BOOK 8. Pertaining To THE LAST THREE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE LOOSING OUT OF SATAN.

CONTINUING THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH MATTERS APPERTAINING. TO BOTH STATES, AS WELL ECCLESIASTICAL, AS CIVIL AND TEMPORAL. THE HISTORY OF SEVEN GODLY MARTYRS BURNT AT COVENTRY.

PICTURE: Seven Godly Martyrs Burned at Coventry MISTRESS SMITH, WIDOW; ROBERT HATCHETS, A SHOEMAKER; ARCHER, A SHOEMAKER; HAWKINS, A SHOEMAKER; THOMAS BOND, A SHOEMAKER; WRIGSHAM, A GLOVER; LANDSDALE, A HOSIER, MARTYRED AT COVENTRY, A.D. 1519.

Their Persecutors : Simon Mourton, the Bishop’s Sumner; also the Bishop of Coventry, and Friar Stafford, Warden of the Grey Friars 481 .

The principal cause of the apprehension of these persons, was for teaching their children and family the Lord’s Prayer and Ten Commandments in English, for which they were, upon Ash Wednesday, taken and put in prison, some in places under ground, some in chambers and other places about, till Friday following.

Then they were sent to a monastery called Mackstock Abbey, six miles from Coventry; during which time their children were sent for to the Grey-Friars in Coventry, before the warden of the said friars, called friar Stafford; who straitly examining them of their belief, and what heresies their fathers had taught them, charged them, upon pain of suffering such death as their fathers should, in no wise to meddle any more with the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed, and Commandments in English.

This done, upon Palm Sunday the fathers of these children were brought back again to Coventry, and there, the week next before Easter (because most of them had borne faggots in the same city before), were condemned for relapse to be burned.

Only Mistress Smith was dismissed for that present, and sent away. And because it was in the evening, being somewhat dark, as she should go home, the aforesaid Simon Mourton, the sumner, offered himself to go home with her. No as he was leading her by the arm, and heard the rattling of a scroll within her sleeve; ‘Yea,’ saith he, ‘what have ye here?’ And so took it from her, and espied that it was the Lord’s Prayer, the Articles of the Faith, and the Ten Commandments in English. When the wretched sumner understood this; ‘Ah sirrah!’ said he, ‘Come, as good now as another time;’ and so brought her back again to the bishop, where she was immediately condemned, and so burned with the six men before named, the 4th of April, in a place thereby, called The Little Park, A.D. 1519.

ROBERT SILKEB, AT COVENTRY, A.D. 1521.

In the same number of these countrymen above rehearsed was also Robert Silkeb, who at the apprehension of these, as is above recited, fled away, and for that time. escaped. But about two years after he was taken again, and brought to the said city of Coventry, where he was also burned the morrow after he came thither, which was about the 13th of January, A.D. 1521.

Thus, when these were dispatched, immediately the sheriffs went to their houses, and took all their goods and cattle to their own use, not leaving their wives and children any parcel thereof, to help themselves withal. And forasmuch as the people began to grudge somewhat at the cruelty showed, and at the unjust death of these innocent martyrs, the bishop, with his officers and priests, caused it to be noised abroad by their tenants, servants, and farmers, that they were not burned for having the Lord’s Prayer and the Commandments in English, but because they did eat flesh on Fridays and other fast days; which could not be proved either before their death or after, nor yet was any such matter greatly objected to them in their examinations. The witnesses of this history be yet alive, who both saw them and knew them; of whom one is by name mother Hall, dwelling now in Bagington, two miles from Coventry: by whom also this is testified of them, that they, above all others in Coventry, pretended most show of worship and devotion at the holding up of the sacrament; whether to color the matter, or no, it is not known. 2 This is certain, that in godliness of life they differed from all the rest of the city; neither in their occupying would they use any oath, nor could abide it in them that occupied with them.

PATRICK HAMELTON482 MARTYRED AT ST. ANDREW’S IN SCOTLAND, A.D. 1527.

His Persecutors were James Beton, Archbishop of St. Andrews; Master Hugh Spens, Dean of Divinity in the University of St. Andrew; Master John Weddel, Rector of the University; James Simpson, Official; Thomas Ramsay, Canon, and Dean of the Abbey of St. Andrew; Allane Meldrum, Canon; John Greson, Principal of the Black Friars; John Dillidaff, Warden of the Grey Friars; Martin Balbur, Lawyer; John Spens, Lawyer; Alexander Yong, Bachelor of Divinity, Canon; John Annaud, Canon; Friar Alexander Campbel, Prior of the Black Friars, etc.

Like 3 as there was no place, either of Germany, Italy, or France, wherein there was not some imps or branches sprung out of that most fruitful root and foundation of Luther; so likewise was not this isle of Britain without his fruit and branches, amongst whom was Patrick Hamelton, a Scotchman born of high and noble stock, and of the king’s blood, young, and of flourishing age, and excellent towardness, of twenty-three years, called abbot of Ferne, who, first coming out of his country with three companions to seek godly learning, went to the university of Marburg in Germany, which university was then newly erected by Philip, landgrave of Hess, where he, using conference and familiarity with learned men, especially with Francis Lambert 483 , so profited in knowledge and mature judgment in matters of religion, that he, through the incitation of the said Lambert, was the first in all that university of Marburg who publicly did set up conclusions there to be disputed of, concerning faith and works: arguing also no less learnedly than fervently upon the same What those propositions and conclusions were, partly in his treatise hereafter following, called Patrick’s Places, may appear. Which 4 young man [Patrick Hamelton], if he had chosen to lead his life after the manner of other courtiers, in all kind of licentious riotousness, he should peradventure have found praise without peril or punishment in that his flourishing age; but, forsomuch as he joined godliness with his stock, and virtue with his age, he could by no means escape the hands of the wicked. So that in all things and in all ages, the saying of St. Paul is verified, ‘Whosoever doth desire and study to live godly in Christ, he shall suffer persecution as a companion of his godliness:’ for there is nothing safe or sure in this world but wickedness and sin. Whoever saw the cardinals or bishops rage with their cruel inquisitions against adultery, Hot, ambition, unlawful gaming, drunkenness, rapines, and willfulness to do all kind of mischievous? Any man that list, for all them, may exercise usury, make tumults, haunt base women, swear and foreswear, and deceive, at his own will and pleasure. But if any man were truly addict to the desire and study of godliness, confessing Christ to be his only patron and advocate, excluding the merits of saints, acknowledging free justification by faith in Christ, denying purgatory (for these articles Hamelton was burned); in these points they spare neither age nor kindred, neither is there any so great power in the world, that may withstand their majesty or authority. How great an ornament might so noble, learned, and excellent a young man have been unto that realm, being endued with so great godliness, and such a singular wit and disposition, if the Scots had not envied their own commodity?

What, and how great commendation there was of that young man, what hope of his disposition, his singular learning and doctrine, and what a maturity and ripeness of judgment was in him, did appear amongst the Germans, whereas he might declare himself.

Thus the ingenious wit of this learned Patrick, increasing daily more and more in knowledge and inflamed, with godliness, at length he began to revolve with himself touching his return into his country, being desirous to impart unto his countrymen some fruit of understanding which he had received abroad. Whereupon, persisting in his godly purpose, he took one of the three whom he brought out of Scotland, and so returned home without any longer delay; where he, not sustaining the miserable ignorance and blindness of that people, after he had valiantly I taught and preached the truth, and refelled their abuses, was first accused of heresy, and afterwards, constantly and stoutly sustaining the quarrel of God’s gospel against the high priest and archbishop of St. Andrew’s, named James Beton, was cited to appear before him and his college of priests, on the 1st of March, A.D. 1527. But he, being not only forward in knowledge, but also ardent in spirit not tarrying for the hour appointed, prevented the time, and came very early in the morning before he was looked for; and there mightily disputing against them, when he could not by the Scriptures be convicted, by force he was oppressed. And so the sentence of condemnation being given against him, the same day after dinner, in all the hot haste, he was had away to the fire, and there burned (the king being yet but a child): which thing made the bishops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton, the blessed servant of God, without all just cause, made away by cruel adversaries, yet not without great fruit to the church of Christ; for the grave testimony of his blood left the verity and truth of God more fixed and confirmed in the hearts of many, than ever could after be plucked away: insomuch that divers afterwards, standing in his quarrel, sustained also the like martyrdom, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall appear, as place and time shall require.

In the mean season we think good to express here his articles, and order of his process, as we received them from Scotland, out of the registers, THE ARTICLES AND OPINIONS OBJECTED AGAINST MASTER PATRICK HAMELTON, BY JAMES BETON, ARCHBISHOP OF ST. ANDREWS.

That man hath no free-will.

That there is no purgatory.

That the holy patriarchs were in heaven before Christ’s passion.

That the pope hath no power to loose and bind; and that no pope had that power after St. Peter.

That the pope is Antichrist, and that every priest hath the power that the pope hath.

That Master Patrick Hamelton was a bishop.

That it is not necessary to obtain any bulls from any bishop. That the vow of the pope’s religion is a vow of wickedness. That the pope’s laws be of no strength.

That all Christians, worthy to be called Christians, do know that they be in the state of grace.

That none be saved, but they are before predestinated.

Whosoever is in deadly sin, is unfaithful.

That God is the cause of sin, in this sense, that is, that he withdraweth his grace from men, whereby they sin.

That it is devilish doctrine, to enjoin to any sinner actual penance for sin.

That the said Master Patrick himself doubteth whether all children, departing incontinent after their baptism, are saved or condemned.

That auricular confession is not necessary to salvation.

These articles above written were given in, and laid against Master Hamelton, and inserted in their registers, for which also he was condemned, by them that hated him, to death. But other learned men, who communed and reasoned with him, do testify, that these articles following were the very articles, for which he suffered. 1. Man hath no free-will. 2. A man is only justified by faith in Christ. 3. A man so long as he liveth, is not without sin. 4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, who believeth not that he is in grace. 5. A good man doth good works: good works do not make a good man. 6. An evil man bringeth forth evil works: evil works, being faithfully repented, do not make an evil man. 7. Faith, hope, and charity be so linked together, that one of them cannot be without another in one man, in this life.

And as touching the other articles whereupon the doctors gave their judgments, as divers do report, he was not accused of them before the bishop; albeit in private disputation he affirmed and defended the most of them. Here followeth the sentence pronounced against him.

THE SENTENCE AGAINST PATRICK HAMELTON.

Christi nomine invocato: We James, by the mercy of God archbishop of St. Andrews, primate of Scotland, with the counsel, decree, and authority of the most reverend fathers in God, and lords, abbots, doctors of theology, professors of the holy Scripture, and masters of the university, assisting us for the time, sitting in judgment within our metropolitan church of St. Andrew, in the cause of heretical pravity, against Master Patrick Hamelton, abbot or pensionary of Ferne, being summoned to appear before us, to answer to certain articles affirmed, taught, and preached by him, and so appearing before us, and accused, the merits of the cause being ripely weighed, discussed, and understood by faithful inquisition made in Lent last past: we have found the same Master Patrick many ways infamed with heresy, disputing, holding, and maintaining divers heresies of Martin Luther, and his followers, repugnant to our faith, and which are already condemned by general councils, and most famous universities. 5 And he being under the same infamy, we decreeing before that he should be summoned and accused upon the premises, he, of evil mind (as may be presumed), passed forth of the realm to other parts, suspected and noted of heresy. And being lately returned, not being admitted, but of his own head, without license or privilege, hath presumed to preach wicked heresy.

We have found also, that he hath affirmed, published, and taught divers opinions of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appear before us, and our council: that man hath no free will: that man is in sin so long as he liveth: that children, incontinent after their baptism, are sinners: that all Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace: that no man is justified by works, but by faith only: that good works make not a good man, but a good man doth make good works that faith, hope and charity are so knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth the, one of them, wanteth the rest, etc., with divers other heresies and detestable opinions; and hath persisted so obstinately in the same, that by no counsel or persuasion he may be drawn therefrom to the way of our right faith. All these premises being considered, we having God and the integrity of our faith before our eyes, and following the counsel and advice of the professors of the holy Scripture, men of laws, and other assisting us for the time, do pronounce, determine, and declare the said Master Patrick Hamelton, for his affirming, confessing, and maintaining of the aforesaid heresies, and his pertinacity (they being condemned already by the church, general councils, and most famous universities), to be a heretic, and to have an evil opinion of the faith; and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemn, and define him to be punished, by this our sentence definitive; depriving and sentencing him to be deprived of all dignities, honors, orders, offices, and benefices of the church; and therefore do judge and pronounce him to be delivered over unto the secular power, to be punished, and his goods to be confiscated.

This our sentence definitive was given and read at our metropolitan church of St. Andrew, the last day of the month of February A.D. 1527, there being present the most reverend fathers in Christ, and lords, Gawand, bishop of Glasgow; George, bishop of Dunkeld; John, bishop of Brechyn; William, bishop of Dunblanc; Patrick, prior of St. Andrews; David, abbot of Abirbrothoke; George, abbot of Dunfermline; Alexander, abbot of Caunbuskineth; Henry, abbot of Lenders; John, prior of Peterweme; the dean and subdean of Glasgow; Master Hugh Spens, Thomas Ramsay, Allane Meldrum, etc.

In the presence of the clergy and the people, etc.

After the condemnation and martyrdom of this true saint of God were dispatched by the bishops and doctors of Scotland, the rulers and doctors of the university of Louvain, hearing thereof, received such joy and consolation at the shedding of that innocent blood, that for the abundance of heart they could not stay their pen to utter condign thanks; applauding and triumphing, in their letters sent to the aforesaid bishop of St. Andrews and doctors of Scotland, at the worthy and famous deservings of their achieved enterprise in that behalf: as by the tenor of their said letter may appear, which here followeth.

THE COPY OF A LETTER CONGRATULATORY, SENT FROM THE DOCTORS OF LOUVAIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF ST.

ANDREWS AND DOCTORS OF SCOTLAND, COMMENDING THEM FOR THE DEATH OF MASTER PATRICK HAMELTON.

Your excellent virtue, most honorable bishop, hath so deserved, that albeit we be far distant both by sea and land, without conjunction of familiarity, yet we desire with all our hearts to thank you for your worthy deed, by whose works that true faith, which not long ago was tainted with heresy, not only remaineth unhurt, but also is more confirmed. For(as our dear friend Master Alexander Galoway, canon of Aberdeen, hath showed us)the presumption of the wicked heretic, Patrick Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example, in that you have cut him off, when there was no hope of amendment, etc.

This firing as it is thought commendable to us, so the manner of the proceeding was no less pleasant, that the matter was performed by so great consent of so many states, as of the clergy, nobility, and vulgar people; not rashly, but most prudently, the order of law being in all points observed. We have seen the sentence which ye pronounced, and always do approve the same, not doubting but that the articles which be inserted are erroneous: so that whosoever will defend for a truth any one of the same, with pertinacity, should be esteemed an enemy to the faith, and an adversary to the holy Scripture. 7 And albeit one or two of them appear to be without error, to them that will consider only the bare words; as for example, ‘Good works make not a good man, but a good man worketh good works;’ yet there is no doubt but they contain a Lutheran sense, which in a manner they signify; to wit, that works done after faith and justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of any reward before God. Believe not that this example shall have place only among you, for there shall be those among extern nations who shall imitate the same, etc.

Certainly ye have given us great courage, so that now we acknowledge your university, which was founded according to the example of our university of Louvain, to be equal to ours, or else above; and would God occasion were offered of testifying our minds toward you. In the mean time let us labor with one consent, that the ravening wolves may be expelled from the sheepfold of Christ, while we have time. Let us study to preach to the people more learnedly hereafter, and more wisely. Let us have inquisitors and espiers of books, containing that doctrine, especially that are brought in from far countries, whether by apostate monks, or by merchants, the most suspected kind of men in these days. It is said that since Scotland first embraced the Christian faith, it was never defiled with any heresy. 8 Persevere therefore, being moved thereunto by the example of England, your next neighbor, which in this most troublous time is not changed, partly by the working of the bishops, among whom Roffensis 9 hath showed himself an evangelical Phoenix, and partly of the king, declaring himself to be another Matthias 10 of the new law, pretermiting nothing that may defend the law of his realm; which, if your most renowned king of Scotland will follow, he shall purchase to himself eternal glory.

Further, as touching the condign commendation due for your part, most reverend bishop! in this behalf, it shall not be the least part of your praise, that these heresies have been extinct some time in Scotland, you being primate of Scotland, and principal author thereof: albeit that they also who have assisted you, are not to be defrauded of their deserved praise; as the reverend bishop of Glasgow, of whose erudition we have here given us partly to understand, and also the reverend bishop of Aberdeen, a stout defender of the faith, together with the rest of the prelates, abbots, priors, and professors of holy Scripture. Let your reverend fatherhood take this little testificate of our duty towards you it, good part, whom we wish long and happily well to fare in Christ.

From Louvain, the year 1528, April 21.

By the masters and professors of theology in the university of Louvain, Yours to command.

In this epistle of the Louvanian doctors, I shall not need, gentle reader! to note unto thee, what a pernicious thing in a commonwealth is blind ignorance, when it falleth into cruel hearts; which may well be compared to a sword, put into the hands of one that is both blind and mad. For as the blind man, having no sense to see and judge, knoweth not whom he striketh; so the madman, being cruel and furious, hath no compassion in sparing any. Whereupon it happeneth many times with these men, as it did with the blind furious Pharisees, that as they, having the sword of authority in their hands, instead of malefactors and false prophets, slew the true prophets of God, and at last crucified the King of glory; so these, catholic Louvanians, and followers of their Messias of Rome, take in their hands the sword of jurisdiction; who, neither seeing what to spare, nor caring whom to smite, under the style and pretense of heretics, murder and blaspheme, without mercy, the true preachers of the gospel, and the holy anointed of the Lord.

But to return to the matter again of Master Hamelton; here is moreover to be observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the year of our Lord 1564, in which year this present history was collected in Scotland, there were certain faithful men of credit then alive, who, being present the same time when Master Patrick Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeal the Black Friar called Campbel, that accused him, to appear before the high God, as general Judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and whether his accusation was just or not, between that and a certain day of the next month, which he there named. Moreover, by the same witness it is testified, that the said friar died immediately before the said day came, without remorse of conscience that he had persecuted the innocent; by the example whereof divers of the people the same time much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the aforesaid Master Hamelton to be good and just.

Hereunto I thought good to adjoin a certain godly and profitable treatise of the said Master Patrick Hamelton, written first by him in Latin, and afterwards translated by John Frith into English; which he names ‘Patrick’s Places;’ not unprofitable, in my mind, to be seen and read of all men, for the pure and comfortable doctrine contained in the same, as not only by the treatise itself may appear, but also by the preface of the said John Frith, prefixed before, which also I thought not inconvenient to insert with the same, as here followeth.

A BRIEF TREATISE OF MASTER PATRICK HAMELTON, CALLED ‘PATRICK’S PLACES.’

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY’ JOHN FRITH, WITH THE EPISTLE OF THE SAID FRITH PREFIXED BEFORE THE SAME, AS FOLLOWETH.

JOHN FRITH UNTO THE CHRISTIAN READER.

Blessed be God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who in these last days and perilous times hath stirred up in all countries witnesses unto his Son, to testify the truth unto the unfaithful, to save at least some from the snares of Antichrist, which lead to perdition, as ye may here perceive by that excellent and well learned young man, Patrick Hamelton, born in Scotland of a noble progeny 484 : who, to testify the truth, sought all means, and took upon him priesthood (even as Paul circumcised Timothy, to win the weak Jews), that he might he admitted to preach the pure word of God. Notwithstanding, as soon as the chamberlain and other bishops of Scotland had perceived that the light began to shine, which disclosed their falsehood which they conveyed in darkness, they laid hands on him, and because he would not deny his Savior Christ at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheless, God of his bounteous mercy (to publish to the whole world what a man these monsters have murdered), hath reserved a little treatise, made by this Patrick, which if ye list, ye may call Patrick s Places: for it treateth exactly of certain common places, which known, ye have the pith of all divinity. This treatise I have turned into the English tongue, to the profit of my nation: to whom I beseech God to give light, that they may espy the deceitful paths of perdition, and return to the right way, which leadeth to life everlasting, Amen.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE LAW.

The law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evil, as the commandments do specify here following.

THE TEN COMMANDMENTS OF GOD. 1. Thou shalt worship but one God. 2. Thou shalt make thee no image to worship it. 3. Thou shalt not swear by his name in yam. 4. Hold the Sabbath day holy. 5. Honor thy father and thy mother. 6 Thou shalt not kill. 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 8. Thou shalt not steal. 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness. 10. Thou shalt not desire ought that belongeth to thy neighbor.

All these commandments are briefly comprised in these two, hereunder ensuing: ‘Love thy Lord God with all thine heart, with all thy soul, and with all thy mind: this is the first, and great commandment. The second is like unto this, that is, Love thy neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.’ (Matthew 22) CERTAIN GENERAL PROPOSITIONS PROVED BY THE SCRIPTURE.

THE FIRST PROPOSITION. ‘He that loveth God loveth his neighbor.’

This proposition is proved by 1 John 4: ‘If a man say, I love God, and yet hateth his brother, he is a liar.

He that loveth not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen?’ (1 John 4) THE SECOND PROPOSITION. ‘He that loveth his neighbor as himself, keepeth all the commandments of God.’

This proposition is proved: ‘Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, even so do to them: for this is the law and the prophets.’ (Matthew 7) ‘He that loveth his neighbor, fulfilleth the law. Thou shalt not commit adultery: thou shalt not kill: thou shalt not steal: thou shalt not bear false witness: thou shalt not desire,’ etc. ‘And if there be any other commandment, all are comprehended in this saying, Love thy neighbor as thyself.’ (Romans 13) ‘All the law is fulfilled in one word, that is, Love thy neighbor as thyself.’ (Galatians 5) Argument .

He that loveth his neighbor, keepeth all the commandments of God. (Romans 13) He that loveth God, loveth his neighbor. (1 John 4) Ergo, he that loveth God, keepeth all the commandments of God.

THE THIRD PROPOSITION. ‘He that hath faith, loveth God.’ ‘My Father loveth you, because you love me, and believe that I come of God.’ (John 16) Argument.

He that keepeth the commandments of God, hath the love of God.

He that hath faith, keepeth the commandments of God.

Ergo, he that hath faith, loveth God.

THE FOURTH PROPOSITION. ‘He that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth them all.’

This proposition is confirmed: ‘It is impossible for a man without faith to please God;’ (Hebrews 11) that is, to keep any one of God’s commandments, as he should do. Then whosoever keepeth any one commandment, hath faith. Argument.

He that hath faith keepeth all the commandments of God.

He that keepeth any one commandment of God, hath faith.

Ergo, he that keepeth one commandment, keepeth them all.

THE FIFTH PROPOSITION. ‘He that keepeth not all the commandments of God, keepeth not one of them.’ Argument.

He that keepeth one commandment of God, keepeth all.

Ergo, he that keepeth not all the commandments of God, keepeth not one of them.

THE SIXTH PROPOSITION. ‘It is not in our power to keep any one of the commandments of God.’ Argument.

It is impossible to keep any of the commandments of God, without grace.

It is not in our power to have grace.

Ergo, it is not in our power to keep any of the commandments of God.

And even so may you reason concerning the Holy Ghost and faith, forasmuch as neither without them we are able to keep any of the commandments of God, nor yet be they in our power to have; Non est volentis neque currentis,’ etc. (Romans 9) THE SEVENTH PROPOSITION. ‘The law was given us to show our sin.’

By the law cometh the knowledge of sin.’ (Romans 3) ‘I knew not what sin meant, but through the law; for I had not known what lust had meant, except the law had said, Thou shalt not lust, Without the law sin was dead, that is, it moved me, not, neither wist I that it was sin, which notwithstanding was sin, and forbidden by the law. (Romans 7) THE EIGHTH PROPOSITION.

The law biddeth us do that thing which is impossible for us.

The keeping of the commandments is to us impossible.

The law commandeth to us the keeping of the commandments.

Ergo, the law commandeth unto us what is impossible. Objection: But thou wilt say, ‘Wherefore doth God bid us do what is impossible for us?’ Answer: I answer, to make thee know that thou art but evil, and that there is no remedy to save thee in thine own hand: and thou mayest seek remedy at some other; for the law doth nothing else but command thee.

THE DOCTRINE OF THE GOSPEL.

The Gospel is as much as to say, in our tongue, good tidings; like as these be hereunder following, and such others, Luke Christ is the Savior of the world. John 4.

Christ is the Savior. Luke 2.

Christ died for us. Romans 5.

Christ died for our sins. Romans 4.

Christ bought us with his blood. 1 Peter 2.

Christ washed us with his blood. Revelation 1.

Christ offered himself for us. Galatians 1.

Christ bare our sins on his back. Isaiah 53.

Christ came into this world to save sinners. 1 Timothy 1.

Christ came into this world to take away our sins. 1 John 3.

Christ was the price that was given for us and our sins. 1 Timothy 2.

Christ was made debtor for us. Romans 8.

Christ hath payed our debt, for he died for us. Colossians 2.

Christ made satisfaction for us and our sins. 1 Corinthians 7.

Christ is our righteousness. 1 Corinthians 1.

Christ is our sanctification. 1 Corinthians 1.

Christ is our redemption. Ephesians 2.

Christ is our peace. Romans 5.

Christ hath pacified the Father of heaven for us. 1 Corinthians 3.

Christ is ours and all his. Colossians 2.

Christ hath delivered us from the law, from the devil, and from hell. John 1.

The Father of heaven hath forgiven us our sins, for Christ’s sake. (Or any such other, like to the same, which declare unto us the mercy of God.)

THE NATURE AND OFFICE OF THE LAW AND OF THE GOSPEL.

The law showeth us our sin. Romans 3.

The gospel showeth us remedy for it. John 1.

The law showeth us our condemnation. Romans 7.

The gospel showeth us our redemption. Colossians 1.

The law is the word of ire. Romans 4.

The gospel is the word of grace. Acts 20.

The law is the word of despair. Deuteronomy 27.

The gospel is the word of comfort. Luke 2.

The law is the word of unrest. Romans The gospel is the word of peace. Ephesians 6.

A DISPUTATION BETWEEN THE LAW AND THE GOSPEL; WHERE IS SHOWN THE DIFFERENCE OR CONTRARIETY BETWEEN THEM BOTH.

The law saith, ‘Pay thy debt.’

The gospel saith, ‘Christ hath paid it.’

The law saith, ‘Thou art a sinner; despair, and thou shalt be damned.’

The gospel saith, ‘Thy sins are forgiven thee, be of good comfort, thou shalt be saved!’

The law saith, ‘Make amends for thy sins.’

The gospel saith, ‘Christ hath made it for thee.’

The law saith, ‘The Father of heaven is angry with thee.’

The gospel saith, ‘Christ hath pacified him with his blood.’

The law saith, ‘Where is thy righteousness, goodness, and satisfaction?’

The gospel saith, ‘Christ is thy righteousness, thy goodness, thy satisfaction.’

The law saith, ‘Thou art bound and obliged to me, to the devil, and to hell.’

The gospel saith, ‘Christ hath delivered thee from them all.’

THE DOCTRINE OF FAITH.

Faith is to believe God, like as Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness.

To believe God, is to believe his word, and to account it true, that he saith.

He that believeth not God’s word, believeth not God himself.

He that believeth not God’s word, counteth him false and a liar, and believeth not that he may and will fulfill his word; and so he denieth both the might of God, and God himself.

THE NINTH PROPOSITION. ‘Faith is the gift of God.’ Argument.

Every good thing is the gift of God.

Faith is good.

Ergo, faith is the gift of God.

THE TENTH PROPOSITION.

Faith is not in our power. Argument.

The gift of God is not in our power.

Faith is the gift of God.

Ergo, faith is not in our power.

THE ELEVENTH PROPOSITION.

He that lacketh faith, cannot please God. ‘Without faith it is impossible to please God;’ (Hebrews 11) ‘all that cometh not of faith is sin; for without faith can no man please God.’ (Romans 14) Induction.

He that lacketh faith, trusteth not God: he that trusteth not God, trusteth not his word: he that trusteth not his word, holdeth him false and a liar: he that holdeth him false and a liar, believeth not that he may do that he promiseth, and so denieth he that he is God.

Ergo, ‘a primo ad ultimum,’ he that lacketh faith cannot please God.

If it were possible for any man to do all the good deeds that ever were done either by men or angels, yet being in this case, it is impossible for him to please God.

THE TWELFTH PROPOSITION.

All that is done in faith, pleaseth God.

Right is the word of God, and all his works in faith. (Psalm 33) Lord, thine eyes look to faith: that is as much as to say, Lord, thou delightest in faith. (Jeremiah 5) THE THIRTEENTH PROPOSITION.

He that hath faith is just and good. Argument.

He that is a good tree, bringing forth good fruit, is just and good.

He that hath faith, is a good tree bringing forth good fruit.

Ergo, he that hath faith, is just and good.

THE FOURTEENTH PROPOSITION.

He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him. Induction.

He that hath faith, believeth God; he that believeth God, believeth his word; he that believeth his word, wotteth well that he is true and faithful, and may not lie, knowing that he both may, and will, fulfill his word.

Ergo, ‘a primo ad ultimum, he that hath faith cannot displease God, neither can any man do a greater honor to God, than to count him true. Objection.

Thou wilt then say, that theft, murder, adultery, and all vices please God Answer.

Nay verily, for they cannot be done in faith; for ‘a good tree beareth good fruit.’ (Matthew 7:12) THE FIFTEENTH PROPOSITION.

Faith is a certainty or assuredness. ‘Faith is a sure confidence of things which are hoped for, and certainty of things which are not seen.’ (Hebrews 11) ‘The same Spirit certifieth our spirit, that we are the children of God.’ (Romans 8) Moreover, he that hath faith, wotteth well that God will fulfill his word: whereby it appeareth, that faith is a certainty or assuredness. A man is justified by Faith ‘Abraham believed God, and it was imputed unto him for righteousness.’ (Romans 4) ‘We suppose therefore, that a man is justified by faith, without the deeds of the law.’ (Romans 3, Galatians 2) ‘He that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the wicked, his faith is counted to him for righteousness.’ (Romans 4) ‘The just man liveth by his faith.’ (Habakkuk 2, Romans 1) ‘We wot that a man is not justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ; and we believe in Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the law.’ (Galatians 2) What is the Faith of Christ?

The faith of Christ is to believe in him; that is, to believe his word, and believe that he will help thee in all thy need, and deliver thee from all evil. Thou wilt ask me, ‘What word?’ I answer, ‘The gospel.’ ‘He that believeth in Christ shall be saved.’ Mark 16. ‘He that believeth the Son hath everlasting life.’ John 3. ‘Verily I say unto you, he that believeth in me, hath everlasting life.’

John 6. ‘This I write unto you, that you believe on the Son of God, that ye may know how that ye have eternal life.’ 1 John 5. ‘Thomas! because thou hast seen me, therefore hast thou believed: happy are they which have not seen, and yet have believed in me.’ John 22. ‘All the prophets to him bear witness, that whosoever believeth in him shall have remission of their sins.’ Acts 10. ‘What must I do that I may be saved?’ The apostles answered, ‘Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved.’ Acts 16. ‘If thou dost acknowledge with thy mouth that Jesus is the Lord, and believe withq thine heart that God raised him from death, thou shalt be safe.’ Romans 10. ‘He that believeth not in Christ shall be condemned. He that believeth not the Son shall never see life, but the ire of God bideth upon him.’ John 3. ‘The Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of sin, because they believe not in me.’ John 16.

They that believe in Jesu Christ are the sons of God. ‘Ye are all the sons of God, because ye believe in Jesus Christ.’ 1 John 3. ‘He that believeth that Christ is the Son of God, is safe.’ John 1. ‘Peter said, Thou art Christ the Son of the living God! Jesus answered and said unto him, Happy art thou, Simon, the son of Jonas, for flesh and blood hath not opened to thee that, but my Father that is in heaven.’ Matthew 16. ‘We have believed, and know that thou art Christ the Son of the living God.’ ‘I believe that thou art Christ the Son of God, which should come into the world.’ John 11. ‘These things are written, that ye might believe that Jesus is Christ the Son of God, and that ye, in believing, might have life.’ John 20. ‘I believe that Jesus is the Son of God.’ Acts 8.

THE SIXTEENTH PROPOSITION. ‘He that believeth the gospel, believeth God.’ Argument.

He that believeth God’s word, believeth God.

The gospel is God’s word.

Ergo, he that believeth the gospel, believeth God.

To believe the gospel is this: that Christ is the Savior of the world.’ John 6.

Christ is our Savior. Luke 2.

Christ bought us with his blood. Hebrews 13. 1 Peter 1. Revelation 5.

Christ washed us with his blood. Revelation 1.

Christ offered himself for us. Hebrews 4.

Christ bare our sins on his own back, etc. 1 Peter 2.

THE SEVENTEENTH PROPOSITION. ‘He that believeth not the gospel believeth not God.’ Argument.

He that believeth not God’s word, believeth not God himself.

The gospel is God’s word Ergo, he that believeth not the gospel, believeth not God himself; and consequently, he that believeth not those things above written, and such others, believeth not God.

THE EIGHTEENTH PROPOSITION.

He that believeth the gospel, shall be safe. ‘Go ye into all the world, and preach the gospel unto every creature: he that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved; but he that believeth not, shall be condemned.’ Mark 16. A Comparison between Faith and Incredulity.

Faith is, the root of all good: incredulity is the root of all evil.

Faith maketh God and man good friends: incredulity maketh them foes.

Faith bringeth God and man together: incredulity sundereth them.

All that faith doth, pleaseth God: all that incredulity doth, displeaseth God.

Faith only maketh a man good and righteous: incredulity only maketh him unjust and evil.

Faith maketh a man a member of Christ: incredulity maketh him a member of the devil.

Faith maketh a man the inheritor of heaven: incredulity maketh him inheritor of hell.

Faith maketh a man the servant of God: incredulity maketh him the servant of the devil.

Faith showeth us God to be a sweet father: incredulity showeth him a terrible judge.

Faith holdeth stiff by the word of God: incredulity wavereth here and there.

Faith counteth and holdeth God to be true: incredulity holdeth him false and a liar.

Faith knoweth God: incredulity knoweth him not.

Faith loveth both God and his neighbor: incredulity loveth neither of them. Faith only saveth us: incredulity only condemneth us.

Faith extolleth God and his deeds: incredulity extolleth herself and her own deeds.

OF HOPE.

Hope is a trusty looking after the thing that is promised us to come, as we hope after the everlasting joy, which Christ hath promised unto all that believe in him.

