcilable with the fact that he had been named for a bishopric in the north—(one of those which were to have been formed out of Durham, as is supposed, Strype, Grind. 8)—in the end of 1552.

FTB984 Sup. p. 240.

FTB985 Stow, 609.

FTB986 Edd. 1, 2, “Cabol.”

FTB987 John Cabot appears to have been a Genoese. Sebastian was, as he himself stated, a native of Bristol, whence he was removed by his father to Venice when three years old; and he returned to England in boyhood or early youth.—Memoir of S. Cabot [by R. Biddle, Esq., an American writer] London, 1831.

FTB988 Edd. 1,2, “Barralaos.” The name of Tierra de Bacallaos was given to Newfoundland on account of the abundance of codfish on its shores.— Tytler, Progress of Discovery in North America, 24.

FTB989 Edd. 1,2. “Cronadd.”

FTB990 It has been questioned whether Cabot reached this high latitude; but Mr. Biddle appears to have proved that he did so—not, however, in the expedition of 1497, but in one made under the patronage of Henry VIII, in 1517. Cabot, in fact, entered Hudson’s Bay ninety years before the first voyage of the navigator from whom it derives its name.— Biddle, 103-119; Tytler, Life of Henry VIII, 85; Progress of Discovery in North America, 40-1.

FTB991 Mr. Biddle is anxious to prove that Cabot was not guilty of transporting these savages from their native country, but that they were brought to England by some other adventurers in 1502.—p. 229.

FTB992 1512. He returned to England on the death of Ferdinand, 1516, and in the following year made the expedition mentioned in note 4.— Biddie, 97; Tytler’s Hen. VIII, 84.

FTB993 This appointment is questioned by Mr. Biddie, 176, 311.

FTB994 So in the editions; but it seems a strange manner of expressing the fact that Willoughby himself kept a journal, which was found with him.—Godwin, Ann. 151.

FTB995 See Mary,4. 13.

FTB996 Holinshed places the marriages in the beginning of May, (3. 1063); Godwin, in June, (148); Stow does not give any day.

FTB997 Hayward, 325*.

FTB998 “It appears,’ says Mr. Hallam, “that the young King’s original intention was to establish a modified Salic law, excluding females from the crown, but not their male heirs. In a writing drawn by himself, and entitled ‘My device for the succession’ it is entailed on the heirs male of the Lady Queen, if she have any before his death; then to the Lady Jane and her heirs male; then to the heirs male of the Lady Katherine; and in every instance, except Jane, excluding the female herself.—Strype’s Cranmer, Append. 164. [2. 676, ed. Eccl. Hist. Sec.] A late author, on consulting the original MS. in the King’s hand-writing, found that it had been at first written the Lady Jane’s heirs male, but that the words and her had been interlined.—Nares, Mere. of Burghley, 1. 451. Mr.

Nares does not seem to doubt but that this was done by Edward himself; the change, however, is remarkable, and should probably be ascribed to Northumberland’s influence.”— (Const. Hist. 1. 40).

FTB999 Hayw. 324*.

FTB1000 Hayw. 324*.

FTB1001 Hayw. 327*.

FTB1002 Hayw. 327*. For a specimen of the strange stories current at the time, see a letter of Burcher to Bullinger, Orig. Letters, 184.

FTB1003 “Jerusalem and Babel, or the image of both Churches, by P.D.M.’ i.e. Matthew Pattison, p. 423.”—Note in Brewer’s ed. of Fuller, 4. 19.

FTB1004 Fuller, 3. 237. The authority for this is somewhat suspicious.

Weston, a Romanist, was in the reign of Mary deprived of the deanery of Westminster, on account of adultery, and was committed to the Tower, from which he was released at the accession of Elizabeth. He died soon after regaining his liberty; and, says Fox, “the common talk was, that if he had not so suddenly ended his life, he would have opened and revealed the purpose of the chief of the clergy, (meaning the Cardinal), which was to have taken up King Henry’s body at Windsor, and to have burnt it.”—(8. 637). Sanders states that Mary caused catholic obsequies to be celebrated for Edward, but afterwards, when “melius instituta,” agreed that Henry should not be prayed for.— 248. Fuller mentions a tradition, evidently unfounded, that the body was burnt.—6. 352.

FTB1005 “Thy,” Fox, Fuller.

FTB1006 Fox,6. 352; Fuller, 4. 119.

FTB1007 Hayward—who however says nine days.

FTB1008 Godwin, Ann. 168. Comp. Strype’s N. in Kennett, 2. 334.

FTB1009 Edd. 1,2, “on.”

FTB1010 Stow, 613.

FTB1011 Edd. Heyl. “for.”

FTB1012 The translation is from Fox,2. 653, ed. 1631, where the Latin is also given.

FTB1013 Some Grammar-schools owe their foundation to King Edward— those of Shrewsbury, Bury St. Edmunds, and Birmingham being the most noted. Strype, Eccl. Mem. 2. 385, gives a list of twenty-two, and alludes to “others;” but the performance in this department fell far short of the promise held out by the act for dissolution of chan-tries, etc. “Among the petitions of the Clergy in Convocation to the upper house, anno 1555, [under Mary] one is—‘Item, for schools and hospitals promised in the statute of suppression of colleges.’”—Gibson, Codex, 1258. Nothing came of the motion.

FTB1014 Edd. “possibly.”

FTB1015 Edd. 1,2, “redemption.” Perhaps we ought to read “exemption.”

FTB1016 Sup. p. 25, note 2.

FTB1017 Burnet mentions a letter on this subject, written by Cox to Secretary Paget, I. 339, folio.

FTB1018 Heylyn was particularly acquainted with this town, having resided there during the usurpation.