We should put our hope and trust in God alone, and in no other thing. ‘It is good to trust in God and not in man.’ Psalm 118. ‘He that trusteth in his own heart is a fool.’ Proverbs 28. ‘It is good to trust in God, and not in princes.’ Psalm 118. ‘They shall be like unto the images which they make, and all that trust in them.’ Psalm 115. ‘He that trusteth in his own thoughts doth ungodly.’ Proverbs 12. ‘Cursed is he that trusteth in man.’ Jeremiah 17. ‘Bid the rich men of this world, that they trust not in their unstable riches, but that they trust in the living God. 1 Timothy 6. ‘It is hard for them that trust in money, to enter into the kingdom of heaven.’ (Luke 18) Moreover we should trust in him only, that may help us: God only may help us, therefore we should trust in him only. ‘Well are they that trust in God, and woe to them that trust not in him. (Psalm 2, Jeremiah 17) ‘Well is that man that trusteth in God, for God shall be his trust.’ (Psalm 14, Ecclesiastes 34) ‘He that trusteth in him, shall understand the verity. Wis. 3. ‘They shall rejoice that trust in thee; they shall ever be glad, and thou wilt defend them.’ Psalm 5.

OF CHARITY.

Charity is the love of thy neighbor. The rule of charity is this: Do as thou wouldst be done to: for Christ holdeth all alike, the rich, the poor, the friend and the foe, the thankful and unthankful, the kinsman and stranger.

A COMPARISON BETWEEN FAITH, HOPE, AND CHARITY.

Faith cometh of the word of God; hope cometh of faith; and charity springeth of them both.

Faith believeth the word; hope trusteth after that which is promised by the word; charity doth good unto her neighbor, through the love that she hath to God, and gladness that is within herself.

Faith looketh to God and his word; hope looketh unto his gift and reward; charity looketh on her neighbor’s profit.

Faith receiveth God; hope receiveth his reward; charity loveth her neighbor with a glad heart, and that without any respect of reward.

Faith pertaineth to God only; hope to his reward; and charity to her neighbor.

THE DOCTRINE OF WORKS.

NO MANNER OF WORKS MAKE US RIGHTEOUS. ‘We believe that a man shall be justified without works.’Romans 3. ‘No man is justified by the deeds of the law, but by the faith of Jesus Christ; and we believe in Jesus Christ, that we may be justified by the faith of Christ, and not by the deeds of the law; for if righteousness come by the law, then died Christ in vain.’

Galatians 2. ‘That no man is justified by the law is manifest; for a righteous man liveth by his faith, but the law is not of faith.’ Acts 17.

Moreover, since Christ the maker of heaven and earth, and all that is therein, behooved to die for us, we are compelled to grant that we were so far drowned and sunken in sin, that neither our deeds, nor all the treasures that ever God made or might make, could have holpen us out of them. therefore no deeds or works may make us righteous.

NO WORKS MAKE US UNRIGHTEOUS.

If any evil works make us unrighteous; then the contrary works should make us righteous. But it is proved that no works can make us righteous: therefore no works make us unrighteous.

WORKS MAKE US NEITHER GOOD NOR EVIL.

It is proved that works neither make us righteous nor unrighteous: therefore no works make us either good or evil. For righteous and good are one thing, and unrighteous and evil likewise one.

Good works make not a good man, nor evil works an evil man: but a good man bringeth forth good works, and an evil man evil works.

Good fruit maketh not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil: but a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit.

A good man cannot do evil works, nor an evil man good works: for a good tree cannot bear evil fruit, nor an evil tree good fruit.

A man is good ere he do good works, and evil ere he do evil works: for the tree is good, ere it bear good fruit, and evil, ere it bear evil fruit.

EVERY MAN, AND THE WORKS OF MAN, ARE EITHER GOOD OR EVIL.

Every tree, and the fruits thereof, are either good or evil. ‘Either make ye the tree good, and the fruit good also, or else make the tree evil, and the fruit of it likewise evil.’ Matthew 12.

A good man is known by his works: for a good man doth good works, and an evil man evil works. ‘Ye shall know them by their fruit; for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit.’

A man is likened to the tree, and his works to the fruit of the tree. ‘Beware of the false prophets, which come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves: ye shall, know them by their fruits.’ Luke 7.

NONE OF OUR WORKS EITHER SAVE US OR CONDEMN US.

If works make us neither righteous nor unrighteous, then thou wilt say, ‘it maketh no matter what we do.’ I answer, If thou do evil, it is a sure argument that thou art evil, and wantest faith. If thou do good, it is an argument that thou art good, and hast faith; for a good tree beareth good fruit, and an evil tree evil fruit. Yet good fruit makes not the tree good, nor evil fruit the tree evil; so that man is good ere he do good deeds, and evil ere he do evil deeds.

THE MAN IS THE TREE, HIS WORKS ARE THE FRUIT.

Faith maketh the good tree, and incredulity the evil tree: such a tree, such fruit; such a man, such works. For all things that are done in faith, please God, and are good works; and all that are done without faith, displease God, and are evil works. Whosoever believeth or thinketh to be saved by his works, denieth that Christ is his Savior, that Christ died for him, and that all things pertain to Christ. For how is he thy Savior, if thou mightest save thyself by thy works, or whereto should he die for thee, if any works might have saved thee? What is this to say, ‘Christ died for thee? Verily that thou shouldest have died perpetually; and Christ, to deliver thee from death, died for thee, and changed thy perpetual death into his own death; for thou madest the fault, and he suffered the pain; and that, for the love he had to thee before thou wast born, when thou hadst done neither good nor evil. Now, seeing he hath paid thy debt, thou needest not, neither canst thou pay it; but shouldst be damned if his blood were not. But since he was punished for thee, thou shalt not be punished. Finally, He hath delivered thee from thy condemnation and all evil, and desireth nought of thee, but that thou wilt acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mind; and that thou wouldst help others for his sake, both in word and deed, even as he hath holpen thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we be to help others, if we knew his goodness and gentleness towards us; he is a good and a gentle Lord, for he doth all for nought. Let us, I beseech you therefore, follow His footsteps, whom all the world ought to praise and worship. Amen!

HE THAT THINKETH TO BE SAVED BY HIS WORKS CALLETH HIMSELF CHRIST.

For he calleth himself the Savior; which pertaineth to Christ only.

What is a Savior, but he that saveth? and he saith, I saved myself; which is as much to say as, ‘I am Christ;’ for Christ only is the Savior of the world.

WE SHOULD DO NO GOOD WORKS FOR THE INTENT TO GET THE INHERITANCE OF HEAVEN, OR REMISSION OF SIN.

For whosoever believeth to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin, through works, he believeth not to get the same for Christ’s sake; and they that believe not that their sins are forgiven them, and that they shall be saved, for Christ’s sake, they believe not the gospel: for the gospel saith, ‘You shall be saved for Christ’s sake;’ ‘your sins are forgiven for Christ’s sake.’

He that believeth not the gospel, believeth not God. So it followeth, that those who believe to be saved by their works, or to get remission of their sins by their own deeds, believe not God, but account him as a liar, and so utterly deny him to be God. Objection.

Thou wilt say, ‘Shall we then do no good deeds?’ Answer.

I say not so, but I say we should do no good works to the intent to get the inheritance of heaven, or remission of sin: For if we believe to get the inheritance of heaven through good works, then we believe not to get it through the promise of God: or if we think to get remission of our sins by our deeds, then we believe not that they are forgiven us, and so we count God a liar. For God saith, ‘Thou shalt have the inheritance of heaven for my Son’s sake; thy sins are forgiven thee for my Son’s sake:’ and you say it is not so, ‘But I will win it through my works.’

Thus you see I condemn not good deeds, but I condemn the false trust in any works; for all the works wherein a man putteth any confidence, are therewith poisoned, and become evil. Wherefore thou must do good works, but beware thou do them not to deserve any good through them; for if thou do, thou receivest the good not as the gifts of God, but as debt to thee, and makest thyself fellow with God, because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought. And what needeth he any thing of thine, who giveth all things, and is not the poorer? Therefore do nothing to him, but take of him, for he is a gentle Lord; and with a gladder will giveth us all that we need, than we can take it of him: if then we want ought, let us blame ourselves.

Press not therefore to the inheritance of heaven through presumption of thy good works; for if thou do, thou countest thyself holy, and equal to God, because thou wilt take nothing of him for nought; and so shalt thou fall as Lucifer fell for his pride.

FINIS.

CERTAIN BRIEF NOTES OR DECLARATIONS UPON THE AFORESAID PLACES OF MASTER PATRICK.

This little treatise of Master Patrick’s Places, albeit in quantity it be short, yet in effect it comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaring to us the true doctrine of the law, of the gospel, of faith, and of works, with the nature and properties, and also the difference of the same: which difference is thus to be understood: that in the cause of salvation, and in the office of justifying, these are to be removed and separated asunder, the law from the gospel, and faith from works: otherwise, in the person that is justified, and also in order of doctrine, they ought commonly to go necessarily together.

Therefore, wheresoever any question or doubt ariseth of salvation, or our justifying before God, there the law and all good works must be utterly excluded and stand apart, that grace may appear free, the promise simple, and that faith may stand alone; which faith alone, without law or works, worketh to every man particularly his salvation, through mere promise, and the free grace of God. This word ‘particularly,’ I add, for the particular certifying of every man’s heart, privately and peculiarly, that believeth in Christ. For as the body of Christ is the cause efficient of the redemption of the whole world in general; so is faith the instrumental cause, by which every man applieth the said body of Christ particularly to his own salvation. So that in the action and office of justification, both law and works here be utterly secluded and exempted, as things having nothing to do in this behalf. The reason is this, for seeing that all our redemption universally springeth only from the body of the Son of God crucified, then is there nothing that can stand us in stead, but that only wherewith this body of Christ is apprehended.

Now, forasmuch as neither the law nor works, but faith only, is the thing which apprehendeth the body and death of Christ; therefore faith only is that matter, which justifieth every soul before God, through the strength of that object which it doth apprehend. For the only object of our faith is the body of Christ, like as the brazen serpent was the only object of the eyes of the Israelites looking, and not of their hands’ working: by the strength of which object, through the promise of God, immediately proceeded health to the beholders. So the body of Christ, being the object of our faith., striketh righteousness to our souls, not through working, but believing only.

Thus you see how faith, being the only eye of our soul, standeth alone with her object in case of justifying; but yet, nevertheless, in the body she standeth not alone: for besides the eve, there he also hands to work, feet to walk, ears to hear, and other members more, every one convenient for the service of the body, and yet there is none of them all that can see, but only the eye. So in a Christian man’s life, and in order of doctrine, there is the law, there is repentance, there is hope, charity, and deeds of charity; all which, in life and in doctrine, are joined, and necessarily do concur together: and yet, in the action of justifying, there is nothing else in man, that hath any part or place, but only faith apprehending the object, which is the body of Christ Jesus for us crucified, in whom consisteth all the worthiness and fullness of our salvation, by faith.; this is, by our apprehending, and receiving of him: according as it is written in John 1, ‘Whosoever received him, he save them power to be made the sons of God, even all such as believed in his name,’ etc.

Also in Isaiah 53, ‘This just servant of mine, in the knowledge of him shall justify many,’ etc.

ARGUMENT485 .

Apprehending and receiving of Christ only maketh us justified before God. Christ only is apprehended and received by faith.

Ergo, faith only maketh us justified before God.

ARGUMENT.

Justification cometh only by apprehending and receiving of Christ. The law and works do nothing pertain to the apprehending of Christ.

Ergo, the law and works pertain nothing to justification.

ARGUMENT.

Nothing which is unjust of itself, can justify us before God, or help any thing to our justifying.

Every work we do, is unjust before God. Ergo, no work that we do, can justify us before God, or help any thing to our justifying.

ARGUMENT.

If works could any thing further our justification, then should our works something profit us before God.

No works, do the best we can, do profit us before God. Ergo, no works that we do, can any thing further our justification.

ARGUMENT.

All that we can do with God, is only by Christ. Our works and merits be not Christ, neither any part of him.

Ergo, our works and merits can do nothing with God.

ARGUMENT.

That which is the Cause of condemnation, cannot he the cause of justification.

The law is the cause of condemnation. Ergo, it is not the cause of justification.

A Consequent.

We are quit and delivered from the law. Ergo, we are not quit and delivered by the law.

Forasmuch therefore as the truth of the Scripture, in express words, hath thus included our salvation in faith only, we are enforced necessarily to exclude all other causes and means in our justification, and to make this difference between the law and the gospel, between faith and works; affirming, with Scripture and the word of God, that the law condemneth us, our works do not avail us, and that faith in Christ only justifieth us. And this difference and distinction ought diligently to be learned and retained of all Christians; especially in conflict of conscience between the law and the gospel, faith rind works, grace and merits, promise and condition, God’s free-election and man’s free-will: so that the light of the free grace of God in our salvation may appear to all consciences, to the immortal glory of God’s holy name. Amen.

THE ORDER AND DIFFERENCE OF PLACES.

The Gospel and the Law; Faith and Works; Grace and Merits; Promise and Condition; God’s Free-Election and Man’s Free-Will.

The difference and repugnance of these aforesaid ‘Places’ being well noted and expended, it shall give no small light to every faithful Christian, both to understand the Scriptures, to judge in cases of conscience, and to reconcile such places in the Old and New Testament as else may seem to repugn; according to the rule of St. Augustine, saying, ‘Distingue tempora, et conciliabis Scripturas,’ etc. ‘Make distinction of times, and thou shalt reconcile the Scriptures,’ etc. Contrariwise, where men be not perfectly in these places instructed to discern between the law and the gospel, between faith and works, etc., so long they can never rightly establish their minds in the free promises of God’s grace, but walk confusedly, without order, in all matters of religion; example whereof we have too much in the Romish church, which, confounding these places together without distinction, following no method, hath perverted the true order of Christian doctrine, and hath obscured the sweet comfort and benefit of the gospel of Christ, not knowing what the true use of the law, nor of the gospel, meaneth.

IN THE DOCTRINE OF THE LAW THREE THINGS TO BE NOTED.

In the law therefore, three things are to be considered. First, what is the true rigor and strength of the law, which is, to require full and perfect obedience of the whole man, not only to restrain his outward actions, but also his inward motions and inclinations of will and affection, from the appetite of sin: and therefore saith St.

Paul, ‘The law is spiritual, but I am carnal,’ (Romans 7) etc.

Whereupon riseth this proposition, That it is not in our nature and power to fulfill the law. Item, the law commandeth that which is to us impossible, etc. the second thing to be noted in the doctrine of the law, is, to consider the time and place of the law, what they be, and how far they extend. For, as the surging seas have their hanks and bars to keep them in, so the law hath its times and limits, which it ought not to pass. If Christ had not come and suffered, the time and dominion of the law had been everlasting: but now, seeing Christ hath come, and hath died in, his righteous flesh, the power of the law against our sinful flesh doth cease. For the end of the law is Christ;’ (Romans 10) that is, the death of Christ’s body is the death of the law to all that believe in him: so that whosoever repent of their sins, and flee to the death and passion of Christ, the condemnation and time of the law to them are expired. Wherefore this is to be understood as a perpetual rule in the Scripture, that the law with all its sentences and judgments, wheresoever they are written, either in the Old Testament or in the New, doth ever include a privy exception of repentance and belief in Christ, to which always, it giveth place, having there its end; and can proceed no further: according as St. Paul doth say, ‘The law is our schoolmaster until Christ, that we might be justified by faith.’ (Galatians 3) Moreover, as the law hath its time how long to reign, so also it hath its proper place, where to reign. By the reign of the law here is meant the condemnation of the law: for as the time of the law ceaseth, when the faith of Christ, in a true repenting heart, beginneth, so hath the law no place in such as be good and faithful; that is, in sinners repenting and amending, but only in them that be evil and wicked. Evil men here I call such as walking in sinful flesh, are not yet driven by earnest repentance to flee to Christ for succor. And therefore saith St. Paul, ‘To the just man there is no law set, but to the unjust and disobedient,’ 8 etc. By the just man here is meant, not he who never had disease, but he who, knowing his disease, seeketh out the physician; and, being cured, keepeth himself in health, as much as he may, from any more Surfeits.

Notwithstanding he shall never so keep himself, but that his health (that is, his new obedience) shall always remain frail and imperfect, and shall continually need the physician. Where, by the way, these three things are to be noted; first, the sickness itself: secondly, the knowing of the sickness: thirdly, the physician. The sickness is sin: the knowing of the sickness is repentance, which the law worketh: the physician is Christ. And therefore, although in remission of our sins repentance is joined with faith, yet it is not the. dignity or worthiness of repentance, that causeth remission of sins, but only the worthiness of Christ, whom faith only apprehendeth: no more than the feeling of the disease is the cause of health, but only the physician, For else, when a man is east and condemned by the law, it is not repentance that can save or deserve life, but if his pardon come, then is it the grace of the prince, and not his repentance that saveth.

The third point to be considered in the doctrine of the law, is this: that we mark well the end and purpose why the law is given, which is, not to bring us to salvation, nor to work God’s favor, nor to make us good; but rather to declare and convict our wickedness, and to make us feel the danger thereof, to this end and purpose, that we, seeing our condemnation, and being in ourselves confounded, may be driven thereby, to have our refuge in Christ the Son of God, and to submit ourselves to him, in whom only is to be found our remedy, and in none other. And this end of the law ought discreetly to be pondered by all Christians: otherwise they that consider not this end and purpose of the law, fall into manifold errors and inconveniences. First, they pervert all order of doctrine: secondly, they seek that in the law which the law cannot give: thirdly, they are not able to comfort themselves, nor others: fourthly, they keep men’s souls in an uncertain doubt and dubitation of their salvation: fifthly, they obscure the light of God’s grace: sixthly, they are unkind to God’s benefits: seventhly, they are injurious to Christ’s passion, and enemies to his cross: eighthly, they stop Christian liberty: ninthly, they bereave the church, the spouse of Christ, of her due comfort, as taking away the sun out of the world: tenthly, in all their doings they shoot at a wrong mark; for where Christ only is set up to be apprehended by our faith, and so freely to justify us, they, leaving this; justification by faith, set up other marks, partly of the law, partly of their own devising, for men to shoot at. And here come in the manifest and manifold absurdities of the bishop of Rome’s doctrine, which (the Lord willing) we will rehearse, as in a catalogue here following.

ERRORS AND ABSURDITIES OF THE PAPISTS, TOUCHING THE DOCTRINE OF THE LAW AND OF THE GOSPEL. 1. They erroneously conceive opinion of salvation in the law, which only is to be sought in the faith of Christ, and in no other. 2. They erroneously do seek God’s favor by works of the law; not knowing that the law, in this our corrupt nature, worketh only the anger of God. (Romans 3) 3. They err also in this, that whereas the office of the law is diverse from, and contrary to the gospel, they, without any difference, confound the one with the other, making the gospel to be a law, and Christ to be a Moses. 4. They err in dividing the law unskillfully into three parts: into the law natural, the law moral, and the law evangelical. 5. They err again in dividing the law evangelical into precepts and counsels, making the precepts to serve for all men, the counsels only to serve for them that be perfect. 6. The chief substance of all their teaching and preaching resteth upon the works of the law, as may appear by their religion, which wholly consisteth in men’s merits, traditions, laws, canons, decrees, and ceremonies. 7. In the doctrines of salvation, remission, and justification, either they admix the law equally with the gospel, or else, clean secluding the gospel, they teach and preach the law, so that little mention is made of the faith of Christ, or none at all. 8. They err, in thinking that the law of God requireth nothing in us under pain of damnation, but only our obedience in external actions: as for the inward affections and concupiscence, they esteem them but light matters. 9. They, not knowing the true nature and strength of the law, do erroneously imagine that it is in man s power to fulfill it. 10. They err in thinking it not only to be in man s power to keep the law of God, but also to perform more perfect works than be in God’s law commanded; and these they call the works of perfection. And hereof rise the works of supererogation, of satisfaction, of congruity and condignity, to store up the treasure-house of he pope’s church, to be sold out to the people for money. 11. They err in saying, that the state monastical is more perfect for keeping the counsels of the gospel, than other states be in keeping the law of the gospel. 14 12. The counsels of the gospel they call the vows of their religious men, as profound humility, perfect chastity, and willful poverty. 13. They err abominably, in equaling their laws and constitutions with God’s law; and in saying, that man’s law bindeth, under pain of damnation, no less than God’s law. 14. They err sinfully, in punishing the transgressors of their laws more sharply than the transgressors of the law of God; as appeareth by their inquisitions, and their canon-law, etc. 15. Finally they err most horribly in this, that where the free promise of God ascribeth our salvation only to our faith in Christ, excluding works; they, on the contrary, ascribe salvation only, or principally, to works and merits, excluding faith: whereupon ariseth the application of the sacrifice of the mass, ‘ex opere operato,’ for the quick and dead, application of the merits of Christ’s passion in bulls, application of the merits of all religious orders, and such others above specified more at large in the former part of this history. HERE FOLLOW THREE CAUTIONS TO BE OBSERVED AND AVOIDED IN THE TRUE UNDERSTANDING OF THE LAW.

The first caution: that we, through the misunderstanding of the Scriptures, do not take the law for the gospel, nor the gospel for the law; but skillfully discern and distinguish the voice of the one, from the voice of the other. Many there be, who, reading the book of the New Testament, do take and understand whatsoever they see contained in the said book, to be only and merely the voice of the gospel: and contrariwise, whatsoever is contained in the compass of the Old Testament (that is, within the law, histories, psalms, and prophets),to be only and merely the word and voice of the law. Wherein many are deceived; for the preaching of the law, and the preaching of the gospel, are mixed together in both the Testaments, as well the Old as the New; neither is the order of these two doctrines to be distinguished by books and leaves, but by the diversity of God’s Spirit speaking unto us. For sometimes in the Old Testament God doth comfort, as he comforted Adam, with the voice of the gospel: sometimes also in the New Testament he doth threaten and terrify, as when Christ threatened the Pharisees. In some places again, Moses and the prophets play the Evangelists; insomuch that Jerome doubteth whether he should call Isaiah a prophet or an evangelist. In some places likewise Christ and the apostles supply the part of Moses; and as Christ himself, until his death, was under the law (which law he came not to break, but to fulfill), so his sermons made to the Jews, run all, for the most part, upon the perfect doctrine and works of the law, showing and teaching what we ought to do by the right law of justice, and what danger ensueth in not performing the same: all which places, though they be contained in the book of the New Testament, yet are they to be referred to the doctrine of the law, ever having in them included a privy exception of repentance and faith in Christ Jesus. As for example, where Christ thus preacheth, ‘Blessed be they that be pure of heart, for they shall see God,’ (Matthew 5) etc. Again ‘Except ye be made like these children, ye shall not enter,’ (Matthew 18) etc Item, ‘But he that doth the will of my Father, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven,’ (Matthew 7) etc. Item, the parable of the unkind servant, justly cast into prison for not forgiving his fellow, (Matthew 18) etc. The casting of the rich glutton into hell, (Luke 16) etc Item ‘He that denieth me here before men, I will deny him before my Father, etc.. (Luke 12) with such other places of like condition. All these, I say, pertaining to the doctrine of the law, do ever include in them a secret exception of earnest repentance, and faith in Christ’s precious blood. For else, Peter denied, and yet repented. Many publicans and sinners were unkind, unmerciful, and hard-hearted to their fellow-servants; and yet many of them repented, and by faith were saved, etc. The grace of Christ Jesus work in us earnest repentance, and faith in him unfeigned. Amen!

Briefly, to know when the law speaketh, and when the gospel speaketh, and to discern the voice of the one from the voice of the other, this may serve for a note, that when there is any moral work commanded to be done, either for eschewing of punishment, or upon promise of any reward temporal or eternal, or else when any promise is made with condition of any work commanded in the law, there is to be understood the voice of the law. Contrary, where the promise of life and salvation is offered unto us freely, without all our merits, and simply, without any condition annexed of any law, either natural, ceremonial, or moral: all those places, whether they be read in the Old Testament, or in the New, are to be referred to the voice and doctrine of the gospel And this promise of God, freely made to us by the merits of Jesus Christ, so long before prophesied to us in the Old Testament, and afterwards exhibited in the New Testament, and now requiring nothing but our faith in the Son of God, is called properly the voice of the gospel, and differeth from the voice of the law in this, that it hath no condition adjoined of our meriting, but only respecteth the merits of Christ the Son of God; by whose faith only we are promised of God to be saved and justified: according as we read in Romans 3. ‘The righteousness of God cometh by faith of Jesus Christ, in all, and upon all, that do believe,’ etc.

The second caution or danger to be avoided is, that we now, knowing how to discern rightly between the law and the gospel, and having intelligence not to mistake the one for the other, must take heed again that we break not the order between these two, taking and applying the law, where the gospel is to be applied, either to ourselves or towards others. For albeit the law and the gospel many times are to be joined together in order of doctrine, yet the case may fall sometimes, that the law must be utterly sequestered from the gospel: as when any person or persons do feel themselves, with the majesty of the law and judgment of God, so terrified and oppressed, and with the burden of their sins overweighed and thrown down into utter discomfort, and almost even to the pit of hell; as happeneth many times to soft and timorous consciences of God’s good servants. When such mortified hearts do hear, either in preaching or in reading, any such example or place of the Scripture which pertaineth to the law, let them think the same nothing to belong to them, no more than a mourning weed belongeth to a marriage-feast: and therefore, removing utterly out of their minds all cogitation of the law, of fear, & judgment, and condemnation, let them only set before their eyes the gospel, the sweet comforts of God’s promise, free forgiveness of sins in Christ, grace, redemption, liberty, rejoicing, psalms, thanks, singing, and a paradise of spiritual jocundity, and nothing else; thinking thus with themselves, that the law hath done his office in them already, and now must needs give place to his better, that is, must needs give room to Christ the Son of God, who is the lord and master, the fulfiller, and also the finisher of the law; for the end of the law, is Christ. (Romans 10) The third danger to be avoided is, that we do not use or apply on the contrary side, the gospel instead of the law. For as the other before, was even as much as to put on a mourning gown in the feast of a marriage, so is this but even to cast pearls before swine; wherein is a great abuse among many. For commonly it is seen that these worldly epicures and secure Mammonists, to whom the doctrine of the law doth properly appertain, do receive and apply to themselves, most principally the sweet promises of the gospel: and, contrariwise, the other contrite and bruised hearts, to whom belong only the joyful tidings of the gospel, and not the law, for the most part receive and retain to themselves the terrible voice and sentences of the law. Hereby it cometh to pass that many do rejoice where they should mourn; and on the other side, many do fear and moron where they need not: wherefore, to conclude, in private use of life, let every person discreetly discern between the law and the gospel, and aptly apply to himself that which he seeth convenient.

And again, in public order of doctrine, let every discreet preacher put a difference between the broken heart of the mourning sinner, and the unrepentant worldling, and so conjoin both the law with the gospel, and the gospel with the law, that in throwing down the wicked, ever he spare the weak-hearted; and again, so spare the weak, that he do not encourage the ungodly.

And thus much concerning the conjunction and difference between the law and the gospel, upon the occasion of Mr. Patrick’s Places.

HENRY FOREST, MARTYRED AT ST. ANDREWS, IN SCOTLAND.

Persecuted by James Beton, Archbishop of St. Andrews; and by Friar Walter Laing, betrayer of the Confession of this Henry Forest.

Within a few years after the martyrdom of Master Patrick Hamelton, one Henry Forest, a young man born in Linlithgow, who, a little before, had received the orders of Benet and Collet (as they term them), affirmed and said, that Master Patrick Hamelton died a martyr, and that his articles were true. For this he was apprehended, and put in prison by James Beton, archbishop of St.

Andrew’s, who, shortly after, caused a certain friar, named Walter Laing, to hear his confession: to whom when. Henry Forest in secret confession had declared his conscience, how he thought Master Patrick to be a good man, and wrongfully to be put to death, and that his articles were true, and not heretical, the friar came and uttered to the bishop the confession that he had heard, which before was not thoroughly known. Hereupon it followed, that his confession being brought as sufficient probation against him, he was therefore convented before the council of the clergy and doctors, and there concluded to be a heretic, equal in iniquity with Master Patrick Hamelton, and there decreed to be given to the secular judges, to suffer death.

When the day came for his death, and that he should first be degraded, he was brought before the clergy in a green place, being between the castle of St. Andrew and another place called Monymaill. As soon as he entered in at the door, and saw the faces of the clergy, perceiving whereunto they tended, he cried with a loud voice, saying, ‘Fie on falsehood! Fie on false friars, revealers of confession! After this day let no man ever trust any false friars, contemners of God’s word, and deceivers of men!’ And so they proceeding to degrade him of his small orders of Benet and Collet, he said with a loud voice, ‘Take from me not only your own orders, but also your own baptism!’ meaning thereby whatsoever is besides that which Christ himself instituted, whereof there is a great rabblement in baptism. Then, after his degradation, they condemned him as a heretic: equal with Master Patrick aforesaid.

And so he suffered death for his faithful testimony of the truth of Christ and of his gospel, at the north church-stile of the abbey church of St. Andrew, to the intent that all the people of Forfar might see the fire, and so might be the more feared from falling into the like doctrine which they term by the name of heresy. JAMES HAMELTON, BROTHER TO MASTER PATRICK; KATHARINE HAMELTON; A WIFE OF LEITH; DAVID STRATON, AND MASTER NORMAN GURLEY486 THE TWO LAST BURNED.

Persecuted by James Hay, Bishop of Ross, Commissioner of King James the Fifth; by Beton, Archbishop of St. Andrews; and by Master John Spens, Lawyer.

Within a year after the martyrdom of Henry Forest, or thereabout, was called James Hamelton, of Linlithgow; his sister Katharine Hamelton, the spouse of the captain of Dunbar; also another honest woman of Leith; David Straton, of the house of Lawristone; and Master Norman Gurley. These were called to the abbey church of Holyrood House in Edinburgh, by James Hay, bishop of Ross, commissioner to James Beton, archbishop, in presence of king James the Fifth of that name; who, upon the day of their accusation, was altogether clad in red apparel. James Hamelton was accused as one that maintained the opinion of Master Patrick his brother; to whom the king gave counsel to depart, and not to appear: for in case he appeared, he could not help him; because the bishops had persuaded the king, that the cause of heresy did in no wise appertain unto him. And so Hamelton fled, and was condemned as a heretic, and all his goods and lands confiscated and disposed unto others.

Katharine Hamelton, his sister, appeared upon the scaffold, and being accused of a horrible heresy, to wit, that her own works could not save her, she granted the same; and after a long reasoning between her and Master John Spens, the lawyer, she concluded in this manner, ‘Work here, work there; what kind of working is all this? I know perfectly, that no kind of works can save me, but only the works of Christ my Lord and Savior. The king, hearing these words, turned him about and laughed, and called her unto him, and caused her to recant, because she was his aunt; and she escaped.

The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the midwife, in time of her labor, bade her say, ‘Our lady help me.’ she cried, ‘Christ help me! Christ help me, in whose help I trust!’ She also was caused to recant, and so escaped without confiscation of her goods, because she was married.

Master Norman Gurley, for that he said there was no such thing as purgatory, and that the pope was not a bishop but Antichrist, and had no jurisdiction in Scotland.

Also David Straton, for that he said, there was no purgatory, but the passion of Christ, and the tribulations of this world. And because, when Master Robert Lawson, vicar of Eglesgrig, asked his tithe-fish of him, he did cast them to him out of the boat, so that some of them fell into the sea; therefore he accused him, as one that should have said, that no tithes should be paid. These two, because, after great solicitation made by the king, they refused to abjure and recant, were therefore condemned by the bishop of Ross as heretics, and were burned upon the green side, between Leith and Edinburgh, to the intent that the inhabitants of Fife, seeing the fire, might be struck with terror and fear, not to fall into the like. And thus much touching those martyrs of Scotland that suffered under James Beton, archbishop of St. Andrew’s; after whom succeeded David Beton, in the same archbishopric, under whom divers others were also martyred; as hereafter (God willing) in their order shall appear.

THOMAS HARDING, AN AGED FATHER, DWELLING AT CHESHAM IN BUCKINGHAMSHIRE, BURNED A.D. 1582.

Persecuted by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, and by Rowland, Vicar of Great Wycombe, the Bishop’s Chaplain.

Thomas Harding, dwelling at Chesham, in the county of Buckingham, with Alice his wife, was first abjured by William Smith, bishop of Lincoln, A.D. 1506, with divers others, who, the same time, for speaking against idolatry and superstition, were taken and compelled, some to bear faggots, some were burned in the cheeks with hot irons, some condemned to perpetual prison, some thrust into monasteries, and spoiled clean of all their goods, some compelled to make pilgrimage to the great block, otherwise called our Lady of Lincoln, some to Walsingham, some to St.

Romuld of Buckingham, some to the rood of Wendover, some to St. John Shorne 487 , etc.: of whom mention is made in the table before.

Of this Thomas Harding much rehearsal hath been made before.

First, this Thomas Harding, with Alice his wife, being abjured and enjoined penance, with divers others, by William Smith, bishop of Lincoln; afterwards, by the said bishop was released again, A.D. 1515, of all such penance as was enjoined him and his wife at their abjuration, except these three articles following; and were discharged of their badges or signs of their faggots, etc. Only this penance following the bishop continued ‘sub poena relapsus:’ First, That neither of them during their life, should dwell out of the parish of Amersham. ITEM , That both of them, during their lives, should fast bread and ale every Corpus Christi even. ITEM , That both of them should during their lives, upon Corpus Christi day, every year go on pilgrimage to Ashridge, and there make their offerings, as other people did; but not to do penance.

Also they were licensed by the said bishop to do their pilgrimage at Ashridge on Corpus Christi even, or Corpus Christi day, or some other, upon any cause reasonable.

This penance, being to them enjoined, A.D. 1515, they observed till the year 1522, save that in the last year only, the aforesaid Alice, his wife, omitted her pilgrimage, going to Ashridge upon Corpus Christi day. Also the said Thomas Harding, being put to his oath to detect others, because he, contrary to his oath, dissembled, and did not disclose them, was therefore enjoined, in penance for his perjury, to bear upon his right sleeve, both before and behind, a badge or patch of green cloth, or silk, embroidered like a faggot, during his whole life, unless he should be otherwise dispensed withal. And thus continued he from the year 1522, until the year 1532.

At last the said Harding, in the year abovesaid (1532), about the Easter-holidays, when the other people went to the church to commit their wonted idolatry, took his way into the woods, there solitarily to worship the true living God, in spirit and in truth; where, as he was occupied in a book of English prayers, leaning or sitting upon a stile, by the wood’s side, it chanced that one did espy. him where he was, and came in great haste to the officers of the town, declaring, that he had seen Harding in the woods looking an a book’, whereupon, immediately a rude rabble of them, like mad men, ran desperately to his house to search for books, and in searching went so nigh, that under the boards of his floor they found certain English books of holy Scripture. Hereupon this godly father with his books, was brought before John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, then lying at Woburn; who, with his chaplains, calling father Harding to examination, began to reason with him, proceeding rather with checks and rebukes, than with. any sound arguments. Thomas Harding, seeing their folly, and rude behavior, gave them but few words, but fixing his trust and care in the Lord, did let them say what they would. Thus at last they sent him to the bishop’s prison, called Little-ease, where he did lie with hunger and pain enough for a certain space, till at length the bishop, sitting in his tribunal-seat like a potestate, condemned him for relapse to be burned to ashes, committing the charge and oversight of his martyrdom to Rowland Messenger, vicar of Great Wycombe. This.

Rowland, at the day appointed 488 , with. a rabble of others like to himself, brought father Harding to Chesham again; where, the next day. after his return:, the said Rowland made a sermon in Chesham church, causing Thomas Harding to stand before him all the preaching time; which sermon was nothing else, but the maintaining of the jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome, and the state of his apostolical see, with the idolatry, fantasies, and traditions belonging unto the same. When the sermon was ended, Rowland took him up to the high altar, and asked, whether he believed that in the bread, after the consecration, there remained any other substance than the substance of Christ’s natural body, born of the Virgin Mary? To this Thomas Harding answered, ‘The articles of our belief do teach us, that our Savior Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, and that he suffered death under Pilate, and rose from death the third day; that he then ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of God, in the glory of his Father.’

Then was he brought into a man’s house in the town, where he remained all night in prayer and godly meditations. So the next morning came the aforesaid Rowland again, about ten o’clock, with a company of bills and staves, to lead this godly father to his burning; whom a great number both of men and women did follow, of whom many bewailed his death, and contrary, the wicked rejoiced thereat. He was brought forth, having thrust into his hands a little cross of wood, but no idol upon it. Then he was chained unto the stake, and desiring the people to pray for him, and forgiving all his enemies and persecutors, he commended his spirit to God, and took his death most patiently and quietly, lifting up his hands to heaven, saying, ‘Jesus, receive my spirit.’

When they had set fire on him, there was one that threw a billet at him, and dashed out his brains: for what purpose he so did, it is not known, but, as it was supposed, that he might have forty days of pardon, as the proclamation was made at the burning of William Tylsworth above mentioned; where proclamation was made the same time, that whosoever did bring a faggot or a stake to the burning of a heretic, should have forty days of pardon: whereby many ignorant people caused many of their children to bear billets and faggots to their burning.

In fine, when the sacrifice and burnt-offering of this godly martyr was finished, and he burnt to ashes, in the dell, going to Botley, at the north end of the town of Chesham, Rowland, their ruler of the roast, commanding silence, and thinking to send the people away with an ‘Ire, missa est,’ with a loud voice said to the people these words, not advising belike, what his tongue did speak, ‘Good people! when ye come home, do not say that you have been at the burning of a heretic, but of a good true Christian man;’ and so they departed to dinner, Rowland, with the rabble of other priests, much rejoicing at the burning of this good man. After dinner they went to church to evensong, because it was Corpus Christi even, where they fell to singing and chanting, with ringing, and piping of the organs. Well was he that could reach the highest note, so much did they rejoice at this good man’s burning. He should have been burned on the Ascension even, but the matter was deferred unto the even of Corpus Christi, because they would honor their ‘bready Messias’ with a bloody sacrifice. Thus Thomas Harding was consumed to ashes, he being of the age of sixty years and above. I find in the records of Lincoln, about the same time, and in the same county of Buckinghamshire, in which the aforesaid Thomas Harding did suffer, that divers others, for the like doctrine, were molested and troubled, whose names with their causes hereunder follow:

MISTRESS ALICE DOLLY, ACCUSED BY ELIZABETH WIGHTHILL, HER OWN SERVANT, AND BY DR. LONDON.

Elizabeth Wighthill, being brought before Dr. London in the parsonage at Staunton Harecourt, and there put to her oath, deposed against Mistress Alice Dolly, her mistress, that the said Mistress Dolly, speaking of John Hacker, of Coleman-street, in London, water-bearer, said, that he was very expert in the gospels, and all other things belonging to divine service, and could express and declare them, and the Paternoster in English, as well as any priest, and it would do one good to hear him; saying moreover, that she would in no case that this were known, for hurting the poor man: commanding moreover the said. Elizabeth, that she should tell no man hereof; affirming at that same time, that the aforesaid Hacker could tell by divers prophecies, what should happen in the realm.

Over and besides, the aforenamed Elizabeth deposed, that the said Mistress Dolly, her mistress, showed unto her, that she had a book which held against pilgrimages; and after that, she caused Sir John Booth, parson of Britwe, to read upon a book which he called ‘Legends Aurea;’ and one saint’s life he read, which did speak against pilgrimages. And after that was read, her mistress said unto her, ‘Lo, daughter! now ye may hear, as I told you, what this hook speaketh against pilgrimages.’

Furthermore, it was deposed against Mistress Dolly, by the said Elizabeth, that she, being at sir William Barenten’s place, and seeing there in the closet images new gilded, said to the said Elizabeth, ‘Look, here be my lady Barenten’s gods:’ to whom the said Elizabeth answered again, that they were set for remembrance of good saints. Then said she, ‘If I were in a house where no images were, I could remember to pray unto saints as well as if I did see the images.’ ‘Nay,’ said the other, ‘images do provoke devotion.’

Then said her mistress, Ye should not worship that thing that hath ears and cannot hear, and hath eyes and cannot see, and hath mouth and cannot speak, and hath hands and cannot feel.’ ITEM , The said mistress Dolly was reported by the said. party to have a book containing the twelve articles of the creed, covered with boards and red covering. Also another black book, which she set most price by, which book she kept ever in her chamber, or in her coffer, with divers other books. And this was about A.D. 1520. Note here, good reader! in this time, which was above forty-six years ago, what good matter here was, to accuse and molest good women.

ROGER HACHMAN, ACCUSED AT NORTH STOKE, IN OXFORDSHIRE, A.D. 1525.

Persecuted by William Smith of North Stoke, in Oxfordshire; and by Thomas Ferrar.

Against this Roger Hachman it was laid, by depositions brought in, that he, sitting at the church aisle at North Stoke, said these words, ‘I will never look to be saved for any good deed that ever I did, neither for any that ever I will do, unless I may have my salvation by petition, as an outlaw shall have his pardon of the king; and said, that if he might not have his salvation so, he thought he should be lost. ROBERT WEST, PRIEST OF ST. ANDREW UNDERSHAFT, ACCUSED AT LONDON, A.D. 1529.

Persecuted by Dr. Wharton, Chancellor to Tonstal, Bishop of London.

Against this Robert West, priest, it was objected, that he had commended Martin Luther, and thought that he had done well in many things, as in having a wife and children, etc. ITEM , For saying, that whereas the doctors of the church have commanded priests to say matins and even-song, they had no authority so to do: for which he was abjured, and was enjoined penance. JOHN RYBURN, ACCUSED AT ROSHBOROUGH, A.D. 1580.

Persecuted by Doctor Morgan.

It was testified against John Ryburn, by his sister Elizabeth Ryburn, being put to her oath, that she, coming to him upon the Assumption even, found him at supper with butter and eggs, and being bid to sit down and eat with him, she answered, that it was no convenient time then to eat: to whom he said again, that God never made such fasting days; ‘but you,’ quoth he, ‘are so far in limbo patrum, that you can never turn again.’ And in further communication, when she said that she would go on pilgrimage to the holy cross at Wendover, he said again, that she did wrong, ‘for there is never a step,’ said he, ‘that you set, in going on pilgrimage, but you go to the devil: and you go to the church to worship what the priest doth hold above his head, which is but bread; and if you cast it to the mouse it will eat it:’ and further he said, that he would never believe that the priest hath power to make his Lord. ITEM , It was testified by another sister, named Alice Ryburn, that she, being with her brother in a close called Brimmer’s Close, heard him say these words, ‘That a time shall come when no elevation shall be made.’ Whereunto she answering again, asked, ‘And what service shall we have then?’ He said, ‘That service that we have now.’ Furthermore, the said John Ryburn was accused upon these words, for saying that the service of the church was nought, because it was not in English: ‘For,’ said he, ‘if we had our Paternoster in English, we would say it nine times against once now,’ etc. Note here, out of the records of the register, that in this examination of John Ryburn, first his two sisters, then his own wife, and at last his own father, were called before John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, and compelled by oath to depose against him.

JOHN EATON, AND CECILY HIS WIFE, ACCUSED AT ROSHBOROUGH, A.D. 1530.

Persecuted by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, and by Richard Ryburn.

John Eaton, and Cecily his wife, of the parish of Speen, were detected by Richard Ryburn, that they were marked of certain in the parish on the Sunday then last past, in the sacring time, to hold down their heads, and that they would not look upon the sacrament. ITEM , In the feast of the exaltation of the holy cross, when the bells did ring solemnly, between matins and high mass, for saying, in a butcher’s house, ‘What a clampering of bells is here.’ ITEM , The said John Ryburn was detected by Richard his father, for saying these words, ‘The priests do wrong, for they should say their service in English, that every man may know it.’ ITEM , For these words, speaking to one of his sisters, ‘The sacrament of the altar is not as they take it to be: but if it be, as I trust, we shall see none of them holden up, one of these days, over the priest’s head,’ etc. ITEM , For saying that the blood of our Lord Jesus Christ hath made satisfaction for all ill deeds that were done, or should be done; and therefore it was no need to go on pilgrimage. It was also laid to his charge, and confessed by himself, that he had the gospels of Jesus in English, and that he was present in the house of John Taylor, when one John Simons read to them a lecture out of the gospel of the passion of Christ, the space of two hours. ITEM , For saying that images were but idols, and that it was idolatry to pray to them.

For saying moreover, that at sacring time he kneeled down, but he had no devotion, nor believed in the sacrament. ITEM , That the pope’s authority and pardon cannot help man’s soul, and it was but casting away money, that is given for pardon; for if we ask pardon of our Lord Jesus Christ, he will give us pardon every day.

Thomas Lound, priest, who had been with Luther two years, being afterwards cast into the Fleet at London, was a great instructor of this John Ryburn.

JOHN SIMONDS ACCUSED.

It was laid against John Simonds, for saying that men do walk all day in purgatory in this world, and when they depart out of this world, there are but two ways, either to hell or to heaven. ITEM , He said, that priests should have wives.

It was reported by the confession of the said John Simonds, that he had converted to his doctrine eight priests, and had holpen two or three friars out of their orders. 25 WILLIAM WINGRAVE, THOMAS HAWKS OF HICHENDEN, ROBERT HAWES, OF WEST WYCOMBE, JOHN TAYLOR, JOHN HAWKS, THOMAS HEM OF COBSHIL, NICHOLAS FIELD, RICHARD DEAN, THOMAS CLERK THE YOUNGER, WILLIAM HAWKS OF CHESHAM; ACCUSED A.D. 1580.

Persecuted by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln.

These persons with others were examined, excommunicated, and abjured, for being together in John Taylor’s house at Hichenden, and there hearing Nicholas Field, of London, read a parcel of Scripture in English unto them, who there expounded to them many things; as that they that went on pilgrimage were accursed: that it booted not to pray to images, for they were but stocks made of wood, and could not help a man: that God Almighty biddeth us work as well one day as another, saving the Sunday; for six days he wrought, and the seventh day he rested: that they needed not to fast so many fasting days, except the ember days; for he was beyond the sea in Almany, and there they used not so to fast, nor to make such holy days. ITEM , That offerings do no good, for they have them, that have no need thereof. And when it was answered again by one, that they maintained God’s service: ‘Nay,’ said Nicholas, ‘they maintain great houses, as abbeys and others.’ ITEM , That men should say their Paternoster, and Ave Maria in English, with the Creed; and declared the same in English. ITEM , That the sacrament of the altar, was not, as it was pretended, the flesh, blood, and bone of Christ; but a sacrament, that is, a typical signification of his holy body.’

To William Wingrave moreover it was objected, that he should say, that there was no purgatory: and if there were any purgatory, and every mass that is said should deliver a soul out of purgatory, there should be never a soul there; for there be more masses said in a day, than there be bodies buried in a month. 26 SIMON WISDOM, OF BURFORD.

Persecuted by John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln.

Simon Wisdom, of Burford, was charged in judgment, for having three books in English, one was the gospels in English, another was the psalter, the third was the Sum of the Holy Scripture in English.

JAMES ALTAR, OR AYGER, ACCUSED A.D. 1530.

Persecuted by Dr. Prin, Commissary to the Bishop of Lincoln.

It was articulated and objected to James Altar, first, that he, speaking to a certain doctor of divinity, named Aglonby, said, that every true Christian man, living after the laws of God, and observing his commandments, is a priest as well as he, etc. ITEM , That he said that he would not have his executors to deal any penny for his soul after his death, for he would do it with his own hands while he was alive; and that his conscience gave him, that the soul, as soon as it departeth out of the body, goeth straight either to heaven or to hell. ITEM , When Dr. Aglonby aforesaid had alleged to him the place in St. Matthew [chap. 16] ‘Thou art Peter,’ etc., he answered him again with that which followeth in the gospel after, ‘Get thee after me Satan,’ etc. ITEM , The said James, bearing of a certain church to be robbed, said openly, it made no. great matter, for the church had enough already.

JOHN FRENCH, OF LONG WITHAM.

Persecuted there A.D. 1530.

Against John French likewise these three articles were objected.

First, that he believed not the body of Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, to be in the sacrament. Secondly, that he was not confessed to any priest of long time. Thirdly, that priests had not power to absolve from sins, etc.: for which he likewise, with the others was troubled, and at length compelled also with them to kneel down, and to ask a blessing of his holy catholic father and mother of Rome.

Here 27 followeth a brief table or catalogue, containing the names of all such as were forced to abjure in king Henry’s days, after the first beginning of Luther.

NAMES John Hacker, alias Richardson Johan Picas of Colchester.

Sebastian Harris priest of Kenginton Richard Foster of London Richard Foster of London. Thomas Topley a friar of Clare William Gardiner friar-Augustine of Clare Sir Richard Foxe, parish priest of Bumpsted John Tybault John Cranforde of Bumpsted Edmond Tybault of Bomstedde Alis shypwright of Bomsted Robert beast Robert Wigge of London William Bull of London George Couper of London John Toy, of the parish of St. Faith’s in London Harry Railland of Colchester Richard Chapman of Witham Robert faire of Bansted Abraham Water of Colchester Christopher Raven tailor of Witham William Russel tailor of London John smyth of Bansted Thomas Bowgas of Colchester Doretie Long of Colchester Rose Bate of Colchester William butcher of Bansted Robert Hempsted Thomas Hempsted of Bansted John Turke John Stirling Denby widow of Colchester Nicolas White of Rye Richard Kitchen curate of Ligh William Wiggen, priest William Haille parish clerk of Totnam Paul Luther warden of the Grey Friars in Ware William Barlo priest William Bromfeld, alias Rackelsdone, monk of Berye William Woorsly priest and eremite John Stacie Tyler Thomas Geffrey Tailor of London Thomas Philips, pointer of London William Curson alias Felde William Russel tailor of London Thomas Foxe and Dorethey his wife Robert Goldstone glasier Laurence Staple John Periman Skinner Jasper Wetsel of Cullen. Sir Robert Cooper priest.

Henry Feldone. Thomas Row of Baromsted.

Robert Man of Much Cornard William Waltam of Colchester Grace Palmer of St. Oseye Philip Brasier of Bochsted Henry Fersted of Colchester George Bull of Much Hadham John Hammond of Colchester John Hewes of London Thomas Pohnar of London Simou Smith maister of art Thomas Patmer of Much Hadham William Nelson priest Thomas Eve clerck of Much Hadham Robert Hudson James Benham a knight’s son of Gloucestershire Henry Thompson Tailor, for his penance condemned to perpetual prison Water Kirrie Edward Hewet Michael Lobley, servant to maister Pepwell Margaret Bowegrace Thomas Matthew of Colchester John Wyly senior Edward Wentworth alias Painter John Tirrell of Billerica in Essex tailor William Lancaster tailor John Medwell a scrivener’s servant Andrew Hewet tailor of Feversam John Woodcocke John Fowrd of Dedham John Allin of Colchester Henry Golder shoemaker James Locke of Elmested Thomas Dacres and John Coates Robert West parson of St.

Andrews Roger Waplode Seger Nicholson Thomas Gerarde priest Galfride Lome Galfride Lome John Petit, alias Petye William Smith Christopher Fulman John George of Cressing John Whyby the younger of Dedham John Morris William Blackman of Colchester John Harriedaunce John Cole of Boxted Humphrey Mummouth draper of London, whose story for the notableness thereof shall be partly recited. Lawrence Swarfe tailor of London.

Hugh Morris, detected, cited, and after excommunicated, for lack of appearing at Windsor Lawrence Maxwel bricklayer 489 of London, who was twyse imprisoned: First for charging a priest with a lie, that preached at Paul’s cross ‘that the blood of Christ was not sufficient for man’s redemption without works.’ The second time he was again imprisoned with his other brethren. en Barnes was burned, and about two years after, at the coming in of Queen Anne a Cleve, he with his brethren were pardoned by a general pardon.

After all these whose years we have expressed, there were also divers others of whom, although we have no certain time or year expressed, yet because we find them in the fragments of old registers, we thought not good to omit or leave them out.

John Coygnes, alias Lyveland, was detected for contemning the sacrament of the altar, and for that he did not receive at Easter; and died at St. Martynes.

Robert Warde, shomaker, of St. Bride’s parish in Fleet-street, taken at Isleworth, and detected by three witnesses of the same town, for holding opinions against the sacrament of the altar; and died in the counter in Bread-street.

Friar Ward, otherwise called Matthew Ward, merchaunt-venturer, committed to the counter at Bread-street, for that he, being priest, contracted matrimony, was married, and kept company with his wife; and for suspicion that he was a sacramentary (as then they called them), a despiser of auricular confession and private masses, a defender that the communion ought to he ministered unto the lay people under both kinds; and for upholding that priests ought to have wives.

Herman Peterson and James Gosson tailors, Dutchmen, were committed to prison in the counter in Bread-street; for that the said James was neither confessed in Lent, nor received at Easter, which he said came through the counsel of Herman, who counseled him, rather to give three or four pence in alms to poor men, than to be housled or shriven.

Thomas Lancaster, priest; imprisoned in the counter in the Poultry, for bringing in certain prohibited books.

John Wyllock, Scottish friar, committed to the Fleet for preaching against confession; against holy water; against praying to saints; and against purgatory; that priests might have wives, and that the priests ought not to pray for souls departed.

John goodale, prisoner also in the Fleet.

Nicholas South, committed to prison at Newgate, detected by two witnesses, that he was not shriven in Lent nor received at Easter.

Thus, gentle reader, we have briefly drawn out unto you, as we could collect and gather them out of the registers, the most part of the names of all such as have been forced to abjure and by the bishop recanted, during the time of the reign of the most famous and worthy king Henry VIII.; of which number some died in several prisons, and of other some were put into the monastery of St. Bartholomew, some were forced to bear faggots embrodered upon their sleeves, by the space of seven years after; the sample whereof we have to show, with other sundry most shameful and cruel punishments; and many were delivered by general pardon. Desiring you to hold us excused, that we have not here declared their several causes with their abjurations and sundry kinds of penance and punishment; which, in this place, for avoiding of prolixity we have omitted, and partly for that their causes were nothing at all discrepant from such as were at the same time burned. Albeit, they had not like force and constancy to persevere in the truth; the great number of whom, with their articles, examinations, process, and condemnations, because they are matters of more weight and effect, have moved me with the more haste and speed to pass over these aforesaid in such sort, and so to come unto their histories.

For why stand I here numbering the sand? for if all the register books were sought, it would be an infinite thing to recite all them that through all the other dioceses of the realm in these days, before and since, were troubled and pursued for these and such like matters. But these I thought for example’s sake here to specify, that it might appear what doctrine it is, and long hath been in the church, for which the: prelates and clergy of Rome have judged men heretics, and so wrongfully have molested poor simple Christians.

Now, passing from the abjurations of those poor men, we will something speak (God willing) of the life and doings of the contrary part, who were their persecutors, and chief rulers then of the church, to the intent that by those rulers it may better be discerned and. judged, what manner of church that was, which then so persecuted the true doctrine of Christ, and members of his church.

A BRIEF DISCOURSE CONCERNING THE STORY AND LIFE OF THOMAS WOLSEY, LATE CARDINAL OF YORK, BY WAY OF DIGRESSION; WHEREIN IS TO BE SEEN AND NOTED THE EXPRESS IMAGE OF THE PROUD, VAIN-GLORIOUS CHURCH OF ROME, HOW FAR IT DIFFERETH FROM THE TRUE CHURCH OF CHRIST JESUS.

Although it be not greatly pertinent unto this our history, nor greatly requisite, in these so weighty matters, treating of Christ s holy martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey, cardinal of York; notwithstanding, forasmuch as there be many, who, being carried away with a wrong opinion and estimation of that false glittering church of Rome, do think that holiness to be in it, which indeed is not: to the intent therefore, that the vain pomp and pride of that ambitious church, so far differing from all pure Christianity and godliness, more notoriously may appear to all men, and partly also to refresh the reader with some variety of matter, I thought compendiously to express the ridiculous and pompous qualities and demeanor of this aforesaid Thomas Wolsey, cardinal and legate of Rome, in whom alone the image and life of all other such-like followers and professors of the same church may be seen and observed. For like as the Lacedemonians, in times past, were accustomed to show and demonstrate drunken men unto their children, to behold and look upon, that through the foulness of that vice, they might inflame them the more to the study and desire of sobriety; even so it shall not be hurtful sometimes to set forth the examples which are not honest, that others might thereby gather the instructions of better and more upright dealing.

Wherefore thou shalt note here, good reader! in this history, with all judgment, the great difference of life and Christian conversation between this church and the other true humble martyrs and servants of God, whom they have and do yet persecute. And first, to begin with the first meeting and coming in of this cardinal, and his fellow-cardinal, Campeius, to England; it was about the time when pope Leo, intending to make war against the Turks, sent three legates together from Rome, whereof one went into Germany, another into France; Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Calais, and that the cardinal of York had understanding thereof, he sent certain bishops and doctors, with as much speed as he could, to meet the legate, and to show him, that if he would have his embassage take effect, he should send in post to Rome, to have the said cardinal of York made legate, and to be joined with him in commission: which thing he much affected, misdoubting lest his authority thereby might perhaps be diminished through the coming of the legate, and therefore required to be joined with him in like degree of the embassage. Campeius, being a man light of belief, and suspecting no such matter, gave credit unto his words, and sent unto Rome with such speed, that within thirty days after, the bull was brought to Calais, wherein they were both equally joined in commission; during which time the cardinal of York sent to the legate at Calais, red cloth to clothe his servants withal, who at their coming to Calais were but meanly apparelled. When all things were ready, Campeius passed the seas and landed at Dover, and so kept on his journey toward London. At every good town as they passed, he was received with procession, accompanied by all the lords and gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to Blackheath, there met him the duke of Norfolk, with a great number of prelates, knights, and gentlemen, all richly appareled; and in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a cardinal’s robe, furred with ermines; and so took his mule, riding toward London. Now mark the great humility in this church of the pope, and compare the same with the other church of the martyrs, and see which of them is more gospel-like.

This Campeius had eight mules of his own, laden with divers fardels and other preparation. The cardinal of York, thinking them not sufficient for his state, the night before he came to London, sent him twelve mules more (with empty coffers), covered with red, to furnish his carriage withal. The next day these twenty mules were led through the city, as though they had been laden with treasures, apparel, and other necessaries, to the great admiration of all men, that they should receive a legate as it were a god, with such and so great treasure and riches; for so the common people do always judge and esteem the majesty of the clergy, by no other thing than by their outward shows and pomp. But in the midst of this great admiration, there happened a ridiculous spectacle, to the great derision of their pride and ambition: for as the mules passed through Cheapside, and the people were pressing about them to behold and gaze (as the manner is), it happened that one of the mules, breaking his collar that he was led in, ran upon the other mules, whereby it happened, that they, so running together, and their girths being loosed, overthrew divers of their burdens; and so there appeared the cardinal’s gay treasure, not without great laughter and scorn of many, especially of boys and girls, whereof some gathered up pieces of meat, some, pieced of bread and roasted eggs; some found horse-shoes and old boots, with such other baggage, crying out, ‘Behold! here is my lord cardinal’s treasure.’ The muleteers, being therewithal greatly ashamed, gathered together their treasure again as well as they could, and went forward.

About three o’clock in the afternoon, July 29th, the cardinal himself was brought through the city, with great pomp and solemnity, unto Paul’s church, where, when he had blessed all men with the bishop’s blessing, as the manner is, he was guided forth unto the cardinal of York’s house, where he was received by the said cardinal, and by him on the next day, being Sunday 491 , was conducted unto the king, to fulfill his embassage against the Turk, who might have destroyed all Hungary in the mean time, while they were studying with what solemnity to furnish out their embassage. 2 When the cardinal of York was thus a legate 492 , he set up a court, and called it the court of the legate, and proved testaments, and heard causes, to the great hinderance of all the bishops of the realm. He visited bishops, and all the clergy, exempt and not exempt; and, under color of reformation, he got much treasure, and nothing was reformed, but came to more mischief; for, by example of his pride, priests and all spiritual persons waxed so proud, that they wore velvet and silk, both in gowns, jackets, doublets, and shoes; kept open lechery; and so highly bore themselves, by reason of his authorities and faculties, that no man durst once reprove anything in them, for fear to be called heretic, and then they would make him smoke, or bear a faggot: and the cardinal himself was so elated, that he thought himself equal with the king; and when he had said mass, he made dukes and earls to serve him of wine with a say taken 493 , and to hold the bason at the lavatories.

Furthermore, when he was sent ambassador to the emperor at Brussels, ]he had over with him the great seal of England; and was served with his servitors kneeling on their knees; and many noblemen of England waiting upon him, to the great admiration of all the Germans that beheld it: such was his monstrous pomp and pride. This glorious cardinal, in his tragical doings, did exceed so far all measure of a good subject, that he became more like a prince than a priest; for although the king bare the sword, yet he bare the stroke, making (in a manner) the whole realm to bend at his beck, and to dance after his pipe.

Such practices and fetches he had, that when he had well stored his own coffers, first he fetched the greatest part of the king’s treasure out of the realm, in twelve great barrels full of gold and silver, to serve the pope’s wars; and as his avaricious mind was never satisfied with getting, so his restless head was so busy, ruffling in public matters, that he never ceased before he had set both England, France, Flanders, Spain, and Italy, together by the cars.

Thus this legate, well following the steps of his master the pope, and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion, under the pretense of the church, practiced great hypocrisy; and under the authority of the king he used great extortion, with excessive taxes and loans, and valuation of every man’s substance, so pilling the commons and merchants, that every man complained, but no redress was had. Neither yet were the churchmen altogether free from the pill-axe and poll-axe, from the pilling and polling, I mean, of this cardinal, who, under his power legantine, gave by prevention’s all benefices belonging to spiritual persons; by which, hard it is to say, whether he purchased to himself more riches or hatred of the spirituality. So far his license stretched, that he had power to suppress divers abbeys, priories, and monasteries; and so he did, taking from them all their goods, movables and unmovables, except it were a little pension, left only to the heads of certain houses. By the said power legantine he kept also general visitations through the realm, sending doctor John Alein, his chaplain, riding in his gown of velvet, and with a great train, to visit all religious houses; whereat the friars observant much grudged, and would in no wise condescend thereunto: wherefore they were openly accursed at Paul’s cross, by friar Forest, 4 one of the same order; so that the cardinal at length prevailed both against them and all others. Against whom great disdain arose among the people, perceiving how, by visitations, making of abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licenses, and other pollings in his courts legantine, he had made his treasure equal with the king’s, and yet every year he sent great sums to Rome. And this was their daily talk against the cardinal. Besides many other matters and grievances which stirred the hearts of the commons against the cardinal, this was one which much pinched them, for that the said cardinal had sent out certain straight commissions 494 in the king’s name, that every man should pay the sixth part of his goods.

Whereupon there followed great muttering amongst the commons; in such sort, that it had almost grown to some riotous commotion or tumult, especially in the parts of Surfolk had not the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with wisdom and gentleness, stepped in and appeased the same. Another thing that rubbed the stomachs of many, or rather which moved them to laugh at the cardinal, was this; to see his insolent presumption, so highly to take upon him, as the king’s chief councilor, to set a reformation in the order of the king’s household, making and establishing new ordinances in the same. He likewise made new officers in the house of the duke of Richmond, which was then newly begun. In like manner he ordained a council, and established another household for the lady Mary, then being princess; so that all things were done by his consent, and by none other. All this, with much more, took he upon him, making the king believe, that all should be to his honor, and that he needed not to take any pains; insomuch that the charge of all things was committed unto him: whereat many men smiled, to see his great folly and presumption.

At this time, the cardinal gave the king the lease of the manor of Hampton Court, which he had of the lord of St. John’s, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore the king again, of his gentle nature, licensed him to lie in his manor of Richmond; and so he lay there certain times. But when the common people, and especially such as were king Henry the Seventh’s servants, saw the cardinal keep house in the royal manor of Richmond, which king Henry VII. so much esteemed, it was a marvel to hear how they grudged, saying, “See, a butcher’s dog lies in the manor of Richmond!” These, with many other opprobrious words, were spoken against the cardinal, whose pride was so high, that he regarded nothing: yet was he hated of all men.

And now, to express some part of the ruffling practices and busy intermeddlings of this cardinal in princes’ wars, first, here is to be noted, that after long wars between England and France, 1524 (in which wars king Henry, taking the emperor’s part against Francis, the French king, had engaged with his money the duke of Bourbon, and a great part of the emperor s army, to invade and disturb certain parts of France), it happened that the French king, coming with his army towards Milan at the siege of Pavia, was there taken by the duke of Bourbon, and the viceroy of Naples, and so led prisoner into Spain.

Here note by the way, that all this while the cardinal held with the emperor, hoping by him to be made pope; but when that would not be, he went clean from the emperor to the French king, as, the Lord willing, you shall hear.

After this victory gotten, and the French king being taken prisoner, who remained in custody about a year and a half; at length, through great labor and solicitation, as well of others as especially of the cardinal and king Henry, an order was taken, and conditions propounded, between the French king and the emperor; among which other divers conditions it was agreed, that they should resist the Turks, and oppress the Lutherans; and so was the king set at liberty, leaving behind him his two eldest sons for pledges. But shortly after he revoked his oath, being absolved by the bishop of Rome, and said that he was forced to swear, or else he should never have been delivered. This was A.D. 1526.

Pope Clement VII., seeing the French king restored to liberty, and misdoubting the puissance and domination of the emperor in Italy, so near under his nose, absolved the French king from his oath; also joined together a confederacy of Venetians and other princes against the emperor, bearing great hatred against all them that any thing favored the emperor’s part, especially the family of Columna in Rome, which family was then imperial; and therefore, to show his hatred against them, he said to Pompey, cardinal of the same family, in threatening words, that he would take away his cardinal’s hat: to whom it was answered again by the cardinal, that if he so did, he would put on a helmet to overthrow the pope’s triple, crown: whereby it may appear here by the way, what holiness and virtue lie in the pope and cardinals of that catholic see of Rome.

Thus the false pope, under the lying title of holiness, was the father of much mischief and of great wars, which after ensued; for the duke of Bourbon, and others of the emperor’s captains, having intelligence of the pope’s purpose and confederacy, gathered their army together, and after much bloodshed and fighting about Milan, Hawd, and Cremona, at length they approached and bent their siege against Rome, and after three sharp assaults, obtained the city, with the whole spoil thereof: where also they besieged the aforesaid pope with his cardinals, in the mount of Adrian, and took him prisoner, A.D. 1527. As touching the cause of the besieging of Rome, now you have heard: for the manner of the taking of Rome, and of the pope, the order thereof is thus described in Hall 495 and others.

THE SACKING OF ROME496 AND TAKING OF POPE CLEMENT. The emperor’s army, departing from Florence to the city of Sienna, where they lost their ordnance, took counsel there to go to Rome, and so much they traveled by night and day, commonly passing forty miles clay and night (their good will was such), that on the fourth day of May 497 , with banners displayed, they came before the city of Rome, the same day being Saturday; and on Sunday, the Romans made bulwarks, ramparts, and other defenses, and laid ordnance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely. The duke of Bourbon determined that it was not best to lie still without, and be slain with ordnance, considering that they were ill armed 498 and unprovided with storming engines; wherefore he determined to take the chance, and to give the assault, and so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo Novo and old Rome. But the Romans valiantly defended them with hand-guns, pikes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreat. Then the Romans were glad, and set many fair banners on their towers and bulwarks, and made great shouts; which the duke of Bourbon seeing, he cried to a new assault. Then the drumslades struck 499 , and every man with a ladder mounted; and at first encounter again the Romans put them a little back; which the duke of Bourbon perceiving, cried “God and the emperor!” Then every man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled; but at last the emperor’s men got the wall: and between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assail; which was profitable to the emperor’s party. At the three assaults were slain two hundred 500 Switzers of the pope’s guard. In this last assault was the duke of Bourbon struck in the thigh with a hand-gun 501 , of which he shortly after died in a chapel of St. Sixt, whither his soldiers had brought him; and this chance notwithstanding, the army entered into Rome, and took the pope’s palace, and set up the emperor’s arms.

Pope Clement had passed so little 502 on the emperor’s army, that he had gone to St. Peter’s church to hear mass: for he had accursed them on the Friday before, and in his curse he called the Almains, Lutherans; and the Spaniards, Marrani or Moors: and he utterly disdained his enemies, until suddenly the Almains entered into the church, and slew his guard and divers other. He, seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way to the castle of St. Angelo; and all they that followed him that way, and could not enter, were slain, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been slain.

The cardinals and other prelates fled likewise to the castle of St. Angelo, over the bridge, where many of the common people were overpressed and trodden down, as they gave way to the cardinals and other estates, that passed toward the castle for succor.

The cardinals 503 de Sienna, Cesarini, de Todi, Jacobace, and de Valle, tarried so long, that they could not get to the castle for the multitude of people; wherefore they were compelled to take another house, called the palace of St. George, where they kept themselves for awhile as secretly as they might. You must understand, through the city of Rome runneth a famous river called Tiber, and on the one side of the river standeth the Borough of St. Angelo; and the other side is called Burgo Novo, or the New Borough.

There is a bridge 504 called the bridge of Sixtus, which lieth directly before the castle. At the end of this bridge was a wonderful strong bulwark, well ordnanced and well manned. The emperor’s men, seeing that they could do nothing either to the pope, or to that part of the city, but by the bridge, determined to assault the bulwark; and so, as men without fear, came on the bridge, and the Romans so well defended themselves, that they slew almost four thousand men. Seeing this, the prince of Orange, and the marquis of Guasto, with all speed gave the assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordnance, handguns, quarrels, and all that might be shot; yet the imperial persons never shrank, but manfully entered the bulwark, and slew and threw down out of the loops all the Romans that they found, and after rased the bulwark to the ground. The pope was in the castle of St. Angelo, and beheld this fight; and with him were four-andtwenty cardinals, of whom one, called the cardinal ‘ Sanctorum Quatuor 505 ,’ or the cardinal of ‘Pouch,’ was slain, and with him were one thousand prelates and priests, five hundred gentlemen, and five hundred soldiers: wherefore immediately the captains determined to lay. siege to the castle of St. Angelo, lest they within might issue out, and turn them to damage; wherefore suddenly a siege was planted round about the castle. In the mean season, the soldiers fell to spoil. Never was Rome so pillaged 506 , either by the Goths or Vandals; for the soldiers were not content with the spoil of the citizens, but they robbed the churches, brake up the houses of close religious persons, and overthrew the cloisters, and spoiled virgins, and maltreated married women. Men were tormented if they had not to give to every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by dreadful mutilation, to cause them to confess their treasure.

This woodness 507 continued a great while, and some men might think that when they had gotten so much, then they would cease and be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dice, some five hundred, some a thousand ducats at a cast; and he that came to play laden with plate, went away almost naked, and then fell to rifling again. Many of the citizens, who could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in the Tibur. The soldiers daily, that lay at the siege, made jests of the pope. Sometimes they had one riding like the pope, with a base woman behind him; sometimes he blessed, and sometimes he cursed, and sometimes they would with one voice call him Antichrist 508 : and they went about to undermine the castle, and to have thrown it down on the pope’s head; but the water that environeth the castle disappointed their purpose.

In this season the duke of Urbino, with fifteen thousand men, came to aid the pope; but hearing, that Rome was taken, he tarried forty miles from Rome, till he heard other word. The marquis of Saluzzo, and sir Frederic de Bozolo 509 , with fifteen thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen, were at Viterbo the 10th day of May, where they, hearing that the city of Rome was taken, also tarried. The cardinal of Colonna came with an army of Neapolitans to help the emperors men, but when he saw the cruelty of the soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much.

The bishop of Rome was thus besieged till the eighth of the ides of June 510 ; at which day he yielded himself for necessity, and penury of all things in the castle; and then he was restored to give graces, and grant bulls as he did before; but he tarried still in the castle of St. Angelo, and had a great number of Almains and Spaniards to keep him; but the Spaniards bare most rule in the castle, for no man entered, nor came out of the castle but by them. When the month of July came, corn began to fail in Rome, and the pestilence began to wax strong; wherefore the great army removed to a place called Narni, forty miles from Rome, leaving behind them such as kept the bishop of Rome.

When they were departed, the Spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almains out of the castle of St. Angelo, and so they had the whole custody of the pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. When the cardinal here in England heard how his father of Rome was taken prisoner, he began to stir coals, and hearing of his captivity, he labored with the king all that he might, to stir him up to fight with the said pope against the emperor, and to be a defender of the church; which if he would do, the cardinal persuaded him that he should receive great reward at God’s hand. To whom the king answered again, and said in this manner: “My lord! I more lament this evil chance, than my tongue can tell; but whereas you say I am the defender of the faith 511 , I assure you that this war between the emperor and the pope is not for the faith, but for temporal possessions and dominions. And now, since pope Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? neither my person nor my people can rescue him; but if my treasure may help him, take that which seemeth to you most convenient.”

Thus the cardinal, when he could not obtain at the king’s hands what he would, in stirring him up to mortal war, made out of the king’s treasure twelve score thousand pounds, which he carried over the sea with him.

After this, the cardinal sent his commission as legate to all the bishops, commanding fastings and solemn processions to be had, wherein they did sing the Litany after this sort, ‘Sancta Maria! ora pro Clemente papa; Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente papa;’ 4 and so forth all the Litany.

This cardinal, passing the seas with the aforesaid sums of money, departed out of Calais, accompanied by Cuthbert Tonstal bishop of London, the lord Sandes the king s chamberlain, the earl of Derby, sir Henry Guildford, and sir Thomas More, with many other knights and squires, to the number of twelve hundred horse; having in his carriage fourscore wagons, and threescore mules and sumpter horses.

It were long to discourse in this place the manifold abuses and treasons which he practiced when he came to the French court at Amiens, converting the great sums of money, which, you heard before, he had obtained of the king for the relief and ransom of pope Clement (who at that time was prisoner in the emperor’s army), and bestowing the same in the hiring of soldiers, and furnishing out the French king’s army; appointing also certain English captains, in the king of England’s name, to go against the emperor, to rescue the pope; all which army was paid with the king of England’s money.

Besides that, he privily, by his letters, caused Clarence king at arms, to join with the French herald, and openly to defy the emperor; whereby there began great displeasure to arise between the emperor and the king, but that the emperor, of his politic nature, would take no occasion of displeasure against the king of England.

Now again he uttered another of his practices; for, upon the said defiance, the cardinal, surmising and whispering in the king’s ear that the emperor had evil treated and imprisoned the king’s ambassadors in Spain, caused Hugo de Mendoza, the emperor’s ambassador in England, to be attached, and put in safe keeping, and his house with all his goods to be seized. This so remained, until manifest letters came of the gentle entreaty of the king’s ambassadors in Spain; and then he was again set at liberty. When the ambassador complained hereof to. the cardinal, he laid all the fault upon Clarence; saying also, that Clarence had defied the emperor, without the king’s knowledge, at the request of the herald of France: wherefore at his return he should lose his head at Calais. Of this, Clarence, being advertised by the captain of Bayonne, in his return took shipping at Boulogne, and so privily came into England; and by means of certain of his friends of the king’s privy-chamber, he was brought into the king’s presence, before the cardinal knew of it; where he showed unto the king the cardinal’s letters of commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of their, gentle entreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he said, “O Lord Jesus! he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well, Clarence! I will no more be so light of credence hereafter; for now I see well, that I have been made believe the thing that was never done:” and from that time forward the king newer put any more confidence or trust in the cardinal.

The cause why the cardinal should bear the emperor all this malice and grudge, after some writers, appeareth to be this: At what time pope Clement was taken prisoner (as is before said), the cardinal wrote unto the emperor, that he should make him pope. But when he had received an answer that pleased him not, he waxed furious mad, and sought all means to displease the emperor, writing very sharply unto him many menacing letters, that if he would not make him pope, he would make such a ruffling betwixt Christian princes, as was not this hundred years before, to make the emperor repent; yea though it should cost the whole realm of England.

Hereunto the emperor made answer in a little book, imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering unto many menacings of the cardinal, and divers of his articles; but especially to that his ruffling threat, wherein he menaced him, that if he would not make him pope, he would set such a ruffling betwixt Christian princes as was not this hundred years, though it should cost the whole realm of England: whereunto the emperor, answering again, biddeth him look well about him, lest through his doings and attempts he might bring the matter in that case, that it should cost him the realm of England indeed.

You have heard before, how that when pope Clement was prisoner in the emperor’s army, the cardinal required the king, because he did bear the title of ‘Defender of the Faith,’ that he would rescue the pope: also what the king’s answer was thereunto, and what sums of money he had obtained of the king. Now, because you shall not also be ignorant, by what means, and upon what occasion this title of ‘Defender of the Faith’ was given unto the king, we think it good somewhat to say in this place. When Martin Luther had uttered the abomination of the pope and his clergy, and divers books were come into England, our cardinal here, thinking to find a remedy for that, sent immediately unto Rome for this title of Defender of the Faith: which afterwards the vicar of Croydon preached, that the king’s grace would not lose it for all London and twenty miles about it. Neither is it any marvel, for it cost more than London and forty miles about it, considering the great sums which you have heard the cardinal obtained of the king for the pope’s relief, besides the effusion of much innocent blood.

When this glorious title was come from Rome, the cardinal brought it unto the king’s grace at Greenwich.; and though the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning were all the lords and gentlemen that could in so short space be gathered, sent for, to come and receive it with honor.

In the morning the cardinal gat him through the backside, unto the Friars observant, and part of the gentlemen went round about, and welcomed him from Rome; part met him half way, and some at the court gate. The king himself met him in the hall, and brought him up into a great chamber, where was a seat prepared on high for the king and the cardinal to sit on, while the bull was read; which pomp all men of wisdom and understanding laughed to scorn.

This done, the king went to his chapel to hear mass, accompanied by many nobles of his realm, and ambassadors of sundry princes. The cardinal being revested to sing mass, the earl of Essex brought the bason of water, the duke of Suffolk gave the assay, and the duke of Norfolk held the towel; and so he proceeded to mass. When mass was done, the bull was again published, the trumpets blew, the shawms and sackbuts played in honor of the king’s new style. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst whereof the king of heralds and his company began the largess, crying, “Henricus, Dei Gratia, Rex Angliae et Franciae, Defensor Fidei, et Dominus Hiberniae.” Thus were all things ended with great solemnity.

Not much unlike to this was the receiving of the cardinal’s hat 512 ; which when a ruffian had brought unto him to Westminster under his cloak, he clothed the messenger in rich array, and sent him back again to Dover; appointing the bishop of Canterbury to meet him, and then another company of the lords and gentlemen, I wot not how often before it came to Westminster; where it was set upon a cupboard, and tapers round about it, so that the greatest duke in the land must make courtesy thereunto, and to his empty seat, he being away.

And forasmuch as we are in hand with the acts and doings of cardinal Wolsey, among many other things which of purpose we overpass, this is not to be exempted out of memory, touching his uncourteous, or rather churlish handling of Richard Pacy, dean of Paul’s. This Pacy, being the king’s secretary for the Latin tongue, was of such ripeness of wit, of learning and eloquence, also in foreign languages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meet to succeed after John Colet, in the deanery of Paul’s; besides which he was also preferred to the deanery of Exeter. For the other he was sent in the king’s, affairs ambassador to Venice; which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation or admiration among the Venetians, both for dexterity of his wit, and especially for his singular promptness in the Italian tongue, wherein he seemed nothing inferior, either to Peter Vanne here in England, the king’s secretary for the Italian tongue, or yet to any others, who were the best in that tongue in all Venice. For opinion and fame of learning, he was so notoriously accepted, not only here in England with Linacre, Grocine, More, and others, but also known and reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus’s Epistles, he wrote almost to none so many, as he wrote to this Richard Pacy.

As the said Pacy was resident ambassador at Venice, the king, having war the same time with Francis the French king (as is afore rehearsed) through the conducting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then charged with his expenses, sent commandment to Pacy to give attendance to the duke of Bourbon, concerning the receipt of that money, and other necessities and exploits to that expedition appertaining. In the mean while, as the French king with his army, and the duke of Bourbon were approaching in battle together, near about the city of Pavia, it so happened (some think through the crafty packing of the cardinal) that the king’s money was not so ready as it was looked for: by reason whereof the duke of Bourbon, perceiving his soldiers about to shrink from him to the French king for lack of payment, called to him the ambassador, complaining unto him, how the king of England had deceived him, and broken promise with him, to his great dishonor and utter undoing, etc. Pacy then, being sure of the king’s will, and suspecting the crafty fetch of the cardinal, desired the duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the king’s assured promise, excusing the delay of the money as well as he could, by interception, or other causes by the way incident, rather than for any lack of fidelity on the king’s behalf: adding, moreover, that if it would please him happily to proceed, as he had courageously begun, he should not stay for the king’s money. So sure he was of the king’s mind thereto, that he would supply the lack of that payment upon his own credit, among his friends at Venice: and so he did; whereupon the soldiers being sufficiently satisfied with payment of their wages, proceeded forth with the duke unto the battle. In that battle the aforesaid French king, the same time, before the city of Pavia, was taken prisoner, as is before declared. This being eftsoons known to the king of England, Pacy had both condign thanks for his faithful service, and also his money repaid again with the uttermost, as he well deserved. But as the laud and the renowned praise of men for their worthy prowesses, commonly in this world never go unaccompanied with some privy canker of envy and disdain following after, so the singular industry of Pacy, as it won much commendation with many, so it could not avoid the secret sting of some serpents. For the conceived hatred of this cardinal so kindled against him, that he never ceased, till first he brought him out of the king’s favor, and at last also out of his perfect wits.

The occasion how he fell beside himself was this, for that the cardinal, after the death of pope Adrian, hoping no less but that he should have been advanced unto the papacy, and yet missing thereof, supposed with himself the fault chiefly to rest in Pacy’s negligence, by whose great wit and learning, and earnest means and suit, he thought easily he might have achieved and compassed the triple crown. Wherefore, he, seeing it otherwise come to pass, and inflamed against Pacy for the same, wrought such ways and means, that by the space almost of two years, Pacy, continuing at Venice, had neither writing from the king, nor his council, what he should do; nor yet any manner of allowance for his diet, although he wrote and sent letters for the same to England very often: for the cardinal had altogether incensed the king against him. Whereupon the said Pacy took such an inward thought and conceit, that his wits began to fail him; he being notwithstanding in sure favor among the senators of Venice, that neither for gold nor silver he could there have lacked. By some it was reported that the Venetian legate here in England, coming to the cardinal, required if he would command any thing to the English ambassador at Venice? To whom he should answer again in high words, saying, “Paceus decepit regem.” These words coming to Pacy’s ears, so deeply pierced his stomach, that he fell quite beside himself. I heard it moreover of another thus testified, who had a brother at the same time dwelling with Pacy: that the cardinal, about the returning of Pacy from Venice, sent him a letter so powdered (with what spices I cannot tell), that at the reading thereof Pacy, being then in the fields, fell suddenly in such a mighty running for the space of two miles, that his servants had much ado to take him, and bring him home.

This piteous case of Pacy was not a little lamented by the whole senate and chief learned men in Venice; insomuch that the king was not only certified thereof by Thomas Lupset (who then was chief man about Pacy, and his secretary for that embassage), but also the said senate of Venice wrote in such sharp and vehement wise unto their ambassador, then being in England, that he should signify unto the king, touching Pacy’s case, that thereby the king, knowing the truth, and the whole circumstance of the matter, was not a little sorrowful therefore. Hereupon Pacy was forthwith sent for home, and when he came to England, he was commanded by the king to be specially well tended, and to lack no keeping: insomuch that within a small process of time he was pretty well come again to his wits, and began to study the Hebrew tongue with Wakefield; so that (the cardinal then being absent) such ways were found by his friends, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the king secretly communed together by the space of two hours and more, not without great rejoicing to the king, as it was perceived, to see him so well amended, and returned to himself again; giving likewise strait charge and commandment, that he should lack nothing. The cardinal being then not present, when he heard of this, fearing lest he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he would not have known, and doubting that the king should cast his favor again unto Pacy, began within a while after to quarrel, and pick matters, and to lay certain things to Pacy’s charge; whereas he rather should have cleared himself of those things which Pacy laid unto him before the king, which was contrary to all good form and order of justice. For where the king had willed the cardinal to purge himself of those things which Pacy had rightly charged him withal, he, sitting in judgment, with the duke of Norfolk, and other states of the realm, not as a defendant, but as a judge in his own cause, so bare out himself and weighed down Pacy, that Pacy was commanded to the Tower of London as, prisoner, where he continued by the space of two years, or thereabouts, and afterwards, by the king’s commandment, was discharged, But he, being there prisoner, was therewith so deadly wounded and, stricken, that he fell worse from his wits than ever he was before, being in such a frenzy or lunacy, that to his dying day he never came perfectly to himself again.

Notwithstanding this in him was no perpetual frenzy, but came by fits; and when the fit was past, he could look on his book, and reason and talk handsomely, but that now and then he showed his disease. And thus much between the cardinal and Pacy.

By this story of Pacy, and also by other passages above-mentioned, ye may partly conceive how greedy this cardinal was to be made pope.

Touching which matter here by the way something to treat, first it is to be understood, that forasmuch as Pacy either would not, or could not, serve the cardinal’s purpose herein, he thought to accomplish his desire by other means, and namely by Stephen Gardiner, who was then shortly after sent ambassador 513 to Rome by the king and the cardinal, in the time of pope Clement VII.; and that for two special causes, one was about the divorcement, the other for promoting the cardinal to be pope. As touching the divorcement we will speak (the Lord willing)hereafter. In the mean time. as concerning the advancement of the cardinal, great labor was made, as in letters may appear, sent from the cardinal to the said Stephen Gardiner; in which letters he did solicit the said Gardiner, by all means, to pursue the suit, willing him to stick for no cost, so far as six or seven thousand pounds would stretch; for more, he said, he would not give for the triple crown. Mark here, Christian reader! what a holy catholic church this is, which rather may be called a bourse, or mart of merchants, ‘ne quid dicam durius,’ than any true form of a church.

Many both of his, and also of the king’s letters, I could here insert; but, for growing of the volume, I let them pass. One, for example’s sake, sent by the cardinal to Gardiner, another also from the king to the said Gardiner, shall at this time suffice concerning this matter. And first the copy of the cardinal’s ambitious letter here in form followeth.

THE COPY OF AN AMBITIOUS LETTER WRITTEN BY THOMAS WOLSEY, CARDINAL OF YORK, UNTO STEPHEN GARDINER, ONE OF KING HENRY’S ORATORS IN THE COURT OF ROME, FOR THE PROCURING OF THE PAPAL DIGNITY TO THE SAID CARDINAL.

Master Stephen, albeit ye shall be sufficiently, with your colleagues, by such instructions as be given to Monsieur Vincent, informed of the king’s mind and mine, concerning my advancement unto the dignity papal, not doubting but that for the singular devotion which you hear towards the king and his affairs, both general and particular, and perfect love which ye have toward me, ye will omit nothing that may be excogitated to serve and conduce to that purpose; yet I thought convenient, for the more fervent expression of my mind in that behalf, to write unto you (as to the person whom I do most entirely trust, and by whom this thing shall be most pithily set forth) these few words following of mine own hand.

I doubt not but ye do profoundly consider, as well the state wherein the church and all Christendom doth stand now presently, as also the state of this realm, and of the king’s secret matter; which if it should be brought to pass by any other means than by the authority of the church, I account this prince and realm utterly undone. Wherefore it is expedient to have such a one to be pope and. common father of all princes, as may, can, and will, give remedy to the premises. And albeit I account myself much unable, and that it shall be now incommodious in this mine old age to be the said common father; yet when all things be well pondered, etc. the qualities of all the cardinals well considered, ‘absit verbum jactantiae,’ there shall be none found that can and will set remedy in the aforesaid things, but only the cardinal of York, 6 whose good will and zeal is not to you of all men unknown. And were it not for the re-integration of the state of the church and see apostolic to the pristine dignity, and for the conducing of peace amongst Christian princes, and especially to relieve this prince and realm from the calamities that the same be now in, all the riches or honor of the world should not cause me, ‘nedum aspirare, sed ne consentire,’ to accept the said dignity, although the same with all commodities were offered unto me. Nevertheless, conforming myself to the necessity of the time, and the will and pleasure of these two princes, I am content to appone all my wit and study, and to set forth all means and ways, ‘ut benefaciam rebus Christianitatis,’ for the attaining of the said dignity: for the achieving and attaining whereof, forasmuch as thereupon dependeth the health and wealth, not only of these two princes and their realms, but of all Christendom, nothing is to be omitted that may conduce to the said end and purpose. Wherefore, Master Stephen, since you be so plainly advertised of my mind and intent, I shall pray you to extend omnes nervos ingenii tui, ut ista res ad effectum produci possit, nullis parcendo sumptibus, pollicitationibus, sive laboribus: ita ut hominum videris ingenia et affectiones, sive ad privata, sive ad publica, sic accommodes actiones tuas. Non deest tibi et collegis tuis amplissima potestas, nullis terminis aut conditionibus, limitata seu restricta; et quicquid feceris, scito omnia apud hunc regem et me esse grata et tuta. Nam omnia (ut paucis absolvam) in tuo ingenio et fide reposuimus. Nihil superest aliud scribendum, nisi quod supplex orem, ut omnes actiones tuas secundet Deus optimus maximuaque, et, ex corde, vale.

Ex aedibus meis Westmonast. 7. Febr.

Tuae salutis et amplitudinis cupidissimus, T. Ebor.

After this letter of the cardinal, consequently here ensueth another letter of the king, to the aforesaid Stephen Gardiner, and other his orators at Rome; containing such instructions and documents as they should practice with the cardinals of Rome, in canvassing for the said Thomas Wolsey, cardinal of York, to be elected pope, if pope Clement were dead; or, if he were not dead, yet at least to instruct them what to do, when he should die.

The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous manner of the handling, and curious secretaryship thereof, full of glorious affectation, I thought it not here unmeet for the studies and appetites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious style of this vain-glorious cardinal, being suit-like to his glorious life. The copy of the letter bearing the name of the king, but indeed savoring altogether of the cardinal’s device and swelling vein, doth thus proceed in form and style as followeth.

INSTRUCTIONS SENT BY THE KING’S HIGHNESS, TO HIS TRUSTY COUNCILORS AND SERVANTS. Master Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of both Laws; Sir Francis Brian, Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knights; and Mr. Peter Vanne, the King’s Secretary for the Italian Tongue; his Ambassadors in the Court of Rome, for the Election of the Cardinal of York to the Papacy, if Pope Clement were dead. First, whereas a good season since the depeach of Master Stephen Gardiner, an ambassiate towards the court of Rome, the king’s highness, by sundry ways, hath been advertised of the death of our holy father the pope Clement of that name the Seventh, whose soul Jesu pardon! by means whereof the charge heretofore committed by his grace unto his orators, to have been now executed with the said late pope, cannot at his hands take effect; his highness, pondering and profoundly considering the present state of Christendom, miserably and piteously afflicted with the intestine wars, dissensions, and discords, reigning amongst the princes of the same, and how the dignity of the see apostolic, by such trouble and persecution as hath been inferred thereunto these years passed, is not a little diminished and impaired, and like to come to a total ruin; if, by the help and assistance of good and virtuous princes, the ambition of those which study the extermination thereof be not in time repressed: considering furthermore, that as well to conduce to the rest and tranquility in Christendom, as to restore, repair, and re-integrate the state, authority, and reputation of the said see apostolic, nothing is more requisite and necessary, than that such a head and common father be now at this time of vacation of the dignity papal, provided and elected to succeed in the same, as both may, can, and will, purvey to the restoration of the said see, and that hath, and may have the assistance of such virtuous and puissant princes as tender the defense, maintenance and increase of the dignity aforesaid; and that may meet with the inordinate ambition of the emperor, who nothing more studieth, than for his own exaltation to suppress the church and see apostolic: remembering also the high importance of the king’s great and weighty cause of matrimony, 9 committed to the charge of the said orators, and how manifold dangers, and irreparable damages depend upon the tract, delay, or disappointment thereof, which by no way or mean can be conduced to the king’s purpose and desire by the authority of the church, but only by special, assured, and perfect favor of the head of the same church: his highness also being as loth as any living prince or person may be, to recur unto other refuge, succor or remedy in the said cause, than to the authority of the see apostolic, if his grace may there find the favor and benignity that to his merits towards the same be correspondent; of which favor his highness should be clearly deprived and frustrate, in case the election of the future pope should pass upon any person, of whom his grace were not perfectly assured: his highness for the respects and considerations before specified, perceiving his good brother and perpetual ally the French king, in the said intention, to be united. knit, and, in all actions and doings of importance, assuredly combined, unto his grace, proceeding together in one will, mind, purpose, and conformity, hath by good and mature deliberation, studied, devised, and excogitated with himself; who were and might be the most able, meet, and convenient person, having the qualities before specified, to be advanced at this time unto the said dignity papal.

And finally, when his grace hath well revolved with himself all the respects and considerations aforesaid, noting also all things meet to be regarded in every of the cardinals of the church of Rome, both present now in the court there, and absent from the same; it cannot be found that there is any person sufficiently furnished with the requisites before specified, but only the most reverend father in God, and his most trusty councilor, the lord legate, cardinal, archbishop of York, primate and chancellor of this realm: who, being well known to have as fervent a zeal, study, mind, and desire, to the universal weal, repose, and tranquillity of Christendom, to the reintegration and restoration of the dignity, authority, reputation, and rights of the church and see apostolic, to the surety, weal, and exaltation of the king’s highness, the French king and other their confederates; and, finally, to the perfection of the king’s said great and weighty cause, whereupon., dependeth the surety., of his royal person, succession, realm, people, and dominions, as any person living can or may have: and that the said most reverend father, who hath the fast assured favor herein of the French king (who of his own mere motion, hath frankly and liberally offered unto him, all that by himself, his friends, his power, his agents, or otherwise, he may or can possibly do for his advancement to the said dignity papal), is the person who for his singular virtue; his entire devotion to peace and restoration of the said see; the excellency of his wisdom, learning, and experience; the magnanimity in his actions and doings; the dignity wherein he is already constituted; the promotions which he hath attained; the substance that he is of; his reputation, his conduct, his diligence, his dexterity, his discretion, his policy; and, finally, the notable and high favor that the king’s highness, and the said French king bear unto him: is only he, that being called unto the said dignity papal, may, can, and will, meet with the inordinate ambition of the said emperor,10 and consequently with establishment of tranquility amongst Christian princes; and is, by the assistance of his friends, meet, convenient and able to succor, relieve, and clearly to repair, the piteous jacture and decay, that the church and see apostolic hath so long suffered, and to defend the same from the eminent danger now apparent to ensue if the said emperor, who (as the king’s highness is ascertained) determined in the beginning of January now passed to take his journey towards Rome, should upon this vacation of the said see (chanced, as it is upon many evident presumptions to be thought, by some detestable act committed for the said late pope’s destruction), now by force, violence, cautele, blandishing, promises, or otherwise, have the election to proceed at his will, favor, and devotion; whereby, having a pope at his arbitre, 11 either he should not fail to usurp and take upon him the rights, pro-vents, and patrimony of the church, using him as his chaplain and. vassal, or else by little and little utterly to exclude and extinguish him and his authority.

For this cause, if ever it were expedient that good Christian princes look to the tuition, maintenance, defense, and continuance of Christ’s church, faith, and religion, now is it the time, above all others, to provide and beware by all ways possible; lest the same neglected, forgotten, and not in time relieved, be brought unto extreme ruin. 12 And therefore the king’s highness, having singular, and special trust and. confidence, in the wisdoms, discretions, fidelities, diligences and circumspections of his said orators (to whom no part of the premises is unknown, nor how necessary and in any wise expedient it shall be, for the perfection of the king’s said great and weighty matter to them committed, to have the said lord legate of York and none other, advanced to the said dignity papal) willeth, desireth, ordaineth, and expressly chargeth and commandeth his-said orators, and every of them, no less to employ, endeavor, and determine themselves, to solicit, set forth, further, promote, labor, and conduce, the advancement of the said lord legate of York to that dignity, an they would that thing which the king’s highness most highly, next God and his soul, with all earnestness and fervent mind doth, above all other things, covet and desires and also no less than they would the speedy obtaining and perfection of all such things, touching the king’s said weighty matter committed to their charges: the making or marring whereof, the said late pope being now deceased, consisteth only in the advancement of the said lord legate of York to the dignity papal.

For (as the king’s said ambassadors may, by their wisdom, well think and consider) the same must of necessity come, and fortune either to one that is an assured friend to his grace and the French king; or to one that is a manifest enemy to them, favoring the emperor’s part; or to one indifferent and mean between both. And if it should chance upon a manifest enemy, it is evident that the king’s desire at his hand were merely impossible to be had, and never were to be attained that way. If it should come to one being indifferent and mean between both, it is more than notorious that his grace, at the least, should be contained with fair words and promises; and yet such respect should be had to the emperor, that finally, under hope of obtaining something, there, should be no more, but tract and delay, and finally, no manner of fruit nor effect: whereof experience hath already been seen in one that had cause to be more friendly to the king, than indifferent, or. mean between, both, and yet how long the matter hath depended, is to the king’s stud ambassadors well known; so that of necessity this thing must be conduced to one that is an assured friend. Then, noting substantially the things necessary to concur in such a friend, both for the weal of Christendom, the relief of the church, the firm adhering to the king’s highness and the French king, with other their confederates, and the perfect conducing of the king’s great matter, which suffereth no tract, delay, or negative, it shall be found that there is none other for this purpose, but only the said lord legate of York.

The king’s said ambassadors shall therefore plant the foundation of all their study, labor, and solicitation, only to that purpose. And for the better introduction of the ways and means, how this thing shall be solicited; they shall receive herewith a schedule, wherein is mentioned and noted by name, how many, and what cardinals of likelihood, shall be present at the election, and how many and which of the others shall be absent. Semblably, how many of them that be like to be present, may be thought to be friends to the king s highness, and the French king, whose names in the said schedule be noted with A, and how many are thought to be imperial, whose names be noted with B. 14 In the same schedule be also set out the number and names of those that be thought to be neutral or indifferent, marked with N, and furthermore, they be first mentioned therein, who be thought most likely to aspire to that dignity.

Herein be many things well to be regarded: first, the number of the cardinals that are like to be present, which (as is thought here) shall not exceed nine and thirty: secondly, that to have election to the king’s purpose, it shall be requisite to have two parts of the three of the said number, which two parts must be twenty-six. Then is it to be noted, that they who be thought to be friends to the king’s highness and the French king, be in number twenty: so that if they may be made sure to the king’s devotion, there shall lack but six of the number, which shall suffice to make the election: which number the king’s said ambassadors shall move, win, and attain, either of them that be thought to be indifferent, or some others.

In the conducing hereof two ways be specially to be remembered.

One is, if the cardinals present, having God and the Holy Ghost before them, shall be minded (as to their duty appertaineth), to have respect to the present calamity. of the church and all Christendom, intending the relief, succor, and restoration of the same, and to preserve themselves, and the dignity of the see apostolic; then, looking profoundly upon the state of the things, they cannot fail facily 15 of themselves to find and perceive, that to conduce their purpose there is only the said lord legate of York.

And in this case it is verily to be thought, that very reason itself, and their own conscience shall lead them, like virtuous fathers, to have their principal respect hereunto; and (particular affections set apart) to accord and agree without difficulty to that which so manifestly is known to be the thing above all other expedient.

Nevertheless, because per-case human fragility suffereth not all things to be pondered, trutinate, and weighed in just balance, but that (as we be men) errors may run; unless then remedy be provided, it appertaineth, in matter of so high importance, to the comfort and relief of all Christendom, to succor the infirmity that may chance, not for corruption, or to any perverse, unlawful, or evil intent, but rather to help to the lacks and defaults, which, by such fragility, might else take place: and therefore expedient it shall be, that the king’s said orators, to so notable a purpose, when they shall perceive the consideration and respect whereunto reason leadeth to be in any part to be aided or supplied, do the same with pollicitations of promotions, spiritual offices, dignities, rewards of money, or other things, 16 such as to them shall seem meet to the purpose: inculkting into the minds of such persons as shall be requisite, first what things the said lord legate of York shall leave, if he should be advanced to the said dignity; which be such as, the establishment of his state considered, be far more to his commodity (if he should regard his private weal) than to enter into this dangerous storm, and troublous tempest, for the relief of the church and all Christendom; whereunto (his said private weal set apart) he is totally devoted and dedicate, to the exposition of his body, blood, and life; glad and ready, with the sacrifice thereof to do service to God, his church, his faith and religion: which said promotions, the king’s, highness, finding cause given unto him. by the gratitude, and conformity of his friends, will not fail to bestow to their benefit, besides large rewards, to have this so virtuous an act brought to perfection. For pollicitation whereof, the king’s said ambassadors be furnished at this time with ample commission, as. by the same. they shall, perceive; the effect whereof they shall execute without exception, as by their wisdoms shall be thought convenient; so always as it be done with such circumspection, as that there may be appearance of good fruit to ensue. And semblably they be furnished with letters, as well to the college of cardinals in general, as to them all that be like to be present in particular, which they shall now deliver, to the best furtherance and advancement of their purpose, not sparing to declare unto them the liberality of the said lord legate of York; the substance that he is of; the assured assistance that he shall have of these princes and their confederates, whereby he shall be able above any other that they can devise, to reward, promote, advance, and recompense his friends to the uttermost: assuring them that these two princes will not fail also highly, and in the best sort, to consider their gratitudes, with any thing that they may excogitate to their profits and promotions, or any of their friends. So that by this mean, and with such good pollicitations, grounded upon a lawful, honorable, and just cause (and not upon any corrupt or indue intent, to conduce things to sinister purpose), the king’s said orators, by their good policies, shall attain the perfect and sure good will of a great many of them; and, by that way, shall, with good dexterity, combine and knit those who will adhere hereunto, in a perfect fastness, and in an indissoluble knot, firmly to stick and hold together, without variation or declining from their purpose, for any persuasion, practice, or mean, that can be made to the contrary. 17 Which thing surely to be provided, and such a knot of twenty, eighteen, or at the least (if it may be) of sixteen cardinals to be had, is in any wise expedient. For they, persisting in their determination, shall not fail to impeach, that no adverse part can have a full number to make a due and lawful election. And yet they, being found in a constantness to this good purpose shall, by little and little, allure and bring other unto them, so as the residue, perceiving so great a towardness, and fearing a sufficient number to accedes 18 without them, and thereby the election to pass against their wills, shall percase be the more prone and ready to come unto that party: whereunto nothing should of reason sooner move, them, than the very respect, to the infinite goodness, that thereby to themselves in particular, and the universal church and religion in general, is apparent to ensue.

Nevertheless, if, leaving the direct way, they will be abused with any other incantations, or for private ambition persist in contending for themselves, then is it evident, they search nothing more than the ruin of the see apostolic; in which case other ways it is to be devised, and their indue 19 demeanor to be remedied and resisted. For this cause, and to be sure in all events, the king’s said orators shall, by their wisdoms, find the means to have some fast and sure persons in the conclave, such as may not only practice and set forth things there to the purpose, but also give such knowledge outward, as the king’s said orators may thereby the better know how to order their proceedings. And amongst others it is thought that Monsieur de Vaulx, one of the French ambassadors (whom the French king hath commanded expressly to further this matter by all the means to him possible), should be one to enter the said conclave, not as an ambassador, but as the minister of some cardinal, friend of the French king. And semblably Sir Gregory de Cassalis, who for his wisdom, conduct, language, acquaintance, and other good qualities, may do excellent good in that behalf.

And in this matter it is to be considered, that since this election in the person of the said lord legate of York, by one way or other, suffereth no negative, albeit the king’s highness trusteth that the same shall have its course directly; yet, if for lack of grace or intendment, there should be any despair thereof, other ways be to he provided. And for that cause to show the said orators secretly, there is a protestation passed by the cardinals being in England and in France, according to a copy which the said orators shall receive herewith, which is and shall be kept secret, unless then, by the indue proceeding used in the election, the same shall need to be published. So that the king’s said orators, now advertised thereof, shall note for a special ground, that if it shall appear that the election cannot be had in the person of the said lord legate of York; the band and number, unite and knit together to the king’s devotion, in finding none other remedy, must be instructed beforehand in that case to persist in their determination; and when time shall be, by reason of such despair, to protest, grounding the same their protestation upon such respects, as cannot lack to be introduced for the avoiding of the extreme danger, by the pertinacity and willfulness of the adverse cardinals, eminent to the ruin of the church, and of all Christendom. Which protestation may beforehand he couched and devised by the said Master Stephen Wardiner, and by the policy of the said Monsieur de Vaulx, and Sir Gregory, be set forth in time convenient: and thereupon the cardinals of the king’s, and the French king’s adherents, to depart the conclave; whereby, repairing to some other sure place, they, with the residue of the cardinals absent, may proceed to such an election as may be to God’s pleasure, the weal of his church and faith and of all Christendom: any election that thus, by pertinacity, may ensue at Rome notwithstanding.

And to the intent the cardinals may be the better animated to finish the said election to the king’s desire, the king’s said orators shall, as they see good, offer them a presidie of two or three thousand men, to be in the city of Rome for the time of the same election; which if they will accept, the said orators shall see furnished, taking money by exchange and otherwise, for their entertainment, as shall be requisite. Which money, or any other that they shall take for conducing this the king’s purpose, shall be truly repaid, with impesse, 20 and all requisites that they shall assign. And semblably, lest terrors or dread of the imperials in Naples should induce the cardinals to any error, the French king hath ordained, that seignior Renzio shall lie in a presidie between the army of Naples and the city of Rome. Like as the viscount of Turin is also commanded to lie on the other side, and, semblably, the Venetians.

So that by those means not only they shall be out of all fear of the imperials, but also, in the more devotion of these two princes: which shall much confer to the king’s purpose, and embolden the cardinal’s favoring rite desire of these two princes, both to persist in their deliberation, and also, in time of extreme despair, to protest and depart, as is aforesaid.

And because nothing should withdraw the minds of the cardinals from this purpose, who percase might think that the said lord legate of York, being elected, would not repair to the court of Rome, but demore in Avignon, or some other place out of Italy, the king’s said ambassadors shall remove all such suspicions, by two evident arguments and reasons. One is, that the said cardinal of York, advanced to that dignity, must thereby leave all other his promotions, and consequently should be dispurveyed of any habitation, place, or convenient living, if, remaining in another strange country, he should defer to come unto Rome, where should be the place of his see and entire living. Wherefore it were far from reason to think that he, which hitherto for his estate had lived in such abundance, should be so pusillanim 22 for this promotion to bring himself into condign penury and poverty, or to live in place private, to the hinderance of his honor, profit, or reputation.

Secondly, the thing principally moving him to be contented, at these princes’ requests, to change his state present, is the fervent zeal he hath to expone his study, travail, labor, substance, wit, body, blood, and life, in the quarrel of God’s church, faith, and of Christendom, which is too high an exception and a ground to be taken to remain and lie in a corner or private place; but that rather than he would suffer so high an exception to be found in hint, he would expone all that he might do: who, having the assistance of these two princes, should not fail (God willing) to pass directly to his see, with honor and comfort unto all Italy, and the discourage of the party that would be adverse thereunto. And therefore the cardinals should not need to fear any such thing, but might be well assured to have his presence there, to their comfort, in all celerity and diligence possible.

Furthermore, to the intent the king’s said ambassadors may have all the friends that may be to this purpose, expedient it shall be, that they, with the Venetians, the Florentines, the duke of Ferrara, and other whom they shall think good to win unto their party, use the ways that may best conduce thereunto. And amongst other, forasmuch as they which depended upon the cardinal de Medices shall doubt in this case to be reject, the king’s said orators shall inculke unto them the singular devotion and special favor that the said lord legate of York hath always borne unto their family; assuring them that he will take them in no further distance of entire love, than they were with pope Leo, Clement, or any other. And semblably, they shall put the Florentines in comfort of the exclusion of the governance of the said family De Medices in Florence, and of their enjoying of their liberty: likewise putting the cardinals in perfect hope of recovery of the patrimonies of the church; to contain the Venetians in good trust of a reasonable way to be taken for Servia and Ravenna, to their contentment; and also to show the duke of Ferrara, how the said lord legate was the mean of the conjunction of him in league with the French king, with assured promise of his continuance in as much love and favor as he may bear unto him, in all his causes and affairs. And thus, having those folks to their friends, whose orators shall have the uttermost custody of the conclave, and the king’s ambassadors and the French ambassadors being in the interior parts thereof, they being so amply instructed and furnished, shall not fail (God willing) by one or other of the said two ways, and especially by the direct election of Rome, if it be possible, or at the least, by the way of the said protestation and departure of the cardinals to conduce the king’s purpose in the said election to the desired end. In the doing whereof, albeit there is no doubt but that the French orators will join with them sincerely, to the perfection of the premises in omnem eventum, it shall be well done, that the king’s said orators have a substantial and politic regard to the proceedings of the same French orators; lest that if percase they should find any despair in the election to pass in the person of the said lord legate of York, they, making some other cardinals to their side for the advancement of any of them to the said dignity, should be the more strange, alien, or peradventure refuse to come unto the said protestation and departure out of the conclave: which is the only remedy and refuge (the cardinals persisting in their willfulness) to interrupt, disappoint, infringe and make void their election.

One other thing there is to be well noted by the said ambassadors, and by them to be inculcate in the minds of the cardinals, that if any manner of difficulty shall be made by the imperials to condescend unto this election upon the said lord legate of York; and that they of the emperor’s part would refuse all ways of good order and reason, proceeding to any election without the consent of the residue that would protest, they may be sure that under their sinister and indue way they should have no prince or potentate adherent, but only the emperor and his brother; and that the other part should have the rest of all Christendom, that is to say, the king’s highness, the French king, the king of Hungary, Poland, Scotland, and Denmark, with the Venetian, the dukes of Ferrara, Milan, the Florentines, and the rest of all Italy, besides the merchants of the Almains or Hans, and other leagues being in the dominion of the said king of Poland: and over, that the king of Portugal, who is loth and sorry to see the emperor to come to so great a height as he aspireth unto. So that, having these mighty and noble puissances to their assistance and the corroboration of their act, it is facile to think the other could be of no validity, nor have or take any manner of place: which is no small grounds whereupon the said cardinals may be the better animate to the king’s, and the French king’s devotion, and therefore it; is better to be imprinted in their minds accordingly.

Finally, if the king’s said orators, endeavoring themselves to the conducing of the said election in the person of the said lord legate of York, should at the last find, that there were none other difficulty, but only that the election in his person being totally desperate, the same were conducible to the cardinal Campeius: then, rather than all should fail, if the other could by no means be brought to pass, the king’s pleasure is, that being assured it may, the other lacking, be conduced to the same cardinal Campeius, they take such way as in that case the protestation be suborne: and, for the last refuge, if the other may not be, the election at the least to pass in the person of the said cardinal Campeius; whereof there is no appearance, considering that the respects, for the which the said lord legate of York should, by the king’s, and the French king’s means, be brought, hereunto, do for the greatest part fail and cease by the election of any other than himself, which is in this case to be remembered accordingly.

Thus be the king’s said orators instructed, as far as men’s reason can here devise, what is to be done for conducing the king’s purpose to effect, knowing well of what importance the thing is, and what consequences depend upon it; namely, for the perfection of the king’s high and weighty matter, which, otherwise than by election 23 of the said lord legate of York, hath no manner of way to be conduced by authority of the see apostolic. There resteth no more but that they who well know the same great matter, do suffer no nay ne repulse; but by the election of the person of the said lord legate, do employ the uttermost that in their hearts, powers, wits, bodies, and minds may be, to the perfection thereof: whereby they shall do the greatest service that can be for this time excogitate to do, unto their prince, deserve immortal laud, thanks, and praise, and be sure to consecute thereby such reward, as shall be to their comforts, rejoice, and honor, besides manifold other notable goodnesses, whereof they shall be the procurers and solicitors, to their merit perpetual. All which they may be sure shall be considered accordingly.

Out of the original, subscribed by king Henry the Eighth’s own hand.

In these so great labors, pursuits, and travails of the king and of the cardinal, as in these their instructions above inserted may appear, thou hast for thine instruction, loving reader, to note and learn, how man purposeth one thing, and how God disposeth another. For the king’s purpose was to have the cardinal and legate of York placed in the see papal, thinking by that means, if this cardinal had been pope, the cause of his divorce more easily might be compassed, which, otherwise, he thought impossible to contrive. But God Omnipotent, who only is director of all affairs, brought it otherwise to pass, not as the king devised, but after his own wisdom; so that both the divorcement was concluded, and yet neither cardinal Wolsey made pope, nor yet pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the matter, that notwithstanding pope Clement was alive, yet both the divorce proceeded, and also the pope’s authority was thereby utterly extinct and abolished out of this realm of England, to the singular admiration of God’s wondrous works, and perpetual praise to his merciful goodness: of which divorcement, and suppressing of the pope’s authority, we have likewise to make declaration; but first, as we have begun with the cardinal of York, so we will make an end of him. That done, we will (God willing) address ourselves to other matters of more importance.

As the ambassadors were thus travailing in Rome to promote the cardinal to be pope, although the pope was not yet dead, in the mean time the cardinal played the popish persecutor here at home. For first, sitting in his pontificalibus in the cathedral church of Paul’s 514 , under his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold, he caused friar Barnes, an Augustin friar, to bear a faggot, for certain points which he called heresy. Also he caused at the same time two merchants of the Stilyard 515 likewise to bear faggots for eating flesh on a Friday; at which time the bishop of Rochester made a sermon in reproof of Martin Luther 516 , who had before written against the power of the bishop of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spoke so much of the honor of the pope and his cardinals, and of their dignity and preeminence, that he forgot to speak of the gospel which he took in hand to declare; which was about A.D. 1526 After this, the said cardinal likewise, A.D. 1528, and in the month of November 518 , sitting at Westminster as legate, called before him the whole clergy, and there promised that all abusions of the church should be amended; but there nothing else was done, save only he caused to be abjured Arthur, Bilney, Geffery Lome, and Garret, for speaking against the pope’s authority and his pompous pride: of whom more shall be said (the Lord assisting us) hereafter. And this was A.D. 1528.

The year next following, which was A.D. 1529 519 , began the question of the king’s marriage to be revived; 24 whereupon cardinal Campeius was sent again into England from Rome, for the hearing and debating of the matter: who then, with cardinal Wolsey, consulting with the king, although at first he seemed with his fellow-cardinal to incline unto the king’s disposition, yet afterwards, perceiving the sequel of the case, whither it tended, so far as peradventure might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome, and might shake perhaps the chair of the pope’s omnipotent authority, as well in other like cases, if this case were thoroughly decided by learning and truth of God’s word: he therefore, slipping his neck out of the collar, craftily shifted himself out of the realm before the day came appointed 520 for determination, leaving his subtle fellow behind him, to weigh with the king in the mean time, while the matter might be brought up to the court of Rome. The king, thus seeing himself disappointed, foded with false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the cardinals, and at last, after so many delays and long expectation, nothing to be con-eluded, was so aggrieved in his mind with them, but especially with cardinal Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many great dignities, as to the archbishopric of York, the bishopric of Winchester, of Durham, the abbey of St. Alban’s; besides the chancellorship of England, and many other high rooms and preferments in the realm; which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favor, so that after that time he never came more to the king’s presence. Then followed first a council of the nobles, called the 1st of October; during which council all the lords and other the king’s council, agreeing together, resorted to Windsor to the king, and there informed the king, that almost all things which he had done, by his power legantine, were in the case of Praemunire, and Provision; and that the cardinal had forfeited all his lands, tenements, goods and chattels to the king: wherefore the king, willing to order him according to the order of his laws, caused his attorney, Christopher Hales, to sue out a writ of Praemunire against him, in the which he licensed him to make an attorney.

And further, on the 17th of October 521 , he sent the two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great seal of England; which he was loth to deliver, if there had been any remedy; but in conclusion, he delivered it to the two dukes, who delivered the same to Dr.

Taylor, master of the rolls, to carry it to the king; which he so did the next day.

Besides this, the king sent Sir William Fitzwilliams, knight of the garter, and treasurer of his house, and Dr. Stephen Gardiner, newly made secretary, to see that no goods should be embezzled out of his house; and further ordained, that the cardinal should remove to Esher beside Kingston, there to tarry the king’s pleasure, and to have all things delivered unto him which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous and superfluous fashion; for all his goods were seized to the king’s use. When the seal was thus taken from the cardinal, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with many earls, bishops, and barons, came unto the Star- Chamber, the 19th of October; where the duke of Norfolk declared, that the king’s highness, for diverse and sundry offenses, had taken from him his great seal, and deposed him from all offices; and lest men might complain for lack of justice, he had appointed him and the duke of Suffolk, with the assent of the other lords, to sit in the Star-Chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently; add that of all things the king’s pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close from any rewards-taking, or maintenance: and so that week they sat in the Star- Chamber, and determined causes.

A few days after, in the same month, the cardinal removed out of his house called York-place, with one Cross, saying, that he would he had never borne more; meaning by that his cross which he bare as legate, which degree-taking was his confusion, as you see openly; and so he took his barge, and went to Putney by water, and there took his horse and rode to Esher, where he remained till Lent after.

During that time, he, being called on for an answer in the King’s Bench to the Praemunire, for giving benefices by prevention, in disturbance of men’s inheritance, and divers other open causes in the Praemunire, according to the king’s license, constituted John Scute and Edmond Jenney, apprentices of the law, his attorneys, who, by his own warrant, signed with his own hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloaked or hidden; and so judgment was given, that he should forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, and chattels, and should be out of the king’s protection: but for all that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of his gentleness left to him the bishoprics of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff convenient for his degree; and the bishopric of Durham he gave to Dr. Tonstal, bishop of London, and the abbey of St.

Alban’s he gave to the prior of Norwich: and to London he promoted Dr.

John Stokesley, then ambassador to the universities for the marriage, as you heard before. For all this kindness showed to the cardinal, yet still he maligned against the king, as you shall hereafter perceive: but first we will proceed in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.

That same year 522 , which was A.D. 1529, was summoned a general parliament, to be holden at Westminster in the month of November. In the which year, about the 23d day of October, the king came to his manor of Greenwich, and there much consulted with his council for a meet man to be his chancellor, so that in no wise he were no man of the spirituality; and so, after long debate, the king resoluted himself upon sir Thomas More, knight, chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the common law; whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations; by reason whereof he was a little too much given to mocking, more than became the person of Master More. And then on the Sunday, the 24th day of the same month, the king made him his chancellor, and delivered him the great seal; which lord chancellor the next morrow after was led into the chancery by the two dukes of Norfolk and Saffolk, and there sworn, and then the mace was borne before him.

Of this fall of the cardinal, and of the placing of sir Thomas More in the chancellorship, Erasmus, in an epistle to John Vergera, thus writeth: ‘The cardinal of York hath so offended the king’s mind, that he, being turned out of his goods and all his dignities, is committed, not to prison, but to a certain lordship of his, with thirty servants or keepers to give attendance upon him. Many and sundry complaints are commenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the dalliance of fortune, of a schoolmaster to be made a king: for so he reigned, more like a king than the king himself. He was dreaded of all men; he was loved but of a few, almost of none. A little before he was apprehended, he caused Richard Pacy to be cast into the Tower: also he threatened my lord archbishop 26 of Canterbury. Solomon saith, that before the fall of man his spirit shall be elevated. The archbishop of Canterbury was called or restored to be chosen lord chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realm; but he excused himself by his age, as being not able to wield such a function: wherefore the said office was bestowed upon Thomas More, no less to the rejoicing of many, than that the other was displaced from it. These news my servant brought me out of England,’ etc. You heard before how a council of the nobles was appointed by the king in the month of October, to assemble in the Star-Chamber, about the cardinal’s matter; and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the month of November, in the year aforesaid, A.D. 1529 523 . At the beginning of that parliament, after Master More, the new chance]lot, had finished his oration, the commons were commanded to choose them a speaker, who was Thomas Audley, esquire, and attorney to the duchy of Lancaster.

Thus the parliament, being begun the sixth day of the aforesaid month of November, at Westminster, where the king with all the lords were set in the parliament chamber, the commons, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the nether house, began to commune of their griefs, wherewith the spiritualty had before-time grievously oppressed them, contrary both to all right, and to the law of the realm; and especially were sore moved with these six great causes:

GRIEVANCES OBJECTED AGAINST THE CLERGY OF ENGLAND. 1. The first, for the excessive fines which the ordinaries took for probates of testaments, insomuch that sir Henry Guilford, knight of the garter, and comptroller of the king’s house, declared in the open parliament, of his fidelity, that he and others being executors to sir William Compton, knight, paid for the pro. bate of his will, to the cardinal and the archbishop of Canterbury, a thousand marks sterling.

After this declaration, were showed so many extortions done by ordinaries for probates of wills, that it were too much to rehearse. 2. The second cause was, the great polling and extreme exaction which the spiritual men used, in taking of corpses, presents, or mortuaries: for the children of the dead should all die for hunger and go a-begging, rather than they would of charity give to them the silly cow which the dead man owed, if he had but only one; such was the charity of them! 3. The third cause was, that priests, being surveyors, stewards, and officers to bishops, abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied farms, granges, and grazing, in every country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them; and yet, for that, they should pay dearly. 4. The fourth cause was, that abbots, priors, and spiritual men, kept tan-houses, and bought and sold wool, cloth, and all manner of merchandise, as other temporal merchants did. 5. The fifth cause was, because the spiritual persons, promoted to great benefices, and having their livings of their flock, were lying in the courts of lords’ houses, and took all of their parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all: so that for lack of residence, both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, and universally all the parishioners lacked preaching and true instructions of God’s word, to the great peril of their souls. 6. The sixth cause was, because one priest, being little learned, had ten or twelve benefices, and was resident on none, and many well-learned scholars in the university, who were able to preach and teach, had neither benefice nor exhibition.

These things before this time might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, except he would be made a heretic, or lose all that he had: for the bishops were chancellors, and had all the rule about the king, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit or commodity But now, when God had illuminated the eyes of the king, and the time so served that men more boldly durst express with voice, such grudges as they had long conceived in their heart against the clergy, the burgesses of the parliament appointed certain of the commons’ house, men learned in the law, to draw one bill of the probates of testaments; another for mortuaries; and the third for non-residence, pluralities, and taking, farms by spiritual men. And first, to the bill of mortuaries being drawn, and being also passed the commons’ house, and sent up to the higher, the spiritual lords showed a fair face, saying, that assuredly priests and curates took more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order. Thus they spoke, because it touched them but little. After this, within two days, was Bent up the second bill, concerning probates of testaments; which bill, because it touched their profit somewhat near, both the archbishop of Canterbury, and all other bishops in general, began to frown and grunt, insomuch that Dr. John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, standing up in the parliament chamber, openly protested, that such bills were sent up from the commons’ house, tending to no other thing, but to the destruction of the church; which church being down, the glory then of the whole kingdom (said he) must needs fall: desiring therefore the lords, for God’s sake, to take example by the kingdom of Bohemia. For as it was then with the people there, so now what say the commons here, but “Down with the church?” And all this (said he) seemeth to be only for lack of faith. When these words were reported to the commons of the lower house (what the bishop had said, in noting all their doings to be for lack of faith), they took the matter grievously, so to be esteemed of the bishop for no better than heretics; under- standing, moreover, how that he, by those slanderous words, went about to persuade the lords temporal against them, and so to overthrow the two bills by them passed before, as ye have heard.

Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas Audley, their speaker, with thirty of the chief of that house, should be sent to the king, being then in his palace at Westminster, before called York-place; where they eloquently declared, what a dishonor to the king and the realm it was, to say that those who were elected for the wisest men of all the shires, cities, and boroughs, within the realm of England, should be declared in so noble and open presence, to lack faith, which was equivalent to say that they were infidels, and no Christians; as ill as Turks or Saracens: so that what pain or study soever they took for the commonwealth, or what acts or laws soever they made or established, should be taken as laws made by paynims and heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore they most humbly besought the king’s highness to call the said bishop before him, and to cause him to speak more discreetly of such a number as were in the commons’ house.

The king, not being well-contented with the saying of the bishop, yet gently answered the speaker, and sent them away; and immediately sent for the archbishop of Canterbury, and six other bishops, and Rochester also, signifying unto them the grudge of the commons. The bishop of Rochester, excusing himself, answered, that he, in so saying, meant only the doings of the Bohemians to be for lack of faith, and not the doings of them that were in the commons’ house: which saying was confirmed by the bishops there present, who had him in great reputation. And so by that only saying the king accepted his excuse, and therefore sent word to the commons, by sir William Fitzwilliams, knight, treasurer of his household: which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all.

After this, divers assemblies were kept between certain of the lords, and certain of the commons, for the bills of the probates of testaments, and mortuaries. The temporality laid to the spirituality their own laws and constitutions; and the spirituality sore defended them by prescription and usage: to whom it was thus answered by a gentleman of Gray’s Inn; “The usage hath ever been of thieves, to rob on Shooter’s Hill: 28 ergo, is it lawful?” With this answer the spiritual men were so offended, because their doings were called robberies; but the temporal men stood still by their sayings, insomuch that the said gentleman said to the archbishop of Canterbury, that both the exaction of probates of testaments, and the taking of mortuaries, as they were used, were open robbery and theft.

After long disputation, the temporal lords began to lean to the commons; but, for all that, the bills remained unconcluded awhile.

It followeth shortly after in the parliament, that a bill was assented to by the lords of the higher house, and sent down to the commons in the lower house, and by them also with much labor agreed unto, of whom the most part were the king’s servants. In that bill it was required and concluded, that the king should be released of all such loan of money which he had borrowed of his subjects in the fifteenth year of his reign. The passing of this bill went sore against the stomachs of the poor commons; for many rested upon it, counting and passing it over, one to another, for good debt, as if it had been ready money in their purses. Wherefore the king, to gratify them again, granted to them a general pardon of all offenses, only certain great offenses and debts excepted. Also he aided them for the redress of their griefs against the spiritualty, and caused two new bills to be made indifferently, both for the probates of the testaments, and mortuaries; which bills 524 were so reasonable, that the spiritual lords assented to them all, though they were sore against their minds: and especially the probates of testaments sore displeased the bishops, and the mortuaries sore displeased the parsons and vicars.

After these acts thus agreed, the commons made another act for pluralities of benefices, non-residence, buying and selling, and taking of farms by spiritual persons; which act so displeased the spiritualty, that the priests railed on the commons of the lower house, and called them heretics and schismatics: for which divers priests were punished.

This act was sore debated above, in the parliament chamber, and the lords spiritual would in no wise consent. Wherefore the king, perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused eight lords and eight of his commons to meet in the Star-Chamber at an afternoon, and there was sore debating of the cause, insomuch that the temporal lords of the upper house, who were there, took part with the commons against the spiritual lords, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the bill, with a little qualifying: which bill the next day was wholly agreed to in the lords’ house, to the great rejoicing of the lay-people, and to the great displeasure of the spiritual persons.

And thus much concerning these bills against the clergy, by the way: now to return to the cardinal again. During the time of the said parliament, there was brought down to the commons the book of articles which the lords had put up to the king against the cardinal. The chief articles were these.

ARTICLES OBJECTED AGAINST CARDINAL WOLSEY. 1. First, That he, without the king’s assent, had procured himself to be legate, by reason whereof he took away the right of all bishops and spiritual persons. 2. In all writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other prince, he wrote ‘Ego et rex mens,’ ‘I and my king;’ as who would say, that the king were his servant. 3. That he slandered the church of England to the court of Rome: for his suggestion to be legate, was to reform the church of England, which (as he wrote) was ‘facta in reprobum sensum.’ 4. He, without the king’s assent, carried the king’s great seal with him into Flanders, when he was sent ambassador to the emperor. 5. Without the king’s consent, he sent commission to sir Gregory de Cassalis, knight, to conclude a league between the king and the duke of Ferrara. 6 That he, having a French disorder, presumed to come and breathe on the king. 7. That he caused the cardinal’s hat to be put on the king’s coin. 8. That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities, to the great impoverishment of the realm: with many other things which are touched more at large in chronicles.

These articles, with many more, being read in the commons’ house, were confessed by the cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was showed another writing, sealed with his seal, by which he gave to the king all his movables and unmovables.

You have heard hitherto declared, how the cardinal was attainted in the Praemunire, and how he was put out of the office of the chancellor, and lay at Esher. The next year after, which was A.D. 1530 525 , in the Lent season, the king, by the advice of his council, licensed him to go into his diocese of York, and gave him commandment to keep him within his diocese, and not to return southward, without the king’s special license in writing.

So he made great provision to go northward, and appareled his servants newly, and bought many costly things for his household.

But divers of his servants at this time departed from him to the kings service, and especially Thomas Cromwel, one of his chief council, and chief doer for him in the suppression of abbeys. After all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his journey northward, till he came to Southwell, which was in his diocese, and there he continued thenceforth 526 , ever grudging at his fall, as you shall hear hereafter: but the lands which he had given to his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the king’s hands, by his attainder in the Praemunire; and yet the king, of his gentleness, and for favor that he bare to good learning, erected again the college in Oxford; and whereas it was named the Cardinal’s College, he called it the King’s College; and endowed it with fair possessions, and ordained new statutes and ordinances; and because the college of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.

Notwithstanding that the cardinal of York was thus attainted in the Praemunire (as is above mentioned), yet the king, being good unto him, had granted him the bishoprics of York and Winchester, with great plenty of substance, and had licensed him to lie in his diocese of York, where he so continued for a space quiet 527 . But after in that same year, which was 1580, he being in his diocese wrote to the court of Rome, and to divers other princes, letters in reproach of the king, and in as much as in him lay he stirred them to revenge his cause against the king and his realm: insomuch that divers opprobrious words against the king were spoken to Doctor Edward Keerne, the king’s orator at Rome; and it was said to him, that, for the cardinal’s sake, the king should have the worse speed in the suit of his matrimony. the cardinal, also, would speak fair to the people, to win their hearts, and declared ever that he was unjustly and untruly ordered; which fair speaking made many men believe that he said true: and to gentlemen he gave great gifts to allure them unto him. And, to be had in more reputation among the people, he determined to be enstalled or enthronised at York with all the pomp that might be; and caused a throne to be erected in the cathedral church, in such a height and fashion, as was never seen; and sent to all the lords, abbots, priors, knights, esquires, and gentlemen of his diocese, to be at his manor of Cawood on the 6th of November, and so to bring him to York with all manner of pomp and solemnity.

The king, who knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this time dissembled the matter, to see what he would do at length, till that he (seeing his proud heart so highly exalted, that he would be so triumphantly enstalled, without making the king privy, yea, and in a manner in disdain of the king) thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer to continue in his malicious and proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to the earl of Northumberland, willing him with all diligence to arrest the cardinal, and to deliver him to the earl of Shrewsbury, great steward of the king’s household. When the earl had seen the letters, he with a convenient number came to the manor of Cawood on the 4th of November; and when he was brought to the cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, “My lord! I pray you take patience, for here I arrest you.” “Arrest me?” said the cardinal: “Yea,” said the earl, “I have a commandment so to do.” “You have no such power,” said the cardinal, “for I am both a cardinal, and a legate de latere, and a peer of the college of Rome, and ought not to be arrested by any temporal power; for I am not subject to that power: wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand it.” “Well,” said the earl, “here is the king’s commission (which he showed him), and therefore I charge you to obey.” The cardinal somewhat remembered himself, and said: “Well, my lord! I am content to obey; but although that I, by negligence, fell into the punishment of the Praemunire, and lost by the law all my lands and goods, yet my person was in the king’s protection, and I was pardoned that offense; wherefore I marvel why I should now be arrested, and especially considering that I am a member of the see apostolic, on whom no temporal man ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the king lacketh good counsel.” “Well,” said the earl, “when I was sworn warden of the Marches, you yourself told me that I might with my staff arrest all men under the degree of a king; and now I am stronger, for I have a commission so to do, which you have seen.” The cardinal at length obeyed, and was kept in a privy chamber, and his goods seized, and his officers discharged; and his physician, called Doctor Augustine, was likewise arrested, and brought to the Tower by sir Walter Welsh, one of the king’s chamber. On the 6th of November he was conveyed from Cawood to Sheffield Castle, and there delivered to the earl of Shrewsbury’s keeping, till the king’s pleasure were known. Of this attachment there was much communing among the common people, whereof many were glad; for he was not in the favor of the commonalty.

When the cardinal was thus arrested, the king sent sir William Kingston, knight, captain of the guard, and constable of the Tower of London, with certain yeomen of the guard, to Sheffield, to fetch the cardinal to the tower. When the cardinal saw the captain of the guard, he was sore astonished, and shortly became sick; for then he perceived some great trouble towards him, and for that cause, men said, that he willingly took so much quantity of a strong purgation, that his nature was not able to bear it. Also the matter that came from him was so black, that the staining thereof could not be gotten out of his blankets by any means. But sir William Kingston comforted him, and by easy journeys brought him to the abbey of Leicester on the 27th of November; where, for very feebleness of nature, caused by purgations and vomits, he died the second night following, and in the same abbey lieth buried.

It is testified by one, yet being alive, in whose arms the said cardinal died, that his body, being dead, was black as pitch; also was so heavy, that six could scarce bear it. Furthermore, it did so stink above the ground, that they were constrained to hasten the burial thereof in the night season, before it was day. At that burial, such a tempest with such a stench there arose, that all the torches went out; and so he was thrown into the tomb, and there was laid.

By the ambitious pride and excessive worldly wealth of this one cardinal, all men may easily understand and judge what the state and condition of all the rest of the same order (whom we call spiritual men) was in those days, as well in all other places of Christendom, as especially here in England, where the princely possessions and great pride of the clergy did not only far pass and exceed the common measure and order of subjects, but also surmounted over kings and princes, and all other estates, as may well appear by his doings and order of his story, above described.

Amongst other acts of the aforesaid cardinal, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a new college in Oxford, for the furniture whereof he had gathered together all the best learned he could hear of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, Tyndale, Sommer, Frith, and Taverner, with others. These, holding an assembly together in the college, were accounted to be heretics (as they called them), and thereupon were cast into a prison of the college, where salt-fish lay, through the stink whereof the most part of them were infected; and the said Clark, being a tender young man, and the most singular in learning amongst them all, died in the same prison; and others in other places in the town also, of the same infection deceased.

And thus, having detained the reader enough, or rather too much, with this vain-glorious cardinal, now we will reduce our story again to other more fruitful matter, and, as the order of time requireth, we will first begin with Master Humphrey Mummuth, a virtuous and good alderman of London, who in the time of the said cardinal was troubled, as in the story here followeth.

THE TROUBLE OF HUMPHREY MUMMUTH528 , ALDERMAN OF LONDON Master Humphrey Mummuth was a right godly and sincere alderman of London, who, in the days of Cardinal Wolsey, was troubled and put into the Tower, for the gospel of Christ, and for maintaining them that favored the same.

Stokesley, then bishop of London, ministered articles unto him, to the number of four and twenty: as for adhering to Luther and his opinions; for having and reading heretical books and treatises; for, giving exhibition to William Tyndale, Roy 529 , and such others; for helping them over the sea to Luther 530 ; for administering privy help to translate, as well the Testament, as other books into English; for eating flesh in Lent; for affirming faith only to justify; for derogating from men’s constitutions; for not praying to saints, not allowing pilgrimage, auricular confession, the pope’s pardons: briefly, for being an advancer of all Martin Luther’s opinions, etc.

He, being of these articles examined, and cast into the Tower, at last was compelled to make his suit or purgation, writing to the aforesaid cardinal, then lord chancellor, and the whole council, out of the Tower; in the contents whereof he answered to the criminous accusation of them that charged him with certain books received from beyond the sea; also for his acquaintance with Master Tyndale. Whereupon he said, that he denied not but that, four years then past, he had heard the said Tyndale preach two or three sermons at St. Dunstan’s in the West; and afterwards, meeting with the said Tyndale, had certain communication with him concerning his living; who then told him that he had none at all, but trusted to be in the bishop of London’s service: for then he labored to be his chaplain. But, being refused of the bishop, he so came again to the said Mummuth, this examinate, and besought him to help him: who the same time took him into his house for half a year; where the said Tyndale lived (as he said) like a good priest, studying both night and day. He would eat but sodden meat by his good will, nor drink but small single beer. He was never seen in that house to wear linen about him, all the space of his being there. Whereupon the said Mummuth had the better liking of him, so that he promised him ten pounds (as he then said) for his father’s and mother’s souls, and all Christian souls; which money afterwards he sent him over to Ham-burgh, according to his promise. And yet not to him alone he gave this exhibition, but to divers others likewise, who were no heretics: as to Dr. Royston, the bishop of London’s chaplain, he exhibited forty or fifty pounds; to Dr.

Wodiall, provincial of the Friars Augustine, as much or more; to Dr.

Watson, the king’s chaplain; also to other scholars, and divers priests: besides other charges bestowed upon religious houses, as upon the nunnery of Denny 531 , above fifty pounds sterling bestowed, etc.

And as touching his books, as ‘Enchiridion,’ the ‘Pater Noster,’ ‘De Libertate Christiana,’ and an English Testament: of which, some William Tyndale left with him; some he sent unto him; some were brought into his house, by whom he could not tell: these books (he said) did lie open in his house, the space of two years together, he suspecting no harm to be in them. And moreover the same books being desired by sundry persons, as by the abbess of Denny, by a friar of Greenwich, and by the father confessor of Sion, he let them have them, and yet never heard friar, priest, or lay-man, find any fault with the said books. Likewise to Dr. Watson, to Dr. Stockhouse, and to Master Martin, parson of Totingbecke, he committed the perusing of the books of ‘Pater Noster,’ and ‘De Libertate Christiana,’ who found no great fault in them; but only in the book ‘De Libertate Christiana,’ they said, there were things somewhat hard, except the reader were wise.

Thus he, excusing himself, and moreover complaining of the loss of his credit by his imprisonment in the Tower, and of the detriments of his occupying, who was wont yearly to ship over five hundred cloths to strangers, and set many clothiers awork in Suffolk, and in other places, of whom he bought all their cloths, who were now almost all undone; by this reason at length he was set at liberty, being forced to abjure, and after was made knight by the king, and sheriff of London.

Of this Humphrey Mummuth we read of a notable example of Christian patience, in the sermons of Master Latimer, which the said Latimer heard in Cambridge from master George Stafford, reader of the divinity lecture in that university; who, expounding the place of St. Paul to the Romans, that we shall overcome our enemy with well doing, and so heap hot coals upon his head, etc., brought in an example, saying, that he knew in London a great rich merchant (meaning this Humphrey Mummuth) who had a very poor neighbor; yet for all his poverty, he loved him very well, and lent him money at his need, and let him come to his table whensoever he would. It was even at that time when Dr. Colet was in trouble, and should have been burned, if God had not turned the king’s heart to the contrary. Now the rich man began to be a Scripture-man; he began to smell the gospel. The poor man was a papist still.

It chanced on a time, when the rich man talked of the gospel, sitting at his table, where he reproved popery, and such kind of things; the poor man, being there present, took a great displeasure against the rich man, insomuch that he would come no more to his house; he would borrow no more money of him, as he was wont to do before times, yea, and conceived such hatred and malice against him, that he went and accused him before the bishops. Now the rich man, not knowing of any such displeasure, offered many times to talk with him, and to set him at quiet.

It would not be. The poor man had such a stomach, that he would not vouchsafe to speak with him. If he met the rich man in the street, he would go out of his way. One time it happened that he met him so in a narrow street, that he could not avoid, but come near him: yet for all that, this poor man (I say) had such a stomach against the rich man, that he was minded to go forward, and not to speak with him. the rich man, perceiving that, caught him by the hand, and asked him, saying, “Neighbor! what is come into your heart to take such displeasure with me? What have I done against you? Tell me, and I will be ready at all times to maize you amends.” Finally, he spoke so gently, so charitably, so lovingly and friendly, that it wrought so in the poor man’s heart, that by and by he fell down upon his knees, and asked him forgiveness. The rich man forgave him, and took him again to his favor, and they loved as well as ever hey did afore. THOMAS HITTEN, BURNED AT MAIDSTONE, A.D. 1580.

Persecuted by William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, and by Fisher, Bishop of Rochester.

Touching the memorial of Thomas Hitten remaineth nothing in writing, but only his name; save that William Tyndale, in his Apology against More, and also in another book, entitled ‘The Practice of Prelates,’ doth once or twice make mention of him, by way of digression. He was (saith he) a preacher at Maidstone, whom the bishop of Canterbury, William Warham, and Fisher, bishop of Rochester, after they had long kept him in prison, and tormented him with sundry torments, and that he notwithstanding continued constant; at last they burned, him at Maidstone, for the constant and manifest testimony of Jesus Christ, and of his free grace and salvation, A.D. 1530.

THOMAS BILNEY AND THOMAS ARTHUR, WHO ABJURED AT NORWICH.

PICTURE: Thomas Bilney Twice plucked from the Pulpit Persecuted by Cardinal Wolsey; Nixe, bishop of Norwich; friars of Ipswich; Friar Bird; Friar Hodgkins; Doctor Stokes; Sir Thomas More; Friar Brusierd; Friar John Huggen, Provincial of the Dominies; Friar Jeffrey Julles; Friar Jugworth; Master William Jecket, Gentleman; William Nelson; and by Thomas Williams, A.D. 1581.

In the story above passed of Cardinal Wolsey, mention was made of certain whom the said cardinal caused to abjure; as Bilney, Jeffrey Lome, Garret, Barnes, and such other, of whom we have now (the Lord directing us) specially to entreat. ‘Now 1 in the year after the death of the holy martyr Thomas Hytten, it cometh to hand to make mention of the famous and worthy man Thomas Bilney, who with no less constancy put himself forth for the Gospel of Christ. There was never a more innocent and upright man in all England than he was, whom amonges many other martyrs which after him ensued, the university of Cambridge first brought forth, and afterward, as it were taking root upon this good man, after long barrenness, did begin to flourish and spring.

This Thomas Bilney was brought up in the university of Cambridge even from a child, profiting in all kind of liberal science, even unto the profession of both laws. But at the last, having gotten a better schoolmaster, even the Holy Spirit of Christ, who endued his heart by privy inspiration with the knowledge of better and more wholesome things, he came at the last unto this point, that, forsaking the knowledge of man’s laws, he converted his study to those things which tended more unto godliness than gainfulness.

Finally, as he himself was greatly inflamed with the love of true religion and godliness, even so again was in his heart an incredible desire to allure many unto the same, desiring nothing more, than that he might stir up and encourage any to the love of Christ and sincere religion. Neither were his labors vain; for he converted many of his fellows unto the knowledge of the gospel, amongst which number were Thomas Arthur and Master Hugh Latimer; which Latimer at that time was cross-keeper at Cambridge, bringing it forth upon procession-days.

This 2 godly man, being a bachelor of law, was but of a little stature and very slender of body; and of a strait and temperate diet; and given to good letters; and very fervent and studious in the Scriptures, as appeared by his sermons, his converting of sinners, his preaching at the lazar cots, wrapping them in sheets, helping them of that they wanted, if they would convert to Christ; laborious and painful to the desperates; a preacher to the prisoners and comfortless; a great doer in Cambridge, and a great preacher in Suffolk and Norfolk; and at the last in London preached many notable sermons 533 : and before his last preaching at London, he, with Master Arthur, Master Stafford, and Master Thistel of Pembroke-hall, converted Dr. Barnes 534 to the gospel of Jesus Christ our Savior, with the assistance of Master Fooke, of Benet college, and Master Soud, master of the same college; to whom also were then associate Master Parker and Master Powry. Which Bilney, with Master Arthur, converted one Master Lambert, being a mass priest in Norfolk, and afterward a martyr in London. Which Lambert prospered mightily in the tongues, and specially in the Greek and Latin, and translated many books. After great persecutions in Antwerp, in the time of Warham archbishop of Canterbury, and in the time of Stokesley bishop of London, he was condemned to death and burned in Smithfield. And Dr. Barnes, his other disciple, assisted by him and Master Stafford and the residue, and thereby both coraged by the Scriptures and continual prayers, was moved to preach a sermon for his declaration in Trinity church in Cambridge 535 ; whose theme was, “Gaudete 536 in Domino semper, et iterum dico gaudete;” much moved as well by Master Stafford as by Master Bilney, because Dr.

Barnes was doctor to the said Master Stafford, when he answered for his form in divinity. Therefore this Dr. Barnes, boldened in Christ, preached his sermon, and was accused by two of the King’s Hall to be a heretic, as hereafter shall more appear. After that the said Bilney had converted Master Latimer, he, proceeding forward in his journey toward London, preached, among many sermons, one especially at St. Magnus, against the new idolatrous rood newly erected, before it was gilded; and there was apprehended, and carried with Arthur 4 to Tonstal, and so to the coalhouse: and from thence to the Tower, till they abjured and bare faggots at Paul’s cross, as we shall anon more fully specify. Concerning his diet which we spoke of, it was so strait, that for the space of a year and half commonly he took but one meal a day; so that if he were disposed to sup, he would keep his commons; and like wise his supper, if. he were disposed to dine; and would bear it to some prison; where he used commonly to frequent, and to exhort such as were infamed or prisoned for evil life. Among whom there was a certain woman, one of the officers’ wives, there east in prison for adultery, whom he there converted with his daily exhortation, and brought to such repentance and also sincerity of faith, that afterward she offered herself ready to die for the same, in detesting of her former life. His scholar, who had daily conversation with him, told us, that, to his thinking, no night he slept above four hours; and yet we speak of more than he reported to us. He could abide no swearing nor singing. Coming from the church where singing was, he would lament to his scholars the curiosity of their dainty singing, which he called rather a mockery with God, than otherwise. And when Dr. Thurlby, Bishop after, then scholar lying in the chamber underneath him, would play upon his recorder (as he would often do), he would resort strait to his prayer.

It was declared a little above, how that Bilney, forsaking the university, went into many places, teaching and preaching, being associate with Arthur, who accompanied him from the university. the authority of Thomas Wolsey, cardinal of York, of whom ye heard before, at that time was great in England, but his pomp and pride much greater; which did evidently declare unto all wise men the manifest vanity, not only of his life, but also of all the bishops and clergy 537 : whereupon Bilney, with other good men, marveling at the incredible insolency of the clergy, which they could now no longer suffer or abide, began to shake and reprove this excessive pomp of the clergy, and also to pluck at the authority of the bishop of Rome. Then it was time for the cardinal to awake, and speedily to look about his business; neither lacked he in this point any craft or subtlety of a serpent, for he understood well enough, upon how slender a foundation their ambitious dignity was grounded, neither was he ignorant that their Luciferous and proud kingdom could not long continue against the manifest word of God; especially if the light of the gospel should once open the eyes of men. For otherwise he did not greatly fear the power and displeasure of kings and princes. Only this he feared, the voice of Christ in his gospel; lest it should disclose and detect their hypocrisy and deceits, and force them to come into an order of godly discipline: wherefore he thought good speedily, in time, to withstand these beginnings; whereupon he caused the said Bilney and Arthur to be apprehended and cast into prison, as before you have heard.

After this, on the 27th of November, 1527 538 , the said cardinal, accompanied with a great number of bishops, as the archbishop of Canterbury, Cuthbert of London, John of Rochester, Nicholas of Ely, John of Exeter, John of Lincoln, John of Bath and Wells, Harry of St.

Asaph, with many others, both divines and lawyers, came into the chapter-house of Westminster, where the said Master Thomas Bilney, and Thomas Arthur, were brought before them; and the said cardinal there inquired of Master Bilney, whether he had, privately or publicly, preached or taught to the people the opinions of Luther or any others condemned by the church, contrary to the determination of the church: whereunto Bilney answered, that wittingly he had not preached or taught any of Luther’s opinions, or any others, contrary to the catholic church, Then the cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before 540 , that he would not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther’s opinions, but would impugn the same every where? He answered that he had made such an oath; but not judicially. These interrogatories so administered, and answers made, the cardinal caused him to swear, to answer plainly to the articles and errors preached and set forth by him, as well in the city and diocese of London, as in the diocese of Norwich and other places, and that he should do it without any craft, qualifying, or leaving out any part of the truth.

After he was thus sworn and examined, the said cardinal proceeded to the examination of Master Thomas Arthur there present, causing him to take the like oath that Master Bilney did. This done, he asked him whether he had not once told sir Thomas More, knight, that in the sacrament of the altar there was not the very body of Christ? This interrogatory he denied.

Then the cardinal gave him time to deliberate till noon, and to bring in his answer in writing. After noon the same day, what time the examination of the aforesaid Thomas Arthur was ended, the cardinal and bishops, by their authority ex officio, did call in for witnesses before Master Bilney certain men, namely, John Huggen, chief provincial of the friars-preachers throughout all England, Jeffrey Julles, and Richard Jugworth, professors of divinity of the same order. Also William Jecket, gentleman, William Nelson, and Thomas Williams, who were sworn that all favor 541 , hate, love, or reward set apart, they should, without concealing of any falsehood, or omitting any truth, speak their minds, upon the articles laid against him, or preached by him, as well within the diocese of London, as the diocese of Norwich: and because he was otherwise occupied about the affairs of the realm, he committed the hearing of the matter to the bishop of London, and to other bishops there present, or to three of them, to proceed against all men, as well spiritual as temporal, as also against schedules, writings, and books, set forth and translated by Martin Luther, lately condemned by pope Leo X., and by all manner of probable means to inquire and root out their errors and opinions; and all such as were found culpable, to compel them to abjuration according to the law, or if the matter so required, to deliver them unto the secular power, and to give them full power and authority to determine upon them.

On the 28th of November 542 6 in the year aforesaid, the bishop of London, with the bishops of Ely and Rochester, came unto the bishop of Norwich’s house, where likewise, ex officio, they did swear certain witnesses against Master Thomas Arthur, in like sort as they had done before against Master Thomas Bilney, and so proceeded to the examination of Master Arthur; which being ended upon certain interrogatories, the bishop of London warned him, by virtue of his oath, that he should not reveal his examinations, nor his answers, nor any part or parcel thereof.

On the 2d of December, the bishops assembled again in the same place, and swore more witnesses against Master Bilney: that done they called for Master Arthur, unto whose charge they laid these articles following:

ARTICLES AGAINST THOMAS ARTHUR543 . 1. Imprimis, That he exhorted the people, in his prayers, to pray especially for those that now be in prison. - This article he denied. 2. That he said, though men be restrained to preach now-a-days (which is against God’s laws), yet I may preach; first, by the authority of my lord cardinal; for I have his license: secondly, by the authority of the university: thirdly, by the pope: fourthly, by the authority of God, where he saith, ‘Euntes in mundum, praedicate evangelium omni creaturae;’ by which authority every man may preach, and there is neither bishop nor ordinary, nor yet the pope, that may make any law to hinder any man to preach the gospel. - This article he confessed that he spoke. 3. When he spoke of laws, he brought a similitude of crosses, set up against the walls of London, that men should not offend 7 there. When there was but one cross, or a few more, men did reverence them, and offended not there; but when there was in every comer a cross set, then men of necessity were compelled to offend upon the crosses. So, in like manner, when there were but a few holy and devout laws in the church, then men were afraid to offend them. Afterwards they made many laws for their advantage; and such as were pecuniary, those they do observe; and such as are not pecuniary, those they call ‘palea,’ and regard them not: and so now-a-days there are so many laws, that whether a man do ill or well, he shall be taken in the law. - He confessed that he spoke the very same, or the like words. 4. He said, ‘Good people! if I should suffer persecution for the preaching of the gospel of God, yet there are seven thousand more that would preach the gospel of God as I do now. Therefore, good people! good people! (which words he often rehearsed, as it were lamenting,) think not that if these tyrants and persecutors put a man to death, the preaching of the gospel therefore is to be forsaken.’ - This article he confessed, that he spoke in like words and sense, saving that he made no mention of tyrants. 5. That every man, yea every. layman is a priest. - He confessed, that he spoke such words, declaring in his sermon, that every Christian man is a priest, offering up the sacrifice of prayer; and if they did murmur against the order of priesthood, they aid murmur against themselves. 6. That; men shoed pray to no saints in heaven, but only to God; and they should use no other mediator for them, but Christ Jesu our Redeemer only. - This article he denied. 7. He preached that they should worship no images of saints, which were nothing but stocks and stones. - This he also denied. 8. He did preach upon Whit Sunday last, within the university of Cambridge, these or like words and sentences: that a bachelor of divinity, admitted of the university, or any other person having or knowing the gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let for no man, of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any bishop did accurse them for so doing, their curses should turn to the harm of themselves. - He confessed this.

These answers thus made 544 and acknowledged, the said Master Arthur 545 did revoke and condemn the said articles against him ministered, and submitted himself to the punishment and judgment of the church.

On the 3d of December, the bishop of London with the other bishops assembling in the place aforesaid, after that Bilney had denied utterly to return to the church of Rome, the bishop of London, in discharge of his conscience (as he said), lest he should hide any thing that had come to his hands, did really exhibit unto the notaries, in the presence of the said Master Bilney, certain letters, to wit, five letters or epistles, with one schedule in one of the epistles, containing his articles and answers folded therein, and another epistle folded in manner of a book, with six leaves; which, all and every one, he commanded to be written out and registered, and the originals to be delivered to him again. This was done in the presence of Master Bilney, desiring a copy of them, and he hound the notaries with an oath, for the safe keeping of the copies, and true registering of the same: which articles and answers, with three of the same epistles, with certain depositions deposed by the aforesaid witnesses, here follow truly drawn; partly out of his own hand writing, and partly out of the register.

INTERROGATORIES546 WHEREUPON MASTER THOMAS ARTHUR, AND MASTER BILNEY, WERE ACCUSED AND EXAMINED. 1. Whether they aid believe with their hearts, that the assertions of Luther, which are impugned by the bishop of Rochester, were justly and godly condemned; and that Luther, with his adherents, was a wicked detestable heretic? 2. Whether they did believe that the general councils and ecclesiastical constitutions, once received, and not abrogated again, ought to be observed by all men, even for conscience’ sake, and not only for fear? 3. Whether they did believe that the pope’s laws were profitable and necessary, to the preferment of godliness, not repugnant to the holy Scriptures, neither by any means to be abrogated, but to be reverenced by all men? 4. Whether they did believe that the catholic church may err in the faith or no? and whether they think that catholic church to be a sensible church, which may be demonstrated and pointed out as it were with a finger; or that it is only a spiritual church, intelligible, and known only unto God? 5. Whether they think that the images of saints are Christianly set in the churches, and ought to be worshipped by all true Christians? 6. Whether a man may believe, without hurt to his faith, or note of heresy, the souls of Peter and Paul, and of our Lady, either to be, or not to be, in heaven; and that there is yet no judgment given upon the souls departed? 7. Whether a man may believe, without spot of heresy, that our Lady remained not always a virgin? 8. Whether holy-days and fasting-days, ordained and received by the church, may be broken by any private man, at his will and pleasure, without sin or obstinacy? 9. Whether we are bound to be obedient unto prelates, bishops, and kings, by God’s commandment, as we are unto our parents? 10. Whether they believe that the church doth well and godly in praying to the saints? 11. Whether they think that Christ only should be prayed unto, and that it is no heresy, if any man affirm that saints should not be prayed unto? 12. Whether they do think all true Christians to be by like right priests, and all those to have received the keys of binding and loosing at the hands of Christ, who have obtained the Spirit of God, and only such, whether they be laymen or priests? 13. Whether they believe with their hearts, that faith may be without works and charity? 14. Whether they believe that it is more agreeable to the faith, that the people should pray in their own tongue, than in a learned unknown tongue; and whether they commend the prayer in a strange tongue or no? 15. Whether they would have the masses and gospels openly to be read in churches in the vulgar tongue, rather than in the Latin tongue? 16. Whether they commend that children should only be taught the Lord’s Prayer, and not the Salutation of the Virgin, or Creed? 17. Whether they do think the wooden beads, which the common people do use, worthy to be denied or not? 18. Whether they do think the whole Scripture ought to be translated into English, or that it should be more profitable for the people, than as it is now read? 19. Whether they would have the organs, and all manner of songs, to be put out of the church of God? 20. Whether they do think that it pertaineth to the bishops to punish any man with bonds or imprisonment, or that they have any temporal power and authority? 21. Whether they think that constitution to be godly, that no man should preach in another man’s diocese without letters of commendation and license obtained of the bishop? 22. Whether they think the vows of religious men, and private religion, to be constituted and ordainer by the Spirit of God; neither by any means to be repugnant to a free and perfect Christian life? 23. Whether they believe that we should pray for the dead, or believe that there is a purgatory; or that we are bound, by necessity of faith, to believe neither of them: but that it is free without sin, either to believe it, or 9 not to believe it? 24. Whether 547 they believe that moral philosophy and natural, do prevail any thing for the better understanding of the Scriptures, and for the exposition and defense of the truth? 25. Whether they think that the pope’s indulgences and pardons are rather to be rejected than received? 26. Whether it be contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his apostles, that Christians should by any means contend in the law, to seek any manner of restitution? 27. Whether they believe all things pertaining to salvation and damnation to come of necessity, and nothing to be in our own wills? 28 . Whether they believe God to be the author of evil, as well of the fault, as of the punishment? 29. ‘Whether they think mass only to be profitable to him who saith it, and whether every man may alter or leave out the rite and order of the mass without hurt of faith? 30. Whether they believe that there can be any moral virtues without the grace of Christian living; or that the virtues which Aristotle hath set out, are rather reigned? 31. Whether they think it heresy to teach the people, that it is free to give tithes unto priests, or to any other poor man? 32 Whether they do think it more Christian-like to take away the images out of the churches, or to permit them to adorn them and honor them? 33. Whether they think it the part of a Christian man, that preachers should exhort men to pilgrimage, or to the worshipping of relics? 34. Whether that thou, Thomas Bilney! being cited upon heresy to appear before my lord cardinal, and, before the day of thy appearance, not having made thy purgation as to those points that thou wast cited upon, hast preached openly in divers churches of the city and diocese of London, without sufficient license from the bishop, or any other?’

Concerning the answers unto these articles, gentle reader! forasmuch as in the most part of them, Bilney with Arthur seemed to consent and agree (although not fully and directly, but by way and manner of qualifying), yet because he did not expressly deny them, it shall not be needful here to recite them all, save only such, wherefrom he seemed to dissent.

BILNEY’S ANSWERS548 TO THE INTERROGATORIES AFORESAID.

To the first and second articles he answered affirmatively. To the third he said, I believe that many of the pope’s laws are profitable and necessary, and do prevail unto godliness, neither in any point are repugnant unto the Scriptures, nor by any means are to be abrogated, but by all men to be observed and reverenced. But touching, all those laws, I cannot determine: for as for such as I have not read, I trust notwithstanding they are good also; and as for those that I have read, I did never read them to the end and purpose to reprove them, but, according to my power, to learn and understand them. And as touching the multitude of laws, St.

Augustine in his time did much complain; and Gerson also, who marveled, that he could by any means live in safety amongst so many snares of constitutions, when our forefathers, being pure before their fall, could not observe one only precept.

To the fourth article he said, that the catholic church can by no means err in faith, for it is the whole congregation of the elect, and so known only unto ‘God, who knoweth who are his: otherwise no man should be ascertained of another man’s salvation, or of his own, but only through faith and hope. For it is written, ‘No man knoweth whether he be worthy of hatred or love.’ (Ecclesiastes 9) It is also sensible, and may be demonstrated so far forth as it is sufficient to establish us in all things that are to be believed and done: for I may truly say of the general council being congregated in the Holy Ghost, ‘Behold here the catholic church;’ denominating the whole, by the most worthy part.

To the fifth article he answered affirmatively in these words: ‘Cum sint libri laicorum, adorare oportet, at non imaginem sed prototypon.’

To the sixth article he answered, that he did not believe that they are in heaven; being so taught by the Scriptures, and holy fathers of the church.

To the seventh article he said, that it is not to be thought contrary.

To the eighth article, whether a man may not observe the feasts and fasts of the church prescribed; he thought that there is no man but he ought to observe them.

To the ninth article he said, that we are likewise bound, as unto parents.

To the fourteenth article he answered thus: ‘The fourteenth chapter of St. Paul, in his first Epistle to the Corinthians, moveth me to believe, that it is best that the people should have the Lord’s prayer and the apostles’ creed in English, so that the devotion might the more be furthered by the understanding thereof; and also that thereby they might be the more prompt and expert in the articles of their faith, of which, it is to be feared, a great number are ignorant. Surely I have heard many say, that they never heard speak of the resurrection of the body: and being certified thereof, they became much more apt and ready unto goodness, and more fearful to do evil.’

To the fifteenth article he said, he would wish that the gospels and epistles should be read in English, ‘For I would (saith Paul) rather have five words, etc. that the church might be edified,’ (1 Corinthians 14) etc.; and Chrysostom exhorteth his hearers to look upon books, that they might the better commit unto memory those things which they had heard; and St. Bede did translate St. John’s gospel into English.

Touching the eighteenth article, for the translation of the Scripture into English, concerning the whole, he did partly doubt notwithstanding he wished that the gospels and epistles of the day might be read in English, that the people might be made the more apt to hear sermons. But here some will say, there, might also be danger for error: whereunto he answered, ‘But good and vigilant pastors might easily help that matter, by adding the plain interpretation of the fathers in the margins in English, upon the dark and obscure places, which would put away all doubts. O how great profit of souls should the vigilant pastors get thereby! who, contrariwise, through their slothfulness, bring great ruin and decay.’

To the five and twentieth article, as touching pardons, he said, that as they be used, and have too long been, it were better that they should be restrained, than that they should be any longer used as they have been, to the injury of Christ’s passion.

Touching the six and twentieth article, he said, that it is not against the doctrine of Christ and his apostles to contend in the law, so it be done with charity, if St. Augustine and the reverend father Marcus Marulus 549 did not err, who granted that liberty to the weak Christians: albeit the true Christians ought to give ear unto St.

Paul’s saying, ‘Why do ye not rather suffer injury?’ (1 Corinthians 6) and to Christ himself, who saith, ‘He that would contend with thee in the law, and take away thy coat, give him thy cloak also.’

Touching the eight and twentieth, he answered, that God is the author of the punishment only, but not of the offense, as Basil the Great teacheth in his sermon upon these words of the prophet, ‘Non est malum in civitate quod non fecit Dominus.’ (Amos 3) And St. Augustine in another place, as I remember, prayeth, ‘that he be not led into that temptation, that he should believe God to be the author of sin and wickedness.’

HERE ENSUETH A BRIEF SUMMARY OR COLLECTION OF CERTAIN DEPOSITIONS, Deposed by the several Witnesses afore-named, upon certain Interrogatories ministered unto them for the Inquiry of Master Bilney’s Doctrine and Preaching 550.

First it was deposed, that in his sermon in Christ’s church, Ipswich, 10 he should preach and say, ‘Our Savior Christ is our Mediator, between us and the Father:’ what should, we need then to seek to any saint for remedy? Wherefore, it is great injury to the blood of Christ, to make such petitions, and it blasphemeth our Savior.

That man is so imperfect of himself, that he can in no wise merit by his own deeds.

Also, that the coming of Christ was long prophesied before, and desired by the prophets: but John Baptist, being more than a prophet, did not only prophesy, but with his finger showed him, saying, ‘Ecce agnus Dei, qui tollit peccata mundi.’ (John 1) Then, if this were the very lamb, which John did demonstrate, which taketh away the sins of the world, what an injury is it to our Savior Christ, that to be buried in St. Francis’ cowl should remit four parts of penance. 11 What is then left to our Savior Christ, who taketh away the sins of the world? This I will justify to be a great blasphemy to the blood of Christ.

Also, that it was a great folly to go on pilgrimage, and that preachers, in times past, have been Antichrists; and now it hath pleased God somewhat to show forth their falsehood and errors.

Also, that the miracles done at Walsingham 551 , at Canterbury, and there, in Ipswich, were done by the devil, through the sufferance of God, to blind the poor people: and that the pope hath not the keys that Peter had, except he follow Peter in his living.

Moreover, it was deposed against him, that he was notoriously suspected as a heretic, and twice pulled out of the pulpit in the diocese of Norwich.

Also it was deposed against him, that he should, in the parish church of Wilsdon, exhort the people to put away their gods of silver and. gold, and leave their offerings unto them; for that such things as they offered have been known oftentimes 1;o have been afterward given to the vilest of women. Also that Jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had it not been for the idolatry of Christian men, in offering of candles, wax, and money, to stocks and stones.

Over and besides these cavilling matters articulated and deposed against him, here follow certain other articles whereupon he was detected, gathered out of his sermon which he preached in the parish church of St.

Magnus, in Whitsun week, A.D. 1527.

CERTAIN OTHER ARTICLES PRODUCED AGAINST MASTER THOMAS BILNEY.

First he said, ‘Pray you only to God, and to no saints,’ rehearsing the Litany; and when he came to ‘ Sancta Maria 552 , ora pro nobis,’ he said, ‘Stay there.’

He said, that Christian men ought to worship God only, and no saints.

He said that Christian people should set up no lights before the images of saints: for saints in heaven need no light, and the images have no eyes to see.

He said, As Hezekiah destroyed the brazen serpent that Moses made by the commandment of God; even so should kings and princes now-a-days destroy and burn the images of saints set up in churches.

These five hundred years there hath been no good pope, and in all the times past we can find but fifty: for they have neither preached, nor lived well, nor conformably to their dignity; wherefore, till now, they have borne the keys of simony. Against them, good people! we must preach and teach unto you, for we cannot come to them; it is great pity they have sore slandered the blood of Christ.

The people have used foolishly of late pilgrimages, when for them it had been better to have been at home.

Many have made certain vows, which be not possible for them to fulfill, and those nothing meritorious.

The preachers before this have been Antichrists, and now it hath pleased our Savior Christ to show their false errors, and to teach another way and manner of the holy gospel of Christ, to the comfort of your souls.

I trust that there shall and will come others besides me, who shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living that I do show and preach to you, which is the very true gospel of our Savior Christ, and the mind of the holy fathers, whereby you shall be brought from their errors, wherein you have been long seduced; for before this there have been many that have slandered you, and the gospel of our Savior Christ, of whom spoke our Savior,’ ‘Qui scandalizaverit unum de pusillis istis qui in me credit,’ etc.

These and many other such like depositions were deposed against him by the deponents and witnesses before sworn, which wholly to recite would be too long and tedious: wherefore these shall suffice at this time, being the principal matters, and in manner the effect of all the rest. But now, before we return again to the order of his examination, we think it good here to infer a certain dialogue, containing a communication between a friar named John Brusierd, and Master Thomas Bilney, which we have thought meet for this place, because it was done in Ipswich, and also about the time of these examinations: the copy whereof we have, written with the friar’s own hand in Latin,13 the translation whereof in English here ensueth.

A DIALOGUE BETWEEN FRIAR JOHN BRUSIERD AND MASTER THOMAS BILNEY, AT IPSWICH, CONCERNING WORSHIPPING OF IMAGES. Brusierd: ‘Although you have blasphemed most perniciously the immaculate flock of Christ with certain blasphemies of yours, yet, being moved partly with your gentle petitions, partly pitying your case and towardly disposition, I am come hither to talk with you secretly, before the rumor be disclosed, upon the consideration of the threefold errors which I see in you. First, for that when you began to shoot the dart of your pestiferous error, more vehemently than you ought, against the breast of the ignorant multitude, you seemed to pour upon the ground the precious blood of Christ, as with a certain vehement violence, out of the miserable vessel of your heart. Whereas you said that none of the saints do make intercession for us, nor obtain for us any thing, you have perilously blasphemed the efficacy of the whole church, consecrated with the precious blood of Christ. This thing you are not able to deny, especially seeing the same so incessantly doth knock at the gates of heaven, through the continual intercession of the saints, according as in the sevenfold Litany manifestly appeareth to be seen.’ Bilney: ‘I marvel at you, and doubtless cannot marvel enough, but that the strong and vain custom of superstitious men, thinking themselves not to be heard but in much babbling, doth put an end to my admiration: for our heavenly Father knoweth what we have need of before we ask. Also it is written, There is one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus. If then there be but one mediator of God and men, the man Christ Jesus, where is our blessed Lady? where are then St. Peter and other saints?’ Brusierd: ‘I suppose that no man is ignorant but that the divines of the primitive church have all affirmed that there is one mediator between God and man. Neither could any at that time praise or pray to the saints, when as yet they, living in the calamities of this body, and wrestling with the contrary winds of this world, were not yet conic to the port of rest whereunto they were travelling. Paul, I grant, did rightly affirm that there is but one mediator of God and man, what time as yet there was no saint canonized, or put into the calendar. 14 But now, seeing the church doth know, and doth certainly believe, through the undoubted revelations of God, that the blessed Virgin and other saints are placed in the bosom of Abraham, she, therefore, like a good mother, hath taught, and that most diligently, us her children, to praise the omnipotent Jesus in his saints; and also to offer up by the same saints our petitions unto God. Thereof it is that the Psalmist saith, Praise ye the Lord in his saints. Rightly also do we say and affirm, that saints may pray for us. One man may pray for another; ergo, much more may saints who do enjoy the fruition of his High Majesty. For so it is written, God is my witness, whom I serve in my spirit, in the gospel of his Son, that without ceasing I remember you in my prayer always for you,’ 15 etc. Bilney: ‘I marvel, doubtless, that you, a man learned, are not yet delivered out of the confused dungeon of heresy, through the help of the holy gospel: especially seeing that in the same gospel it is written, Verily, verily, I say unto you, whatsoever you ask the Father in my name, he will give it unto you. 16 He saith not, whatsoever ye ask the Father in the name of St. Peter, St. Paul, or other saints; but in my name. Let us ask therefore help in the name of him, who is able to obtain for us of his Father whatsoever we ask, lest peradventure hereafter, in the end of the world, at the strait judgment, we shall hear, Hitherto in my name ye have asked nothing.’ Brusierd: ‘Whereas ye marvel (with what mind, I cannot tell) that I, being a learned man (as you say), am not delivered yet from the confuse dungeon of heresy, through the help of the gospel; much more do you, that are far better learned than I, cause me to marvel at your foolish admiration.

Neither can I choose but laugh at you, as one being rapt to the third heaven of such high mysteries, and yet see not those things which be done here, in the lower parts of terrene philosophy: for what a ridiculous thing is it, for a man to look so long upon the sun, that he can see nothing else but the sun, nor can tell whither to turn him? Moreover, what student is there in all Cambridge, be he ever so young, that knoweth not that the argument of authority, brought out negatively, hath no force?’ Bilney: ‘So as the Pharisees took Christ, you take my words, much otherwise than I meant.’ Brusierd: ‘Your words, which wander far from the scope of Scripture, I do not like. What is in your meaning, and lieth inwardly in your mind, I cannot tell.’ Bilney: ‘Such as invocate the help either of Christ, or of any other saint, for any corporal infirmity, to be delivered from the same, may be well resembled to delicate patients, who, being under the hand of physicians, and having medicines ministered against their diseases, not abiding the pain thereof, rap all asunder: wherefore I say, no man ought to implore the help of God, or of any saint, for corporal infirmity.’ Brusierd: ‘O most pernicious and perilous heresy of all that ever I heard!

Thus you, fleeing the smoke, fall into the fire; and, avoiding the danger of Scylla, you run upon Charybdis. 18 O heart of man, wrapped in palpable dark- ness! I wish, Master Bilney, that you would but once search and fetch out the first origin of these Rogation days: for so we read in the church story,19 that they were first ordained by pope Gregory, with fasting, prayers, and holy processions, against the pestilence, by the infection of the air then reigning among the people; at which time, the people then going in the procession, a certain image like to our blessed Lady, painted by the hands of St. Luke the evangelist, did go before them; about which image, in honor of the Virgin, angels did sing this anthem: ‘Regina coeli laetare,’ etc. ‘O Queen of heaven, be glad! to which anthem, the pope also adjoined this, ‘Ora pro nobis Dominum,’ etc. ‘Pray to the Lord for us. Wherefore, seeing the angels did worship the image of the glorious Virgin Mary, in honor of her’; and seeing moreover the holy father, pope Gregory, with all the clergy, did pray for corporal infirmity, it appeareth manifestly that we ought to worship the saints, and also to give honor in a manner to their images: further also, to pray to Almighty God and all saints for corporal infirmity, that we may be delivered from the same, so that they may say the like for us, which is said in the gospel, ‘Send them away, because they cry after us.’ And although there be infinite places inexpugnable to be alleged out of the holy Scripture, wherewith we might easily resist this your error, yet standing herewith content, as sufficient at this present, we will proceed now to your second pestiferous error, wherein you, like an ingrate child, go about to tear out the bowels of your mother. For in that you say and affirm blasphemously, that the bishop of Rome is the very Antichrist, and that his privileges have no force against the gates of hell; in so saying, what do you, but like a most unkind and unnatural child, spoil your loving mother of all her treasures, and wound her, being spoiled; and being wounded, pluck out her bowels most miserably upon the earth? But forasmuch as there is nothing so absurd, or so heretical, but shall be received by some itching ears, I would therefore now hear you declare, how he sitteth in the temple of God as God, being exalted and worshipped above all that is named God; or how he showeth himself as Lord, in power and signs and wonders deceitful.’ Bilney: ‘Although incredulity doth not suffer you, notwithstanding your learning, to understand these things, yet I will go about something to help your incredulity herein, through the help of the Lord; beseeching you that, setting all superstition apart, you will understand those things that are above. Do ye know the table of the Ten Commandments?’ Brusierd: ‘According as the catholic doctors do expound them, I know them meanly; but how you do expound them I cannot tell.’ Bilney: ‘And do you know also the constitutions of men, which are devised only by the dreams of men; whereunto men are so straitly bound, that under pain of death, they are compelled to observe them?’ Brusierd: ‘I know certain sanctions of the holy fathers; but such as you speak of, to be devised by men’s dreams, I know none.’ Bilney: ‘Now then let us set and compare these two together, and so shall you easily understand the bishop of Rome, whom they call the pope, to sit in the temple of God as God, and to be extolled above all that is named God. It is written, ‘The temple of the Lord is holy, which is you.’ (1 Corinthians 3) Therefore the conscience of man is the temple of the Holy Ghost; in which temple, I will prove the pope to sit as God, and to be exalted above all that is called God. (2 Thessalonians 2) For whoso contemneth the decalogue, or the table of the commandments of God, there is but a small punishment for him; neither is that punishment to death: but contrariwise, he that shall contemn or violate the constitutions, which you call the sanctions of men, is counted by all men’s judgment guilty of death.

What is this, but for the high bishop of Rome to sit and reign in the temple of God (that is, in man’s conscience), as God?’ Brusierd: ‘Although this exposition seemeth unworthy for Christian ears, yet I would hear you further, how he showeth himself in signs and wonders deceitful.’ Bilney: ‘These wonders, which they call miracles, be wrought daily in the church, not by the power of God, as many think, but by the illusion of Satan rather, who, as the Scripture witnesseth, hath been loose now abroad five hundred years, according as it is written in the book of the Apocalypse, After a thousand years Satan shall be let loose, (Revelation 20) etc. Neither are they to be called miracles of true Christian men, but illusions rather, whereby to delude men’s minds; to make them put their faith in our lady, and in other saints, and not in God alone, to whom be honor and glory for ever.’ Brusierd: ‘But that I believe and know that God and all his saints will take everlasting revengement upon thee, I would surely, with. these nails, of mine, be thy death, for this horrible and enormous injury against the precious blood of Christ. 20 God saith, I will not the death of a sinner, but rather that he convert and live. And thou blasphemes him, as though he should lay privy snares of death for us secretly, that we should not espy them; which if it were true, we might well say with Hugh de Saint Victor in this manner: If it be an error, it is by thee, O God, that we are deceived; for these be confirmed with such signs and wonders, as cannot be done but by thee. But I am assured it is untrue and heretical, and therefore I will leave this matter, and will talk with you concerning the merits of saints; for once I remember, in a certain sermon of yours you said, that no saint, though his suffering were ever so great, and his life most pure, deserved any thing for us with God, either by his death or life: which is contrary to St. Augustine.’ Bilney: Christ saith one thing, St. Augustine another: whether of these two shall we believe? for Christ, willing to deliver us out of this dark dungeon of ignorance, gave forth a certain parable of ten virgins, of which five were fools, and five were wise. By the five foolish virgins, wanting the oil of good works, he meant all us sinners: by the wise virgins, he meant the company of all holy saints. Now let us hear what the five wise virgins answered to the five foolish, craving oil of them; ‘No,’ say they, ‘lest peradventure we have not sufficient for us, and for you. Get you rather to them that sell, and buy of them to serve your turn.’ (Matthew 25) Wherefore, if they had not oil sufficient for themselves, and also for the others, where then be the merits of saints wherewith they can deserve both for themselves and for us, certes I cannot see.’ Brusierd: ‘You wrest the Scriptures from the right understanding to a reprobate sense, that I am scarce able to hold mine eyes from tears, hearing with mine ears these words of you. Fare ye well!’

THE SUBMISSION OF MASTER THOMAS BILNEY.

On the 4th of December, the bishop of London, with the other bishops, his assistants, assembled again in the chapter-house of Westminster; whither also Master Bilney was brought, and was exhorted and admonished to abjure and recant, who answered, that he would stand to his conscience. Then the bishop of London, with the other bishops, ex offico, did publish the depositions of the witnesses, with his articles and answers, commanding that they should be read. That done, the bishop exhorted him again to deliberate with himself, whether he would return to the church, and renounce his opinions, or no; and bade him to depart into a void place, and there to deliberate with himself. This done, the bishop asked him again if he would return? who answered, ‘Fiat justitia et judicium in nomine Domini.’ And being divers times admonished to abjure, he would make no other answer, but ‘Fiat justitia,’ etc. and, ‘Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus; exultemus, et laetemur in ea.’

Then the bishop, after deliberation, putting off his cap, said, ‘In nomine Parris et Filii et Spiritus Saucti, Amen:’ 21 Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus.’ And making a cross on his forehead and his breast, by the counsel of the other bishops he gave sentence against Master Bilney, being there present, in this manner: ‘I, by the consent and counsel of my brethren here present, do pronounce thee, Thomas Bilney, who hast been accused of divers articles, to be convicted of heresy; and for the rest of the sentence we take deliberation till to-morrow.’ On the 5th of December, the bishops assembled there again, before whom Bilney was brought; whom the bishop asked, if he would return to the unity of the church, and revoke his heresies which he had preached. Whereupon Bilney answered, that he would not be a slander to the gospel, trusting that he was not separate from the church; and that if the multitude of witnesses might be credited:, he might have thirty men of honest life on his part, against one to the contrary brought in against him.

These witnesses, the bishop said, came too late; for after publication they could not be received by the law. Then Bilney alleging the story of Susan and Daniel, the bishop of London still exhorted him to return to the unity of the church, and to abjure his heresies, and permitted him to go into some secret place, there to consult with his friends, till one o’clock in the afternoon of the same day. In the afternoon, the bishop of London again asked him whether he would return to the church, and acknowledge his heresies. Bilney answered, that he trusted he was not separate from the church; and required time and place to bring in witnesses: which was refused. Then the bishop once again required of him, whether he would return to the catholic church: whereunto he answered, that if they could teach and prove sufficiently that he was convicted, he would yield and submit himself: and he desired again to have time and space to bring in again his refused witnesses; and other answer he would give none.

Then the bishop put Master Bilney aside, and took counsel with his fellows; and afterwards calling in Master Bilney, asked him again, whether he would abjure? But he would make no other answer than before. Then the bishop, with the consent of the rest, did decree and determine, that it was not lawful to hear a petition which was against the law: and inquiring again, whether he would abjure, he answered plainly, No; and desired to have time to consult with his friends, in whom his trust was. And being once again asked whether he would return, and instantly desired thereunto, or else the sentence must be read, he required the bishop to give him license to deliberate with himself until the next morrow, whether he might abjure the heresies wherewith he was defamed or no. The bishop granted him that he should have a little time to deliberate with Master Dancaster; but Bilney required space till the next morrow, to consult with Master Farman 553 and Master Dancaster, but the bishop would not grant him his request, for fear lest he should appeal. However at last the bishop, inclining unto him, granted him two nights’ respite to deliberate; that is to say, till Saturday 554 at nine o’clock in the forenoon: and then to give a plain determinate answer, what he would do in the premises.

On the 7th of December, in the year and place aforesaid, the bishop of London with the other bishops being assembled, Bilney also personally appeared; whom the bishop of London asked, whether he would now return to the unity of the church, and revoke the errors and heresies whereof he stood accused, detected, and convicted. He answered, that now he was persuaded by Master Dancaster and others his friends, he would submit himself, trusting that they would deal gently with him, both in his abjuration 555 and penance. Then he desired that he might read his abjuration; which the bishop granted. When he had read the same secretly by himself, and was returned, being demanded what he would do in the premises, he answered, that he would abjure and submit himself: and there openly read his abjuration, and subscribed, and delivered it to the bishop, who then did absolve him 556 , and, for his penance, enjoined him, that he should abide in a prison appointed by the cardinal, till he were by him released; and, moreover, the next day he should go before the procession, in the cathedral church of St. Paul, bareheaded, with a faggot on his shoulder; and should stand before the preacher at Paul’s cross all the sermon time 557 . Here, forasmuch as mention is made before of five letters or epistles, which this good man wrote to Cuthbert Tonstal, bishop of London, and by the said bishop delivered unto the registrars, we thought good to insert certain thereof, such as could come to our hands: the copy of which letters, as they were written by him in Latin, because they are in the former edition 23 to be seen and read in the same Latin wherein he wrote them, it shall suffice in this book to express the same only in English.

Concerning the first epistle, which containeth the whole story of his conversion, and seemeth more effectual in the Latin, than in the English, we have exhibited it in the second edition, 24 and therefore here have only made mention of the same briefly; the copy whereof-beginneth as in the note below. 25 The same in English is as followeth:

A LETTER OF MASTER THOMAS BILNEY TO CUTHBERT TONSTAL, BISHOP OF LONDON.

To the reverend father in Christ, Cuthbert, bishop of London, Thomas Bilney wisheth health in Christ, with all submission due unto such a prelate:

In this behalf, most reverend father in Christ, I think myself most happy that it is my chance to be called to examination before your reverence, for that you are of such wisdom and learning, of such integrity of life, which all men do confess to be in you, that even yourself cannot choose (if you do not too lightly esteem. God’s gifts in you), as often as you shall remember, the great things. which God hath done unto you, but straightways secretly in your heart, to his high praise say, ‘He that is mighty hath done great things unto me, and holy is his name. (Luke 1) I rejoice, that I have now happened upon. such a judge, and with all my heart give thanks unto God, who ruleth all things.

And albeit (God is my witness) I know not myself guilty of any error in my sermons, neither of any heresy or sedition, which divers do slander me of, seeking rather their own lucre and advantage, than the health of souls: notwithstanding I do exceedingly rejoice, that it is so foreseen by God s divine providence, that I should be brought before the tribunal seat of Tonstal, who knoweth as well as any other, that there will never be wanting a Jannes and a Jambres, 26 who will resist the truth; that there shall never be lacking some Elymas, 27 who will go about to subvert the straight ways of the Lord; and finally, that some Demetriuses, Pithonises, 28 Balaams, Nicolaitans, 29 Cains, and Ishmaels, will be always at hand, who will greedily hunt and seek after that which pertaineth unto themselves, and not that which pertaineth to Jesus Christ. How can it then be, that they can suffer Christ to be truly and sincerely preached? for if the people in every place once begin wholly to put their confidence in Christ, who was for them crucified, then straitways that which they have hitherto embraced instead of Christ, shall utterly decay in the hearts of the faithful.

Then they shall understand that Christ is not in this place, or in that place, but the kingdom of God to be in themselves, then shall they plainly see, that the Father is not to be worshipped, neither in the mount of Samaria, nor at Jerusalem, but in all places, in spirit and truth: which thing if it come once to pass, the beasts of the field will think all their gain and lucre lost. In them the saying of Ezekiel is fulfilled: ‘My sheep are dispersed because they had no shepherd, and are devoured of the beast of the field, and strayed abroad: my flock hath erred and wandered in every mountain, and upon every high hill, and is dispersed throughout all the earth; and there is no man which hath sought to gather them together; no, there was no man which once sought after them.’ (Ezekiel 34) But if any man seeketh to reduce those who were gone astray, into the fold of Christ, that is, the unity of faith, by and by there rise up certain against him, which are named pastors, but indeed are wolves; which seek no other thing of their flock, but the milk, wool, and fell, leaving both their own souls, and the souls of their flock, unto the devil.

These men, I say, rise up like unto Demetrius, crying out, ‘This heretic dissuadeth and seduceth much people every where, saying, that they are not gods, which are made with hands.’ (Acts 19) These are they, these I say, most reverend father! are they, who, under the pretense of persecuting heretics, follow their own licentious lives; enemies unto the cross of Christ, who can suffer and bear any tiling rather than the sincere preaching of Christ crucified for our sins. These are they unto whom Christ threateneth eternal damnation, where he saith, ‘Wo be unto you scribes, Pharisees, and hypocrites! which shut up the kingdom of heaven before men, and you yourselves enter not in, neither suffer those which would enter, to come in.’ (Matthew 23) These are they that have come in another way to the charge of souls, as it appeareth; ‘For if any man,’ saith Christ, ‘come in by me, he shall be saved; and shall come in, and go out, and find pasture.’ (John 10) These men do not find pasture, for they never teach and draw others after them, that they should enter by Christ, who alone is the door whereby we must come unto the Father; but set before the people another way, persuading them to come unto God through good works, oftentimes speaking nothing at all of Christ, thereby seeking rather their own gain and lucre, than the salvation of souls: in this point being worse than those who upon Christ (being the foundation) do build wood, hay and straw. (1 Corinthians 3) These men confess that they know Christ, but by their deeds they deny him.

These are those physicians upon whom that woman that was twelve years vexed with the bloody flux had consumed all that she had, and felt no help, but was still worse and worse, until such time as she came at last unto Christ; and after she had once touched the hem of his vesture, through faith she was so healed, that by and by she felt the same in her body. (Luke 8) O mighty power of the most Highest! which I also, miserable sinner, have often tasted and felt, who, before I could come unto Christ, had even likewise spent all that I had upon those ignorant physicians; that is to say, unlearned hearers of confession; so that there was but small force of strength left in me (who of nature was but weak), small store of money, and very little wit or understanding: for they appointed me fastings, watching, buying of pardons, and masses; in all which things (as I now understand) they sought rather their own gain, than the salvation of my sick and languishing soul.

But at last I heard speak of Jesus, even then when the New Testament was first set forth by Erasmus; which when I understood to be eloquently done by him, being allured rather by the Latin than by the word of God (for at that time I knew not what it meant), I bought it even by the providence of God, as I do now well understand and perceive: and at the first reading (as I well remember) I chanced upon this sentence of St. Paul (O most sweet and comfortable sentence to my soul!) in 1 Timothy 1, ‘It is a true saying, and worthy of all men to be embraced, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save sinners; of whom I am the chief and principal.’

This one sentence, through God’s instruction and inward working, which I did not then perceive, did so exhilarate my heart, being before wounded with the guilt of my sins, and being almost in despair, that immediately I felt a marvelous comfort and quietness, insomuch ‘that my bruised bones leaped for joy.’ (Psalm 51) After this, the Scripture began to be more pleasant unto me than the honey or the honey-comb; wherein I learned, that all my travails, all my fasting and watching, all the redemption of masses and pardons, being done without trust in Christ, who only saveth his people from their sins; these, I say, I learned to be nothing else but even (as St. Augustine saith) a hasty and swift running out of the right way; or else much like to the vesture made of fig leaves, wherewithal Adam and Eve went about in vain to cover themselves, and could never before obtain quietness and rest, until they believed in the promise of God, that Christ, the seed of the woman, should tread upon the serpent’s head: neither could I be relieved or eased of the sharp stings and bitings of my sins, before I was taught of God that lesson which Christ speaketh of in John 3: ‘Even as Moses exalted the serpent in the desert, so shall the Son of Man be exalted, that all which believe on him, should not perish, but have life everlasting.’ (John 3) As soon as (according to the measure of grace given unto me of God) I began to taste and savor of this heavenly lesson, which no man can teach but only God, who revealed the same unto Peter, I desired the Lord to increase my faith; and at last I desired nothing more, than that I, being so comforted by him, might be strengthened by his Holy Spirit and grace from above, that I might teach the wicked his ways, which are mercy and truth; and that the wicked might be converted unto hint by me, who sometime was also wicked; which thing whilst with all my power I did endeavor, before my lord cardinal and your fatherhood Christ wits blasphemed in me (and this is my only comfort in these my afflictions), whom with my whole power I do teach and set forth, being made for us by God his Father, our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption, and finally our satisfaction; (1 Corinthians 1) who was made sin for us (that is to say, a sacrifice for sin) that we, through him, should be made the righteousness of God; (2 Corinthians 5) who became accursed for us, to redeem us from the curse of the law; (Galatians 3) who also came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance. (Matthew 9) The righteous (I say) who falsely judge and think themselves so to be (for all men have sinned, and lack the glory of God, whereby he freely forgiveth sins unto all believers, through the redemption which is in Christ Jesus (Romans 3)), because that all mankind were grievously wounded in him who fell amongst thieves, between Jerusalem and Jericho. And therefore, with all my whole power I teach, that all men should first acknowledge their sins, and condemn them, and afterwards hunger and thirst for that righteousness whereof St. Paul speaketh, ‘The righteousness of God, by faith in Jesus Christ, is upon all them which believe in him; for there is no difference: all have sinned, and lack the glory of God, and are justified freely through his grace, by the redemption which is in Jesus Christ:’ (Romans 3) which whosoever doth hunger or thirst for, without doubt they shall at length so be satisfied, that they shall not hunger and thirst for ever.

But, forasmuch as this hunger and thirst were wont to be quenched with the fullness of man’s righteousness, which is wrought through the faith of our own elect and chosen works, as pilgrimages, buying of pardons, offering of candles, elect and chosen fasts, and oftentimes superstitious; and finally all kind of voluntary devotions (as they call them), against which God’s word speaketh plainly in Deuteronomy 4:2, saying, ‘Thou shalt not do that which seemeth good unto thyself; but that which I command thee for to do, that do thou, neither adding to, neither diminishing any thing from it.’

Therefore, I say, oftentimes I have spoken of those works, not condemning them (as I take God to my witness), but reproving their abuse; making the lawful use of them manifest even unto children; exhorting all men not so to cleave unto them, that they, being satisfied therewith, should loathe or wax weary of Christ, as many do: in whom I bid your fatherhood most prosperously well to fare.

And this is the whole sum. If you will appoint me to dilate more at large the things here touched, I will not refuse to do it, so that you will grant me time (for to do it out of hand I am not able for the weakness of my body); being ready always, if I have erred in any thing, to be better instructed.

ANOTHER LETTER OF MASTER THOMAS BILNEY, TO CUTHBERT TONSTAL, BISHOP OF LONDON.

Albeit I do not remember, reverend father in Christ! whether I have either spoken or written that the gospel hath not been sincerely preached now of Ions time, which your lordship seemeth to have gathered, either by some Momus and sinister hearers of my sermons, who (like Malchus having their right ear cut off), only bring their left ear to sermons; or else by some words or writings of mine, which have rashly passed me, rather than upon any evil intent; yet forasmuch as in this behalf your reverence doth command me, and that, of a good mind I trust (for how can I think in Tonstal any craft or doubleness to dwell), I will briefly declare unto you what I have learned of God, through Christ, in the Scriptures; and how the doctors, even of great name and renown, have not taught the same of late in their sermons; referring, or rather submit ting all things unto your fatherly judgment, which is more quick and. sharp than that it can by any means be blinded; and so sincere, that it will not in any point seek slander or discord.

Therefore I do confess, that I have often been afraid that Christ hath not been purely preached now a long time: for who hath been now, for a long season, offended through him? Who hath now these many years suffered any persecution for the gospel’s sake? Where is the sword which he came to send upon the earth? And finally, where are the rest of the sincere and uncorrupt fruits of the gospel? which, because we have not a long time seen, is it not to be feared that the tree which bringeth forth those fruits, hath now a long time been wanting in our region or country? Much less is it to be ‘believed, that it hath been nourished amongst us. Have we not seen all things quiet and peaceable a long time? But what saith the church? ‘My grief most bitter is turned to peace,’ (Isaiah 38) etc.

But the malignant church saith ‘Peace, peace; and there is no peace,’ (Jeremiah 6,8) but only that whereof it is written, ‘When the mighty armed man keepeth his gates, he possesseth all things in quiet; but when he seeth that he shall be vanquished of a stronger than he himself is, he spoileth and destroyeth all things. (Luke 11) What now-a-days beginneth again to be attempted, I dare not say.

God grant us grace that we do not refuse and reject (if it be Christ) him that cometh unto us, lest we do feel that terrible judgment against us: ‘Because,’ saith he, ‘they have not received the love of truth, that they might be saved; therefore God will send upon them the blindness of error, that they shall give credit unto lies. (2 Thessalonians 2) O terrible sentence (which God knoweth whether a great number have not already incurred),’ That all they might be judged which have not Wen credit unto the truth, but consented unto iniquity.’ ‘The time shall come, saith he, when that they wall not suffer the true doctrine to be preached.

And what shall we then say of that learning, which hath now so long time reigned and triumphed, so that no man hath once opened his mouth against it? shall we think it sound doctrine? Truly iniquity did never more abound, nor was charity ever so cold. And what should we say to be the cause thereof? Hath the cause been for lack of preaching against the vices of men, and exhorting to charity? That cannot be, for many learned and great clerks sufficiently can witness to the contrary. And yet all these notwithstanding, we see the life and manners of men do greatly degenerate from true Christianity, and seem to cry out indeed, that that is fulfilled in us, which God in times past threatened by his prophet Amos, (Amos 8) saying, ‘Behold the day shall come,’ saith the Lord, ‘that I will send hunger upon the earth: not hunger of bread, neither thirst of water, but of hearing the word of God.

And the people shall be moved from sea to sea, and from the west unto the east; and shall run about seeking for the word of God, but shall not find it. In those days the fair virgins and young men shall perish for thirst,’ etc. But now to pass over many things whereby I am moved to fear that the word of God hath not been purely preached, this is not the least argument, that they that come, and are sent, and endeavor themselves to preach Christ truly, are evil spoken of for his name, which is the rock of offense, and stumbling-block unto them that stumble upon his word, and do not believe on him on whom they are builded. 31 But you will ask, who are those men, and what is their doctrine? Truly I say, whosoever entereth in by the door, Christ, into the sheepfold: which thing all such shall do, as seek nothing else but the glory of God, and salvation of souls. Of all such it may be truly said, that whom the Lord sendeth, he speaketh the word of God. And why so? Because he representeth the angel of the church of Philadelphia, unto whom St. John writeth, saying, ‘This saith he which is holy and true; which hath the keys of David; which openeth and no man shutteth; shutteth and no man openeth.’ (Revelation 3) ‘Behold,’ saith he (speaking in the name of Christ, who is the door and door-keeper), ‘I have set before thee an open door, ‘that is to say, of the Scriptures, opening thy senses, that thou shouldest understand the Scriptures; and that, because thou hast entered in by me which am the door: ‘For whosoever entereth in by me, which am the door, shall be saved; ye shall go in and come out and find pasture: for the door-keeper openeth the door unto him, and the sheep hear his voice. (John 10) But contrariwise, they who have not entered in by the door, but have climbed in some other way, by ambition, avarice, or desire of rule, they shall even in a moment go down into hell, except they repent. And by them is the saying of Jeremy verified: ‘All beauty is gone away from the daughter of Zion, (Lamentations 2) because her princes are become like rams, not finding pasture. And why so? because like thieves and robbers they have climbed another way, not being called nor sent.

And what marvel is it if they do not preach, when they are not sent, but run for lucre; seeking their own glory, and not the glory of God, and salvation of souls? And this is the root of all mischief in the church, that they are not sent inwardly of God; for without this inward calling it helpeth nothing, before God, to be a hundred times elect, and consecrate by a thousand bulls, either by pope, king, or emperor. God beholdeth the heart, whose judgments are according to truth, howsoever we deceive the judgment of men for a time; who also at the last shall see their abomination. This, I say, is the original of all mischief in the church, that we thrust in ourselves into the charge of souls, whose salvation and the glory of God (which is, to enter in by the door), we do not thirst nor seek for; but altogether our own lucre and profit.

Hereupon it cometh, that we know not how to preach Christ purely; ‘For how should they preach Christ,’ saith the apostle, ‘except they be sent?’ for otherwise many thieves and robbers do preach him, but with their lips only, for their heart is far from him: neither yet do we suffer those who do know how to preach, but persecute them, and go about to oppress the Scriptures now springing, under the pretense of godliness; fearing, as I suppose, lest the Romans should come and take our place. Ah! thou wicked enemy Herod. why art thou afraid that Christ should come? He taketh not away mortal and earthly kingdoms, who giveth heavenly kingdoms. O blindness! O our great blindness! yea, more than that of Egypt; of which if there be any that would admonish the people, by and by saith Pharaoh, ‘Moses and Aaron! why do ye cause the people to cease from their labors?’ and truly called their labors. ‘Get you to your burdens. Lay more work upon them, and cause them to do it, that they hearken not unto lies. (Exodus 5) Thus the people were dispersed throughout all the land of Egypt, to gather up chaff; I say, to gather up chaff. Who shall grant unto us, that God shall say, ‘I have looked down, and beholden the affliction of my people which is in Egypt, and have heard their sighs, and am come down to deliver them?’ But whither hath this zeal carried me? whether after knowledge or not, I dare not say: it appertaineth to you, reverend father! to judge thereupon.

Now you do look that I should show unto you at large (as you write), how that they ought sincerely to preach, to the better edifying hereafter of your flock. Here, I confess, I was afraid that you had spoken in some derision, until I well perceived that you had written it with your own hand. Then again I began to doubt, for what intent Tonstal should require that of Bilney: an old soldier, of a young beginner; the chief pastor of London, of a poor silly sheep. But for what intent soever you did it, I trust it was of a good mind; and albeit that I am weak of body, yet, through the grace of Christ given unto me, I will attempt this matter, although it do far pass my power: under which burden if I be oppressed, yet I will not deceive you, for that I have promised nothing but a prompt and ready will to do that which you have commanded.

As touching what pertaineth to the preaching of the gospel, I would to God you would give me leave privately to talk with you, that I might speak freely that which I have learned in the holy Scriptures for the consolation of my conscience; which if you will do, I trust you shall not repent you. All things shall be submitted unto your judgment; who (except I be utterly deceived), will not break the reed that is bruised, and put out the flax that is smoking, (Isaiah 13) but rather, if I shall be found in any error (as indeed I am a man), you, as spiritual, shall restore me through the spirit of gentleness, considering yourself, lest that you also be tempted: for every bishop, which is taken from among men, is ordained for men, not violently to assault those which are ignorant, and do err; for he himself is compassed in with infirmity, that he, being not void of evils, should learn to have compassion upon other miserable people. (Hebrews 5) I desire you that you will remember me to-morrow, that by your aid I may be brought before the tribunal seat of my lord cardinal; before whom I had rather stand, than before any of his deputies.

Yours. THOMAS BILNEY.

A LETTER OF MASTER BILNEY, TO TONSTAL, BISHOP OF LONDON, FRUITFUL AND NECESSARY FOR ALL MINISTERS TO READ.

Most reverend father! salutations in Christ. You have required me to write unto you at large, wherein men have not preached as they ought, and how they should have preached better. This is a burden too heavy for my strength, under which if I shall faint, it belongeth to you, who have laid this burden upon my shoulders, to ease me thereof. As touching the first part, they have not preached as they ought, who, leaving the word of God, have taught their own traditions; of which sort there are not a few, as it is very evident, in that they do report those who preach the word of God sincerely, to teach new doctrine. This is also no small testimony thereof, that in all England you shall scarce find one or two that are mighty in the Scriptures; and what marvel is it, if all godly things do seem new unto them unto whom the gospel is new and strange, being nursed in men’s traditions now a long time? Would to God these things were not true which I utter unto you! but alas they are too true.

They have also preached evil, who either have wrested the Scriptures themselves, or have rashly gathered them out of old rotten papers, being wrested by. others: and how should it be but that they should wrest them, or else how should they judge them, being falsely interpreted by others, when they have not once read over the Bible orderly? Of this sort there is truly a very great number, from which number many great rabbins or masters shall hardly excuse themselves; whom the people have hitherto reverenced instead of gods. And these are they that now serve their bellies, seeking their own glory, and not the true glory of God, who might be set forth even by Balaam’s ass; much less then ought we to contemn such abjects, who preach the word of God. ‘We have,’ saith St. Paul, ‘this treasure in brickle vessels, that the glory of the power might be of God, and not of us.’ ‘God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; and the weak things God hath chosen to confound the mighty; and vile things of the world, and despised, hath he chosen, and things that are not, to bring to nought things that are, that no flesh should glory in his sight.’ (1 Corinthians 1) But now all men in a manner will be wise, and therefore they are ashamed of the simple gospel; they are ashamed truly to say with Paul, and to perform it indeed, ‘I brethren, when I came unto you, did not come with excellency of words, or of wisdom, preaching the testimony of Christ; for I esteemed not myself to know any thing amongst you, but only Jesus Christ, and him crucified.’ (1 Corinthians 2) O voice of a true evangelist! But now we are ashamed of this foolish preaching, by which it hath pleased God to save all those that believe in him; and being puffed up with our own fleshly mind, we choose rather proudly to walk in those things which we have not seen, preaching fables and lies, and not the law of God, which is undefiled, converting souls.’ (Psalm 19) But how should they teach the law of God, which they have not once read in the books, much less learned at the mouth of God?

But in a pastor and a bishop this is required: ‘Thou son of man!’ saith God, ‘lay up in thy heart all my words which I do speak unto thee,’ etc.: and shortly after he saith, ‘Thou, son of man! I have ordained and given thee a watchman unto the house of Israel.’ ‘I have given thee,’ saith he; not coming in by ambition, nor thrusting in thyself, nor climbing in another way, but I gave thee when thou lookest not for it, that thou shouldst attend thereupon, and give warning from the top of the watch-tower, if any enemies should approach. I have given thee unto the house of Israel, and not the house of Israel unto thee, that thou shouldst acknowledge thyself to be the servant of the sheep, and not their lord; for I have not given the sheep for the shepherd, but the shepherd for the sheep.

He that sitteth down, is greater than he that doth minister and serve unto him: which thing was well known of him who truly said, ‘We are your servants for Christ’s cause.’

But for What purpose have I given thee unto the house of Israel? - that thou shouldst only minister the sacraments? consecrate wood, stones, and churchyards? (This, I take God to witness, with great sighs and groans I write unto you, pouring out before you the grief of my heart.) No truly. What then? First followeth the office of the bishop, ‘Thou shalt hear the word out of my mouth.’ This is but a short lesson, but such as all the world cannot comprehend, without they be inwardly taught of God.

And what else meaneth this, ‘Out of my mouth ‘thou shalt hear the word,’ but that thou shalt be taught of God? Therefore as many as are not taught of God, although they be ever so well exercised in the Scriptures by man’s help, yet are they not watchmen given by God; and much less the\; that do not understand and know the Scriptures. And therefore such as these be, lest they should keep silence, and say nothing, are always harping upon the traditions and doctrines of men, that is, lies: for he that speaketh of himself, speaketh lies. Of these it is written, ‘They would be doctors of the law, not understanding what they speak, neither of whom they speak.’ (1 Timothy 1) Such of necessity they must all be, who speak that with their mouth, which they do not believe, because they are not inwardly taught of God, neither are persuaded in their hearts that it is true: and therefore they are to be accounted as sheep, although they boast themselves to be shepherds. But contrariwise, touching the true and learned pastors given by God, it may be truly said, ‘We speak that which we know, and that which we have seen (even with the infallible eyes of our faith) we do witness:’ (1 John 1) and these are neither deceived, neither do deceive. Moreover, the deceivers proceed to worse and worse, erring themselves, and bringing others also to error, and because they are of the world, the world doth willingly hear them. ‘They are of the world,’ saith St. John, ‘and therefore they speak those things which are of the world, and the world giveth ear unto them.’ (1 John 4) Behold, reverend father! this is the touchstone of our daily preaching. Hath not the world given ear unto them now a long time with great pleasure and delight? But the flesh could never suffer the preaching of the cross, nor yet the wisdom of the flesh, which is enemy unto God, neither is subject unto his law, nor can be. And why then are they accused to be heretics and schismatics, who will not seek to please men, but only to their edifying? being mindful of that place of Scripture, ‘God hath dispersed the bones of them which please men, saying unto them, Speak unto us pleasant things.’ (Isaiah 30) But now, letting these matters pass, we will come unto the second point, wherein you ask how a man should preach better? Forsooth, if we had heard him of whom the Father spoke, saying, ‘This is my dearly beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, hear him;’ who also, speaking of himself, said, ‘It was meet that Christ should suffer, and rise again the third day from death, and that in his name repentance and remission of sins should be preached unto all people.’ What other thing is that, than the same which the other evangelists do write, ‘Go ye into the whole world, and preach the gospel unto every creature: he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved?’ (Matthew 28) What can be more pleasant, sweet, or acceptable unto afflicted consciences, being almost in despair, than these most joyful tidings?

But here, whether Christ have been a long time heard, I know not, for that I have not heard all the preachers of England, and if I had heard them, yet till it was within this year or two, I could not sufficiently judge of them. But this I dare be bold to affirm, that as many as I have heard of late preach (I speak even of the most famous), they have preached such repentance, that if I had heard such preachers of repentance in times past, I should utterly have been in despair. And to speak of one of those famous men (not uttering his name), after he had sharply inveighed against vice (wherein he pleased every godly man, forasmuch as it could not be sufficiently cried out upon), he concluded, ‘Behold,’ said he, ‘thou hast lien rotten in thine own lusts, by the space of these sixty years, even as a beast in his own dung, and wilt thou presume in one year to go forward toward heaven, and that in thine age, as much as thou wentest backward from heaven toward hell in sixty years?’ Is not this, think you, a goodly argument? Is this the preaching of repentance in the name of Jesus? or rather to tread down Christ with Antichrist’s doctrine? For what other thing did he speak in effect, than that Christ died in vain for thee? He will not be thy Jesus or Savior; thou must make satisfaction for thyself, or else thou shalt perish eternally! Then doth St. John lie, who saith, ‘Behold the Lamb of God! that taketh away the sins of the world; and in another place ‘His blood hath cleansed us from all our sins;’ and again, ‘He is the propitiation for the sins of the whole world:’ (1 John 1) besides an infinite number of other places. What other tiling is this, than that which was spoken by the Holy Ghost, by the mouth of Peter, saying, ‘There shall be false teachers that shall deny the Lord Jesus, who hath redeemed them?’ And what followeth upon such doctrine of devils, speaking lies through hypocrisy? A conscience despairing, and without all hope, and so given over unto all wicked lusts, according to the saying of St. Paul, ‘After that they be come to this point, that they sorrow no more, they give themselves over unto wantonness, to commit all kind of filthiness, even with a greedy desire.’ For seeing that it is impossible for them to make satisfaction to God, either they murmur against God, or else they do not believe him to be so cruel, as they do preach and declare him to be.

The want of paper will not suffer me to write any more, and I had rather to speak it in private talk unto yourself; whereunto if you would admit me, I trust you shall not repent you thereof: and unto me (Christ I take to my witness), it would be a great comfort, in whom I wish you, with all your flock, heartily well to fare.

Your prisoner, and humble beadman unto God for you, THOMAS BILNEY.

Thus have you the letters, the abjuration, and the articles of Thomas Bilney. After this abjuration made, about A.D. 1529 the said Bilney took such repentance and sorrow 559 , that he was near the point of utter despair, as by the words of Master Latimer is credibly testified; whose words, for my better discharge, I thought here to annex, written in his seventh sermon preached before king Edward, which be these: “I knew a man myself, Bilney, little Bilney, that blessed martyr of God, who, what time he had borne his faggot, and was come again to Cambridge, had such conflicts within himself (beholding this image of death), that his friends were afraid to let him be alone. They were fain to be with him day and night, and comfort him as they could., but no comforts would serve. And as for the comfortable places of scripture, to bring them unto him, it was as though a man should run him through the heart with a sword. Yet for all this he was revived, and took his death patiently, and died well against the tyrannical see of Rome.” Again, the said Master Latimer, speaking of Bilney in another of his sermons preached in Lincolnshire, hath these words following: “That same Master Bilney, which was burnt here in England for God’s word’s sake, was induced and persuaded by his friends to bear a faggot at the time when the cardinal was aloft, and bare the swinge 560 . Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge again a whole year after 561 , he was in such an anguish and agony, that nothing did him good, neither eating nor drinking, nor even any other communication of God’s word; for he thought that all the whole Scriptures were against him, and sounded to his condemnation: so that I many a time communed with him (for I was familiarly acquainted with him); but all things whatsoever any man could allege to his comfort, seemed to him to make against him. Yet for all that afterwards he came again. God endued him with such strength and perfectness of faith, that he not only confessed his faith in the gospel of our Saylout Jesu Christ, but also suffered his body to be burned for that same gospels sake, which we now preach in England,” 33 etc.

Furthermore, in the first sermon of the said Master Latimer before the duchess; of Suffolk, 34 he, yet speaking more of Bilney, inferreth as followeth: “Here I have,” said he, “occasion to tell you a story which happened at Cambridge. Master Bilney, or rather saint Bilney, that suffered death for God’s word’s sake, the same Bilney was the instrument whereby God called me to knowledge. For I may thank him, next to God, for that knowledge that I have in the word of God; for I was as obstinate a papist as any was in England, insomuch that when I should be made bachelor of divinity, my whole oration went against Master Philip Melancthon, and against his opinions. Bilney heard me at that time, and perceived that I was zealous without knowledge, and came to me afterwards in my study, and desired me, for God’s sake, to hear his confession. I did so, and to say the truth, by his confession I learned more than afore in many years. So from that time forward I began to smell the word of God, and forsake the school-doctors, and such fooleries,” etc. And much more he hath of the same matter, which ye may see hereafter in the life of Master Latimer.

By this it appeareth how vehemently this good man was pierced with sorrow and remorse for his abjuration, the space almost of two years; that is, from the year 1529 to the year 1531 563 . It followed then that he, by God’s grace and good counsel, came at length to some quiet of conscience, being fully resolved to give over his life for the confession of that truth which before he had renounced. And thus, being fully determined in his mind, and setting his time, he tool; his leave in Trinity Hall, at ten o’clock at night, of certain of his friends, and said, that he would go to Jerusalem; 35 alluding belike to the words and example of Christ in the gospel, going up to Jerusalem, what time he was appointed to suffer his passion. And so Bilney, meaning to give over his life for the testimony of Christ’s gospel, told his friends that he would go up to Jerusalem, and so would see them no more 564 ; and immediately departed to Norfolk, and there preached first privily in households, to confirm the brethren and sisters, and also to confirm the anchoress, whom he had converted to Christ. Then preached he openly in the fields, confessing his fact, and preaching publicly the doctrine which he before had abjured to be the very truth, and willed all men to beware by him, and never to trust to their fleshly friends, in causes of religion. And so, setting forward on his journey toward the celestial Jerusalem, he departed from thence to the anchoress in Norwich, and there gave her a New Testament of Tyndale’s translation, and the Obedience of a Christian Man; whereupon he was apprehended and carried to prison, there to remain till the blind bishop Nixe 565 sent up for a writ to burn him.

In the mean season, the friars and religious men, with the residue of their doctors civil and canon, resorted to him, busily laboring to persuade him not to die in those opinions, saying, he should be damned body and soul if he so continued; among whom, first, were sent to him of the bishop, Dr.

Call, minister (as they call him) or provincial of the Grey Friars; and Dr.

Stokes, an Augustine friar, who lay with him in prison in disputation, till the writ came that he should be burned. Dr. Call, by the word of God, through the means of Bilney’s doctrine and good life, whereof he had good experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the gospel’s side. Dr. Stokes remained obdurate, and doth yet to this day; whose heart also the Lord (if it be his will) reform, and open the eyes of his old age, that he may forsake the former blindness of his youth. Another great doer against him was one friar Bird with one eye, provincial of the White Friars. This Bird was a suffragan in Coventry, and afterwards bishop of Chester, and was he that brought apples to Bonner 566 , mentioned in the story of Hawkes. Another was a Black friar, called Hodgkins, who, after being under the archbishop of Canterbury, married, and afterwards, in queen Mary’s time, put away his wife. These four orders of friars were sent (as is said) to bait Bilney; who, notwithstanding, as he had planted himself upon the firm rock of God’s word, was at a point; and so continued unto the end.

But here now cometh in sir Thomas More, trumping in our way with his painted card, and would needs take up this Thomas Bilney from us, and make him a convert after his sect. Thus these coated cards, though they could not by plain Scriptures convince him, being alive; yet now, after his death, by false play they will make him theirs, whether he will or no. This sir Thomas More, in his railing preface before his book against Tyndale, doth challenge Bilney to his catholic church, and saith, that not only at the fire, but many days before, both in words and writing, he revoked, abhorred, and detested his heresies before holden. And how is this proved?

By three or four mighty arguments, as big as mill-posts, fetched out of Utopia, from whence thou must know, reader, can come no fictions, but all fine poetry.

First, he saith, that certain Norwich men, writing to London, and denying that Bilney did recant, afterwards, being thereupon examined, were compelled to grant, that he, at his examination, read a bill 567 ; but what it was they could not tell, for they stood not so near as to hear him. And albeit they stood not so near, yet some of them perceived certain things there spoken, whereby they thought that he did revoke.

Some again added to those things spoken certain additions of their own, to excuse him from recantation.

First, to answer hereunto, and to try out this matter somewhat; roundly with Master More, let us see with what conveyance he proceedeth in this narration. “At his first examination,” saith he, “he waxed stiff in his opinions, but yet God was so good Lord unto him, that he was fully converted to the true catholic faith 568 ,” etc. And when might this goodly conversion begin? “Many days,” quoth he, “before his burning.” Here is no certain day assigned, but many days left at large, that he might have the larger room to walk invisible. Well then, but how many days these could be, I would fain learn of Master More, when he was not many days in their hands; no longer than they could send up to London for a writ to burn him. Belike then shortly after his apprehension, at the first coming of the friars unto him, by and by he revolted. A strange matter, that he, who two years before had lain in such a burning hell of despair for his first abjuration, and could find no other comfort but only in returning to the same doctrine again which before he had denied, utterly resigning himself over to death, and taking his leave of his friends, and setting his face with Christ purposely to go to Jerusalem, voluntarily there to fall into the hands of the Scribes and Pharisees for that doctrine’s sake, should now so soon, even at the first brunt, give over to the contrary doctrine again. It is not likely. “God was so good a Lord unto him,” saith Master More. That God was a good Lord unto him, very true it is: but that God did so turn him indeed, to be a member of that Romish church, that hath not Master More yet sufficiently proved. To affirm without proof or demonstration in matters of story, it is not sufficient. But what hath been done indeed, that must be proved by good evidence, and special demonstration of witnesses, that we may certainly know it so to be.

It followeth moreover in Master More: “And there lacked not some,” saith he, “that were sorry for it.” No doubt but that if our Bilney had so relented, some would have been very sorry therefore. But what one man in all this sum, in all Norwich, was sorry; that Master More must specify unto us before we believe him: so well are we acquainted with his poetical fictions. But how else should this notation of Master More seem to run with probability, if it were not watered with such additions? He addeth moreover, and saith, “And some wrote out of Norwich to London, that he had not revoked his heresies at all, but still did abide in them.” This soundeth rather to come more near to a truth; and here is a knack of Sinon’s art, 36 to interlard a tale of untruth with some parcel of truth now and then among it, that some things being found true, may win credit to the rest which are utterly false. And why then be not the letters of these Norwich men believed, for the not recanting of Bilney? “Because,” saith he, “afterward, they being called to examination, it was there proved plainly to their faces, that Bilney revoked.” By whom was it proved? “By those,” saith he, “who at his execution stood by, and heard him read his revocation himself,” etc. What men were these? or what were their names? or what was any one man’s name in all the city of Norwich, that heard Bilney recant? There Master More will give us leave to seek them out if we can, for he can name us none. Well, and why could not the other part hear Bilney read his revocation as well as these? “Because,” saith More, “he read so softly that they could not hear him.” Well, all this admitted, that Bilney read his revocation so softly that some could hear, some could not hear him, then this would be known, what was the cause why Bilney read his revocation so softly; which must needs be either for lack of good will to read, or good voice to utter. If good will were absent in reading that revocation, then it appeareth that he recanted against his own mind and conscience: if it were by imbecility of voice and utterance, then how followeth it, Master More! in this your narration, where you say, that the said persons, who could not hear him read the bill, yet notwithstanding could hear him rehearse certain other things spoken by him the same time at the fire, whereby they could not but perceive well, that he revoked his errors, etc. Ah Master More! for all your powder of experience, do ye think to cast such a mist before men’s eyes, that we cannot see how you juggle with truth, and take you tardy in your own narration? unless peradventure you will excuse yourself, ‘per licentiam poeticam,’ after the privilege of poets and painters: for you know the old liberty of these two, ‘Pictoribus atque poetis ‘Quidlibet audendi semqer fuit aequa potestas.’ Now if this vein of yours, which so extremely raileth and fareth against the poor martyrs and servants of Christ, be so copious, that you dare take in hand any false matter to prove, and to make men believe, that Bilney died a papist, yet the manner of handling hereof would have required some more artificial conveyance: “Mendacem enim (ut scis) memorem esse oportet:” that men, although they see the matter to be false, yet might commend the workmanship of the handler, which (to say the truth) neither hanged with itself, nor beareth any semblance of any truth. But because Master More is gone and dead, I will cease any further to insult upon him, lest I may seem to incur the same vice of his, ‘in mordendo mortuos.’ Yet forasmuch as his books be not yet dead, but remain alive to the hurt of many, having therefore to do, not with him, but with his book-disciples, this would I know, how hangeth his gear together? Bilney was heard, and yet not heard; he spoke softly, and yet not softly! Some said he did recant; some said he did not recant. Over and besides, how will this be answered, that forasmuch as the said Bilney (as he saith) revoked many days before his burning, and the same was known to him at London, then how chanced the same could not be as well known to them of Norwich? who (as his own story affirmeth) knew nothing thereof before the day of his execution; then, seeing a certain bill in his hand, which some said was a bill of his revocation, others heard it not. All this would be made plain, especially in such a matter as this is, which he knew himself peradventure to be false: at least, he knew would be doubted, suspected, and contraried of a great multitude.

I pass now to his second reason, where he reporteth that the said Bilney, forthwith upon his judgment and degradation, kneeled down in the presence of all the people, and asked of the chancellor absolution from the sentence of excommunication; holding him well content with his death, which he confessed himself to have deserved, etc.

As touching the patient receiving of his death, I do well assent, although I do not think, that he had deserved any such for his doctrine. And as for his kneeling down in the presence of the people, upon his judgment and degradation, as I do not deny that he might so do, so I suppose again the cause of his kneeling not to be unto the chancellor, to ask absolution from his excommunication. And if he were assoiled from his excommunication, yet doth it not thereupon follow’ that he recanted, no more than before, when he came to Master Latimer in his study, humbly to be confessed and assoiled from his sins, as the blindness of that time then led him. But whether he kneeled down, and was assoiled or no, neither was I there to see him, nor yet Master More himself; and therefore, with the like authority as he affirmeth, I may deny the same, unless he brought better demonstration for his assertion than he doth, having no more for himself; but only his own, aujtohumble spirit, and not fully resolved touching that matter of the church, yet it followeth not thereby (as is said), that he revoked his other articles and doctrine by him before professed.

The like answer may also be shaped to his third reason, where he saith, that certain days after his judgment, he made great labor that he might receive the blessed body of Christ in form of bread, which the chancellor, after a great sticking awhile, at length did grant, perceiving his devotion thereto, etc. Whereunto I answer as before, that it is not impossible, but that Bilney might both hear mass, and desire to receive the sacrament: for in that matter it may be that he was not resolved otherwise than common custom then led both him and many others. Neither do I find in all the articles objected against Bilney, that ever he was charged with any such opinion, concerning either the mass or the sacrament; which maketh me think that he was yet ignorant, and also devout as others then were.

Also fourthly, be it admitted, as Master More saith, that in receiving of the sacrament, he, holding up his hands, should say the collect, “Domine Jesu Christe:” and coming to these words, “Ecclesiae tuae pacem et concordiam,” he knocked upon his breast, divers times repeating the same words, etc.: all this being granted to Master More, yet it argueth no necessary alteration of his former doctrine, which he preached and taught before. And yet if I listed here to stand dallying with Master More in the ‘state inficial,’ 40 and deny what he affirmeth, how will he make good that which he saith? He saith, that. Bilney, kneeling before the chancellor, desired absolution: then, coming to mass full devoutly, required to see the body of Christ in form of bread, repeating divers times the words of the collect, “Domine Jesu Christe,” etc. By what argument proveth he all this to be so? Master More in his preface before the book against Tyndale so saith: ergo it is certain. If Master More had never made fictions in his writings beside, or had never broken the head of verity in so many places of his books as I could show him, then might this argument go for somewhat. But here I ask, Was this Master More present at the judgment of Bilney? No. Or else, what registers had he for his direction? None. Or else, by what witnesses will he avouch this to be certain? Go and seek these witnesses, good reader! where thou canst find them; for Master More nameth none. Only because Master More so saith: that is sufficient!

Well, give this to Master More: although he hath cracked his credit so often, and may almost be bankrupt, yet let his word go for payment at this time, and let us imagine all to be oracles that he saith; yet nevertheless here must needs remain a scruple: for what will Master More, or (because he is gone) what will his disciples say to this; that if Bilney was before assoiled upon his judgment (as they pretend), how was he then afterwards degraded? what assoiling is this, to be forgiven first, and then to be punished after? Again, if he were (as they surmise) converted so fully to the catholic faith, and also assoiled, why then did the chancellor stick so greatly for a while, to housel him with the body of Christ in form of bread? I am sure that if Christ had been here himself in form of his own flesh, he would nothing have stuck to receive him, being so converted at the first. To be short: If Bilney was so graciously reduced to the holy mother the catholic church, repenting his errors, and detesting his heresies, and now being in no purgatory, but being a very saint in heaven, as ye say he is: why then did ye burn him whom ye yourselves knew should be a saint? Thus if ye burn both God’s enemies, and God’s saints too, what cruel men are you!

But here you will allege perhaps your law of relapse, 41 by which the first fall is pardonable, but the second fall into heresy is in no case pardonable; for so standeth your law, I grant. But how this law standeth with the true church of Christ, and with his word, now let us reason. For this being a law not of politic or civil government (where such laws be expedient for public necessity), but being only a mere law ecclesiastical, what a cruel mother-church is this, that will not and cannot forgive her children, rising and repenting the second fault or error committed, but needs must burn their bodies, that their souls may be saved from the painful passion of purgatory, whom nevertheless they know forthwith shall be blessed in heaven? If God do save them, why do you burn them? If God do pardon them, why do you condemn them? And if this be the law of your church, according to your doctrine, to burn them at the second time, though they be amended; how then doth this church agree with the word of Christ, and the nature of his true spouse, that only seeketh repentance and amendment of sinners? which once being had, she gladly openeth her bosom, and motherly receiveth them whensoever they return. Wherefore, if Bilney did return to your church (as ye say he did), then was your church a cruel mother, and unnatural, which would not open her bosom unto him, but thrust him into the fire, when he had repented.

Furthermore, how will you defend this law by the word of God, which, in express words, teaching all bishops and pastors, by the example of Christ the great bishop of our souls (being compassed about with temptations, that he might have the more compassion for them that be infirm), exhorteth all other spiritual persons by the like example, saying, “For every bishop which is taken from among men, is ordained for men in things pertaining to God, to offer gifts and sacrifice for sins, that he may be merciful to the ignorant, and to such as err; forasmuch as he himself is compassed about with infirmity,” (Hebrews 5) etc. Besides which Scripture, add also, that some doctors of the canon law, if they be well scanned, will not deny, but that they that be fallen in relapse, whether it be ‘vere,’ or ‘ficte,’ yet if they earnestly return from their errors before the sentence be given, they may be sent to perpetual prison in some monastery, 42 etc. Wherefore, if Bilney did so earnestly retract and detest his former opinions, so many days (as More saith) before his suffering, then needed not he to suffer that death which he did, but might have been sent to perpetual prison.

Thus, although I need not to stand longer upon this matter, being so plain, and having said enough, yet (briefly to repeat that which before hath been said) this I say again: first, if Thomas Bilney was assoiled from excommunication, and after that heard his mass so devoutly, and at the end of the mass was confessed, and consequently after confession was houseled, and lastly, asked mercy for contemning of the church, as Master More doth bear us in hand (to see now how this tale hangeth together), wily then did the chancellor stick so greatly to give him the sacrament of the altar, whom he himself had assoiled, and received to the sacrament of penance before; which is plainly against the canon-law? Again, the said Thomas Bilney, if he were now received to the mother-church by the sacraments of penance and of the altar, why then was he afterward degraded, and cut from the church, since the canon permitteth no degradation, but to them only that be incorrigible? Furthermore, if he, the said Bilney, being converted so many days before (as More pretendeth) to the catholic faith, was now no heretic, how then did the sentence pronounce him a heretic? or finally, how could they, or why would they, burn him being a catholic, especially since the canon-law would bear with him, to be judged rather to perpetual prison in some monastery, as is afore touched, if they had pleased?

Wherefore, in three words to answer to Master More: first, All this tale of his may be doubted, because of the matter not hanging together: secondly, It may also well be denied, for the insufficiency of probation and testimony: thirdly, If all this were granted, yet neither hath Master More any great advantage against Bilney, to prove him to have recanted; nor yet Master Cope against me, who, by the authority of Master More, seeketh to bear me down, and disprove my former story. For be it granted that Bilney, at his death, did hold with the mass, with confession, and with the authority of the Romish church, being an humble spirited man, and yet no further brought; yet all this notwithstanding proveth not that he recanted.

Forasmuch as he never held nor taught any thing before against the premises, therefore he could not recant that which he never did hold.

For the better demonstration hereof I will recite out of the registers some part of his teaching and preaching, as was objected against him by one Richard Neale, priest, who, amongst other witnesses, deposed against him for preaching in the town of Wilsdon, these words following 569 : ‘Put away your golden gods, your silver gods, your stony gods, and leave your offerings, and lift up your hearts to the sacrament of the altar.’ Also the said Master Bilney said in his sermon, ‘I know certain things have been offered in such places, which have been afterwards given to abandoned women; and I call them abandoned women, that be naught of their living,’ 43 etc. ITEM , By another witness, named William Cade, it was deposed against him, that he thus preached, ‘Jews and Saracens would have become Christian men long ago, had not idolatry of Christian men been, by offering of candles, wax, or money to the stocks and stones of images, set and standing in the churches,’ etc. ITEM , By the said deponent against Bilney: ‘The priests take away the offerings, and hang them about their women’s necks: and after that, they take them again from the women if they please them not, and hang them upon the images; and is not that a great relic, when it is hanged there again?’ ITEM , By the said deponent it was testified against Bilney, ‘That going on pilgrimage is naught, and that no man should use it, for it were better not, and rather to tarry at home, and give somewhat in alms, and offer your hearts, wills, and minds, to the sacrament, and leave your idolatry to saints.’ ITEM , By William Nelmis of Wilsdon, that Bilney should preach, ‘That they gild their gods, and bear them about, and men say they do speak; and if they do speak, it is the devil that speaketh in them, and not God,’ etc. ITEM , By Thomas Daly of Wilsdon, that Bilney thus preached, ‘You come hither on pilgrimage to stocks and stones. You do naught; keep you at home, and worship the sacrament at home,’ etc. ITEM , By friar John Huggen, that Bilney thus preached at Ipswich: ‘The coming of our Savior Christ was long desired, and by divers and many prophets prophesied, that he should come. But John the Baptist, more than a prophet, did not only prophesy, but with his finger showed, Behold the Lamb of God, that taketh away the sins of the world! Then if this were the very Lamb, which John did demonstrate and show, which taketh away the sins of the world, what injury is this bull of the bishop of Rome to our Savior Jesu Christ, that to be buried in the cowl of St. Francis should or may remit four parts of the penance? What is left to our Savior Jesus Christ which taketh away the sins of the world? This will I justify to be a great blasphemy against the blood of Christ,’ etc. ITEM , By another friar Julles, that Bilney thus preached: ‘I trust there shall and will[ come others besides me, who shall show and preach to you the same faith and manner of living that I do, which is the very true gospel of our Savior, whereby you shall be brought from your errors, wherein you have been so long’ seduced: for before this, there have been many that have slandered you and the gospel of our Savior Christ; of whom speaketh our Savior Christ, Matthew 18. Qui scandalizaverint unum de pusillis istis qui credide runt,’ etc.

Add moreover to these the testimony of Richard Seman, that Bilney in Ipswich should preach these words: ‘Our Savior Christ is our Mediator between us and the Father: what then should we need to seek for remedy to any saint inferior to Christ? Wherefore to make such petition to any, but to our Savior Christ, trusting thereby to have remedy, doth great injury to the blood of Christ, and deformeth our Savior Christ; like as if a man should take and strike off the head, and set it under the foot, and to set the foot above.

Thus much, being partly touched before, I thought here to insinuate again out of the registers, touching the opinions of Thomas Bilney; whereby may appear the whole sum of his preaching and doctrine to proceed chiefly against idolatry, invocation of saints, vain worship of images, false trust to men’s merits, and such other gross points of religion, as seemed prejudicial and derogatory to the blood of our Savior Jesus Christ. As touching the mass, and sacrament of the altar, as he never varied from himself, so likewise he never differed therein from the most gross catholics. And as concerning his opinion of the church of Rome, how blind it was at that time, may sufficiently appear by his own hand in Latin, which I have to show, as followeth: “Credo plerasque leges pontificias utiles esse, necessarias, et ad pietatem quoque plurimum promoventes, nec sacris Scripturis repugnantes, imo ab omnibus plurimum observandas, etc.

De omnibus non possum pronunciare, utpote quas non legi, et quas legi, nunquam in hoc legi, ut reprehenderem, sed ut discerem intelligere, ac pro virili facere, et docere. De multiplicitate legum questus est suo tempore St.

Augustinus, et item Gersonus, qui miratur quomodo nunc post lapsum inter tot laqueos constitutionum tuti esse possimus, quum primi parentes adhuc puri, et ante lapsum, et unicum praeceptum non observarint,” 44 etc.

Moreover, concerning the authority of the keys, thus he writeth, answering to his twelfth article, “Soli sacerdotes, ordinati rite per pontifices, habent claves, quarum virtuto ligant et solvunt (clave non errante 45 ); quod et facere eos non dubito, quamlibet sint peccatores. Nam sacramentorum efficaciam non minuit, nedum tollit, ministrorum indignitas, quamdiu ab Ecclesia tolerantur,” 46 etc.

By these words of Bilney, written by him in Latin, although it may be thought how ignorant and gross he was after the rudeness of those days, yet by the same notwithstanding it may appear, how falsely he is noted and slandered by Master More, and Cope my friend, to have recanted the articles, which he did never hold or maintain otherwise in all his life. And therefore (as I said) though it be granted to Master More, or in his absence to my friend Cope, that Bilney was assoiled, was confessed, and houseled before his burning, yet all this argueth not that he recanted.

Now that I have sufficiently, I trust, put off the reasons of Master More and others, whereby they pretend falsely to face us out, that Bilney the second time again recanted at his death, it remaineth, on the other part, that I likewise do infer my probations, whereby I have to argue and convince, that Bilney did not the second time recant, as he is untruly slandered. And first, I will begin even with the words and testimony of Master More’s own mouth, who, being lord chancellor, when message was sent to him for a writ of discharge to burn Bilney, spoke in this wise to the messengers that came, “Go your ways,” saith he, “and burn him first; and then afterwards come to me for a bill of my hand.” These words may give us evidence enough, that Bilney was not thought then to have recanted, for then the lord chancellor would not have been so greedy and hasty, no doubt, to have him dispatched. And how standeth this with Master More’s words now, who beareth us in hand, that he recanted many days before his burning?

The like evidence we may also take by the verdict of the bishop himself that burned him, whose words were these (after he had burned him, and then heard tell of Dr. Shaxton,) “Christ’s Mother!” said he (that was his oath), “I fear I have burnt Abel, and let Cain go,” etc.; as who would say, “I had thought before, that I had punished Cain, and let Abel go; but now I fear I have burnt Abel, and let Cain escape.” Hereby it is plain to understand what was the bishop’s judgment of Bilney, before his burning; that is, that he was a Cain, and the other an Abel: but after the burning of Bilney, the bishop hearing now of Shaxton, turneth his judgment, and correcteth himself, swearing now the contrary; that is, lest he had burned Abel, and let Cain go.

Furthermore, where the bishop feared, in burning Bilney, that he had burned Abel, what doth this fear of the bishop import, but a doubting of his mind uncertain? for who feareth that whereof he is sure? Wherefore the case is plain, that Bilney at his burning did not recant, as More reporteth.

For then the bishop, knowing Bilney to die a catholic convert, and a true member of the church, would not have feared, nor doubted, but would have constantly affirmed Bilney to have died a true Abel indeed. And to conclude this matter, if Bilney died an Abel, then the bishop, by his own confession, must needs prove himself to be a Cain, who slew him. What more dear probation could we bring, if there were a thousand, or what need we any other, having this alone?

Now, for testimony and witness of this matter to be produced, forasmuch as Master More allegeth none to prove that Bilney at his death did recant, I will assay what testimony I have on the contrary side, to avouch and prove that Bilney did not recant.

And forasmuch as Bilney was a Cambridge man, and the first framer of/,hat university in the knowledge of Christ, and was burned at Norwich, being not very far distant from Cambridge; there is no doubt but that amongst so many friends as he had in that university, some went thither to hear and see him. Of these one was Thomas Allen, then fellow of Pembroke-hall, who, returning the same time from Bilney’s burning, declared to Dr. Turner, dean of Wells, being yet alive (a man whose authority neither is to be neglected, nor credit to be distrusted), that the said Bilney took his death most patiently, and suffered most constantly, without any recantation, for the doctrine which he before had professed.

In the city of Norwich, Necton and many others be now departed, who were then present at the burning of Bilney: nevertheless some be yet alive, Whose witnesses, if need were, I could fetch with a little labor, and will (God willing) as time shall require. In the mean time, at the writing hereof here was one Thomas Russel, a right honest occupier, and a citizen of Norwich, who likewise, being there present on horseback at the execution of this godly man, beholding all things that were done, did neither hear him recant any word, nor yet heard of his recantation.

I could also add hereunto the testimony of another, being brother to the archbishop of Canterbury, named Master Baker, a man yet alive, who, being the same time present at the examination of Bilney, both heard him and saw him, when a Certain friar called him heretic: whereunto Bilney replying again made answer, “If I be a heretic,” said he, “then are you an Antichrist, who of late have buried a certain gentlewoman with you, in St.

Francis’s cowl, assuring her to have salvation thereby.” Which fact although the friar the same time did deny, yet this cannot be denied but Bilney spoke these words, whereby he may easily be judged to be far from the mind of any recantation; according as by the said gentleman it is also testified, that after that, he never heard of any recantation that Bilney either meant or made.

If I should recite all that here might be brought, I might sooner lack room in my book to contain them, than names enough to fill up a grand jury. But what need I to spend time about witness, when one Master Latimer may stand for a thousand, one martyr to bear witness to another? And though my friend Cope, pressing me with the authority of Master More, saith, that he will believe him before me; yet I trust he will not refuse to credit this so ancient a seignior, Father Latimer, being both in Bilney’s time, and also by Bilney converted, and familiarly with him acquainted; who being the same time at Cambridge, I suppose would inquire as much, and could know more of this matter, than Master More.

Touching the testimonial of Latimer I have noted before, how he, in three sundry places of his sermons, hath testified of “good Bilney,” of “that blessed Bilney,” of “saint Bilney;” how he died patiently, “against the tyrannical see of Rome,” etc. And in another sermon also, how the said Bilney “suffered his body to be burned for the gospel’s sake,” etc. Item, in another place, “how the said Bilney suffered death for God’s word’s sake.”

I may be thought perhaps of some to have stayed too long about the discourse of this matter; but the cause that moved, and half constrained me thereunto, was sir Thomas More, sometime lord chancellor of England, and now a great arch-pillar of all our English papists; a man otherwise of a pregnant wit, full of pleasant conceits; also for his learning above the common sort of his estate: esteemed no less industrious in his studies, than well exercised in his pen; who, if he had kept himself in his own shop, and applied to the faculty, being a layman, whereunto he was called, and had not overreached himself to prove masteries in such matters wherein he had little skill, less experience, and which pertained not to his profession, he had deserved not only much more commendation, but also longer life.

But forasmuch as he, not contented with his own vocation, hath, with Uzzah, reached out his unmeet hand to meddle with God’s ark-matters, wherein he had little cunning, and while he thinketh to help religion, destroyeth religion, and is an utter enemy to Christ, and to his spiritual doctrine, and his poor afflicted church: to the intent therefore, that he, being taken for a special ringleader and a chief stay in the pope’s church, might the better be known what he is, and that the ignorant and simple may see what little credit is to be given unto him, as well in his other false facing out of matters, as namely in this present history of Bilney’s recantation, I have diligently searched out and procured the true certificate of Master Bilney’s burning, with all the circumstances and points thereto belonging, testified not by some-says and by hear-says (as Master More useth), but truly witnessed, and faithfully recorded, by one, who, as in place and deuce he surmounteth the estate of Master More (though he were lord chancellor), so being also both a spiritual person, and there present the same time, coming for the same purpose the day before to see his burning, was a present beholder of things there done, aujto>pthv te kai< martu Thomas Bilney, after his examination and condemnation before Dr. Pelles, doctor of law, and chancellor, first was degraded by suffragan Underwood, according to the custom of their popish manner, by the assistance of all the friars and doctors of the same suit. This done, he was immediately committed to the lay power, and to the two sheriffs of the city, of whom Thomas Necton 570 was one. This Thomas Necton was Bilney’s special good friend, and sorry to accept him to such execution as followed; but such was the tyranny of that time, and dread of the chancellor and friars, that he could no otherwise do, but needs must receive him: who notwithstanding, as he could not bear in his conscience himself to be present at his death, so, for the time that he was in his custody, he caused him to be more friendly looked unto, and more wholesomely kept concerning his diet, than he was before.

After this, the Friday following at night, which was before the day of his execution, being St. Magnus’-day 571 and on Saturday, the said Bilney had divers of his friends resorting unto him in the Guildhall, where he was kept. Amongst them, one of the said friends, finding him eating of an ale brew 572 with such a cheerful heart and quiet mind as he did, said, that he was glad to see him at that time, so shortly before his heavy and painful departure, so heartily to refresh himself. Whereunto he answered, “O,” said he, “I follow the example of the husbandmen of the country, who, having a ruinous house to dwell in, yet bestow cost as long as they may., to hold it up. And so do I now with this ruinous house of my body, and with God’s creatures, in thanks to him, refresh the same as ye see.” Then, sitting with his said friends in godly talk to their edification, some put him in mind, that though the fire, which he should suffer the next day, should be of great heat unto his body, yet the comfort of God’s Spirit should cool it to his everlasting refreshing. At this word the said Thomas Bilney, putting his hand toward the flame of the candle burning before them (as also he did divers times besides 47 ), and feeling the heat thereof, “O,” (said he)” I feel by experience, and have known it long by philosophy, that fire, by God’s ordinance, is naturally hot: but yet I am persuaded by God’s holy word, and by the experience: of some, spoken of in the same, that in the flame they felt no heat, and in the fire they felt no consumption: and I constantly believe, that howsoever the stubble of this my body shall be wasted by it, yet my son\ and spirit shall be purged thereby; a pain for the time, whereon notwithstanding followeth joy unspeakable.” And here he much treated of this place of Scripture. 48 “Fear not, for I have redeemed thee, and called thee by thy name; thou art mine own. When thou goest through the water I will be with thee, and the strong floods shall not overflow thee. When thou walkest in the fire, it shall not burn thee, and the flame shall not kindle upon thee, for I am the Lord thy God, the holy One of Israel, thy Savior 573 .” Which he did most comfortably entreat of, as well in respect of himself; as applying it to the particular use of his friends there present; of whom some took such sweet fruit therein, that they caused the whole said sentence to be fair written in tables, and some in their books; the comfort whereof, in divers of them, was never taken from them to their dying day.